RECORDS OF THE PAST

New Series

_______________

BEING
ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS
OF THE
ANCIENT MONUMENTS OF EGYPT AND
WESTERN ASIA

EDITED BY A. H. SAYCE

VOLUME FIVE

___________________

CONTENTS

{p.v}

PREFACE

I HAVE again to deplore the death of one of my colleagues, Mr. G. Bertin, whose contributions to Assyriology had secured for him a foremost place in the small band of Assyrian scholars. Like M. Amiaud, he had especially devoted himself to the study of Sumerian, in which, therefore, his loss will be particularly felt. His valuable contribution to the third volume of the present series of Records of the Past on the precepts of early Sumerian agriculture was one of the last literary works upon which he was engaged.

The tablets discovered at Tel el-Amarna naturally continue to absorb a large part of the attention both of Assyriologists and of Egyptologists, so far, at least, as they have been published, since the collection contained in the British Museum is still, at the moment of my writing this, inaccessible to scholars. Repeated examination of the originals is clearing up doubtful points in the text and correcting the readings of the first copyists. Thus, as will be seen from the translations I give in this volume, the important passage referring to the deity worshipped at Jeru- {p.vi} salem which occurs in one of the letters of Ebed-tob, and which I have quoted in my preface to the last volume of the series, must be amended in more than one respect (see p. 72, line 16, and note 9). In another tablet published in the Mittheilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen, II. No. 39, the Rev. Dr. Scheil has pointed out that mention is twice made of "the Yaudu." In the Assyrian inscriptions of a later period the name of the Jews is written in the same manner, and the question accordingly presents itself whether the "Yaudu" of Tel el-Amarna can be identified with the descendants of Judah. The mutilated letter, however, in which the name is found is shown, both by its phonology and by the references it contains, to have been despatched from Syria, or at all events from the northern part of Palestine, where it is difficult to account for the presence of Jews. So far as the shattered condition of the tablet permits we may translate it as follows: "Thou hast made me stand in front of the great gate, and thou art my lord, and let my lord listen to the servants of his servant. Send Aziru thy servant into the places (for which) thou didst not commission (?) him, and let him defend the provinces of the king my lord. A second time (I say) to Dudu my lord: Hear the words of the kings of the country of Nukhasse (which) they have spoken unto me: Thy father with gold .... the king of Egypt, and ..... the end of his levy from Egypt and all the provinces and the soldiers of the Yaudu ... {p.vii} [thus] they have spoken ..... [send therefore] Aziru from Egypt, and now I will remove (?) the Yaudu from the country of [Tu]nip." Tunip was the modern Tennib, north-west of Aleppo, while Nukh-asse lay between Aleppo and Hamath. How any body of soldiers with the name of Yaudu could be found in this region is a puzzle.

Two inscriptions, however, discovered by German explorers, may hereafter help to throw light on the question. The more important of the two, now at Berlin, was found near Sinjerli, a little to the north east of the Gulf of Antioch. It is a monument erected by Bar-tsor in honour of his father Panammu, king of Samahla, who is mentioned among the tributaries of Tiglath-pileser III. The inscription, which is in Aramaean letters, refers to "Tiglath-pileser king of Assyria," the names both of Tiglath-pileser and of Assyria being written as they are in the Old Testament. The language of the inscription is to a certain extent Aramaic, but to a much greater extent Hebrew, and thus presents a philological problem of the highest interest, for the solution of which we must look to Prof. Sachau and his colleagues at Berlin. In any case it points to Hebrew influence in the extreme north of Syria as far back as the eighth century before our era.

The past year has added to our knowledge of Babylonian history and chronology. In the Academy of 5th September 1891 Mr. Pinches gives an account of the historical results of the American excavations {p.viii} at Niffer, the ancient Nipur. Not only have contemporaneous inscriptions of Sargon of Accad and his son Naram-Sin (3800 BC) been found there, but also texts of another king of the same age called Erimus. It seems probable that the name of a fourth king, Garde, belonging to the same period, has also been discovered.

Objects inscribed with the names of certain kings of the Kassite dynasty, one of which is new, have also been disinterred. Two of the names are written phonetically, and read Kadas-man-Turgu and Kadasman-Urbe, which, as Mr. Pinches points out, must signify "my trust is the god Turgu" and "my trust is Bel." This settles the reading of the name which I have given as Kara-Urus in the first volume of this series (p. 16), and which must accordingly be corrected into Kadas-man-Urbe, and it further shows that the identification of the latter with Kudur-Bel, the father of Sagasalti-Buryas, must be given up. Moreover, Mr. Pinches is clearly right in regarding Gandis, the founder of the Kassite dynasty, as identical with Gaddas, a prince who styles himself "king of Sumer and Accad," and "king of Babylon" (Babylonian and Oriental Record, I. 4).

The important fragments of the Babylonian Chronicle recently discovered by Mr. Pinches and translated by him in this volume, throw fresh light on the date to which the Kassite dynasty must be referred. We now know that Rimmon-suma-natsir, or Rimmon-nadin-akhi (for the name may be read {p.ix} either way), the 32nd king of the Kassite dynasty, drove the Assyrian conqueror, Tiglath-Uras, out of Babylon, and that the seven years reign of the latter has been omitted by the patriotic compiler of the list of Babylonian kings. Now Sennacherib tells us that when he conquered Babylon he recovered a seal of Tiglath-Uras which had been there for 600 years. The seal seems to have been made to commemorate the conquest of Babylonia by the Assyrian monarch, since the inscription upon it describes it as "the property of the land of Kar-Dunis," or Chaldea.¹ Sennacherib sacked Babylon 691 BC, and consequently the seal would have been engraved by order of Tiglath-Uras in 1291 BC. The Assyrian domination would have lasted till 1284 BC, which would accordingly be the first year of Rimmon-suma-natsir, and the Kassite dynasty would have come to an end in 1222 BC.

My conjecture, therefore, that the Babylonian
______
1 The account of the seal given by Sennacherib is as follows (W. A. I., iii. 4, No. 2): "[The seal] of Tiglath-Uras, king of multitudes, the son of Shalmaneser, king of Assyria; the property of the country of Kar-Du(nis). Whoever buries my writing (and) my name, may Assur (and) Rimmon destroy his name (and) his land. This seal accompanied the king from Assyria to Accad. I, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, after 600 years captured Babylon, and brought (it) out (and) carried (it) away from the treasure of Babylon. Whoever makes the seal legible (?) [ensures?] the preservation of my life. Tiglath-Uras, king of multitudes, the son of Shalman, king of Assyria; the property of the country of Kar-Dunis. Whoever buries [my writing and my name], may Assur and Rimmon [destroy] his name [and his land]. Whoever makes the seal legible (?) [ensures?] the preservation of my life. (This is) what (was) on the seal of crystal." Iktadin, "accompanied," has the same root as kidimt, a synonym of talmutu, "companionship." I read doubtfully SA PUR-RA PUR-RA GAR, "whoever makes (the seal) intelligible" or "legible." For the Sumerian PUR-RA in the sense of "interpreting" see W. A. I. , ii. 32, 67 ; iv. 16, 9.

{p.x}

princes who were contemporary with the Assyrian kings, Tiglath-pileser I and his son, belonged to the dynasty of Isin, is disproved, and we shall have to look for them among the kings of the Babylonian dynasty which succeeded the "Elamite" of unknown name (Records of the Past, New Series, I. p. 17). According to Sennacherib, the defeat of Tiglath-pileser I by the Babylonians took place 418 years before his own conquest of Babylon, and consequently 1109 BC. On the other hand, the "Second Dynastic Tablet" counts 120 years from the commencement of the reign of Rimmon-suma-natsir to the death of the "Elamite" usurper, which would bring us to 1102 BC. It is therefore evident that the compiler of it has included the seven years rule of the Assyrians in Babylon in the reign of Rimmon-suma-natsir, and that therefore the Kassite dynasty must have ended, not in 1222 BC, but in 1229 BC. The round number of 600 years given by Sennacherib for the length of time during which the seal of Tiglath-Uras remained in Babylon is seven years in excess, the error having been occasioned by the omission of the reign of Tiglath-Uras in the official lists of the Babylonian kings.

Between the date thus obtained and that given by Alexander Polyhistor from Berossos for the be ginning of the Assyrian dynasty at Babylon there is a difference of eleven years. We learn from the extract preserved in the Armenian Chronicle of Eusebios that after a short period of Assyrian {p.xi} domination in Babylonia, symbolised by the name of Semiramis, a dynasty of 45 kings governed the country for 526 years, and was followed by Nabo-nassar in 747 BC. The Assyrian domination consequently would have ended in 1273 BC, so that according to this calculation the conquest of Tiglath-Uras took place in 1280 BC. It is plain that we must read 536 for 526.¹

The Kassite dynasty will have begun in 1806 BC, that of Uru-azagga (or Tello) in 2174 BC, and that of Babylon in 2468 BC. The reign of Khammurabi will therefore have extended from 2356 BC. to 2301, and the raid of the Elamite Kudur-Nankhundi with Babylonia in 2285 BC will have happened in the reign of his son and successor. But too much confidence must not be placed in the earlier dates given in the dynastic tablets. The reigns of the kings are suspiciously long, and the same number of regnal years recurs with almost impossible frequency. Moreover, it is not till we come to the Kassite dynasty that any notice is taken of months as well as of years. I am therefore inclined to believe that the reign of Khammurabi must be placed about
_______
1 The six "Arab" kings mentioned by George the Synkellos are evidently the first six kings of the dynasty of Isin, though the regnal years attached to their names are wide of the truth. The Third dynasty of Berossos (as reported by Alexander Polyhistor) is the First dynasty of Babylon of the cuneiform tablets, the Fourth and Fifth dynasties representing the dynasties of Uru-azagga and the Kassites down to the conquest of Babylon by Tiglath-Uras. But the Greek writer has not divided his dynasties in the same way as the compiler of the tablets, and it has long been recognised that the number of years they are severally said to have ruled is impossible. The number of kings (58) belonging to the two dynasties of the Greek writer corresponds with the number of kings in the three first dynasties of the cuneiform record.

{p.xii}

seventy years later than the date assigned to it in the dynastic tablets, and to abide by the conclusions I arrived at in the first volume of this series, pp. 10, ii. Further discoveries can alone settle the matter. The length of time during which Babylonia was governed by Kassite kings must have left a deep impression upon the population. Accordingly, we find that in the Tel el-Amarna tablets the Babylonians are called the Kassi, or people of Kas, a name which appears in the Old Testament as Cush. The Babylonian conquests in Palestine and the profound influence they long exerted there, as revealed to us by the letters of Tel el-Amarna, at last show light on the personality and origin of Nimrod. The Hebrew or Canaanitish proverb which is quoted in Genesis in reference to him shows that he must have been a familiar figure in Canaanitish tradition, and the fact that he was the son of Cush which has, of course, nothing to do with Cush or Ethiopia indicates his Kassite origin.¹ The seat of Kassite supremacy was in Babylon and the adjoining cities; it never seems to have been very strong in Sumer or Shinar; and we can therefore understand how it could be said of Nimrod that "the beginning of his kingdom" was "Babel and Erech and Accad," Calneh or Kulunu being the only town in Sumer over which he claimed rule. Moreover, it was during the Kassite period of Babylonian history that the kingdom of
______
1 It may be noted that, according to George the Synkellos, the Chaldeans made war against the Phoenicians in the year of the world 3945, that is 1556 BC.

{p.xiii}

Assyria was founded, thus explaining the statement of Genesis, that the kingdom of Nimrod, which began in northern Babylonia, was continued in Assyria; as well as the passage in Micah (v. 6), where the parallelism proves that Assyria and "the land of Nimrod" are synonymous terms.

That Nimrod is to be identified with the hero of the great Chaldean Epic has been exploded by the discovery made by Mr. Pinches of the true pronunciation of the latter's name. This was Gilgames, a name which, as I pointed out in the Academy (8th November 1890), is found in Ælian (Hist. Anim. xii. 21) under the form of Gilgamos. Gilgamos was the grandson of the Babylonian king Sakkhoras, or Seuekhoros, who, in consequence of a prophecy that he should die by the hand of his grandson, imprisoned his daughter in a lofty tower. The daughter, however, contrived to marry a man of plebeian rank, and though the child which was born to them was thrown from the tower, he was saved by an eagle which caught him in mid-air, so that he survived to fulfil the prophecy. In the Gilgamos of the Babylonian legend we thus have the prototype of the Greek Perseus, the double, in so many respects, of Herakles. To pass from legendary to historical times, Dr. Oppert has made a discovery which explains the reason of the harsh measures adopted by Xerxes towards the Babylonians, and his destruction of the great temple of Bel. One of the contract-tablets published by Dr. Strassmaier is dated in the first {p.xiv} year of an otherwise unknown king of Babylon, Samas-erba. The witnesses whose names are attached to the contract show that it belongs to the reign of Xerxes, and consequently that the Babylonians must have taken the opportunity of the disastrous expedition of Xerxes to Greece to rise in revolt against their Persian masters and establish once more a king of their own. The return of Xerxes to the East brought with it the punishment of the Babylonian rebels.

A. H. SAYCE.

QUEEN S COLLEGE, OXFORD,
25th September 1891.

EQUIVALENTS OF THE HEBREW LETTERS IN THE TRANSLITERATION
OF ASSYRIAN NAMES MENTIONED IN THESE VOLUMES

N.B. Those Assyriologists who transcribe ש by sh use s for ס. The Assyrian e represents a diphthong as well as ע.

In the Introductions and Notes W. A. I. denotes The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, in five volumes, published by the Trustees of the British Museum.

{p.1}

THE STELE OF KUBAN
TRANSLATED BY PHILIPPE VIREY

THIS monument, discovered by Prisse d'Avennes in the Nubian village of Kuban, opposite Dakkeh (the ancient Pselchis), was removed by Count de Saint-Ferriol to the chateau of Uriage near Grenoble; a cast of it exists in the Museum of the Louvre. It consists of a semicircle in which offerings are represented, below which is a long text of 38 horizontal lines; the first half of the last 15 lines has been destroyed. The text has been published by Prisse d'Avennes (Monuments Egyptiens, pl. xxi.), and after him, but only as far as line 25, by Chabas (Les Inscriptions des mines d'or), and by Reinisch (Chrestomathie, pl. x.). It has been translated or studied by Birch (Archeaologia, xxxiv., and Records of the Past, 1st series, viii. p. 67); by Chabas (Les Inscriptions des mines d'or); by Brugsch (History of Egypt, Eng. edit., II. p. 80), Lauth (Sitzungsberichte der k. bayer Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Miinchen, 1871, II. p. 198), Erman (Egypten, pp. 617-619), Maspero {p.2} (Lectures historiques, pp. 47-49), and Schiaparelli (La Catena orientale de l'Egitto, pp. 86-87).

The stele of Kuban states that the working of the mines of El-Etbaye having been interrupted by want of water, King Rameses II remedied the evil by excavating a well. The fact is not very important in itself, and it seems at first as if the glorification of Rameses, which constitutes a principal part of the text, might have been reserved for a more worthy occasion. But we must not forget that the king, as son of the Sun, was the incarnation of divinity in the world of mortals. The action of the deity must be glorified in its humblest as well as in its most exalted manifestations. By introducing water into the desert, the union of which with heat brings about the reproduction of living things, Rameses carried life where it did not previously exist, and thus acted like the Creator. This explanation justifies the pompousness of the language about a matter so trivial, and at the same time enables us to understand the character of the offerings represented in the semi-circular part of the monument.

This part, surmounted by the winged solar disk, "the inhabitant of Hud, the great god who gives life and prosperity," is divided into a northern and southern side by a vertical line, where the following words are found, starting immediately from the winged disk, in order to communicate its gifts to the reigning king: "Ra-usor-ma Sotpenra. It is {p.3} said: I grant thee the gift of all life, continuance and prosperity; of all health; of all strength; of all power, of all power (sic), as the eternal Sun."

From the two sides of the cartouche of Ra-usor-ma Sotpenra¹ rise two serpents crowned with the white and red crowns, and representing the goddesses of the south and north. They hold suspended the symbol of life which they transmit from the disk and royal cartouche to the figures of Ammon the generator and Horus.

On the side of the goddess of the south, Ammon the generator, crowned with the white crown, stands on a support which represents the ma or symbol of truth, reality, and realisation,² and is in connection with his neck, transmitting by its influence to him the power of realising or producing. Above him are the words: "Ammon the generator in the bosom of the [arid]³ mountain, beloved of Ammon the generator, renovating [god], master of heaven." Behind him is an altar in the form of a door out of which grow flourishing persea-trees (?) We are reminded of what happened after the death of the bull in the story of the Two Brothers.⁴ But here, in place of the two fertilising drops of blood, we have two cups of wine
________
1 Placed immediately under the disk; see 5 lines above.
2 Objects became real when touched by the fair visage of the goddess Ma. See my Tombeau de Rekhmara, p. 149, note 2.
3 Perhaps there is here an allusion to the fecundity which the introduction of the water must have brought to the desert.
4 Papyrus d Orbiney, pl. xvi. 11. 8-10; pl. xvii. 1. "He (the bull) let fall two drops of blood ... the one on one side of the great gate of Pharaoh, and the other on the other side, and they grew into two great persea-trees."

{p.4}

offered by the king, which are to carry life to the desert. "Presentation," says the text, "of two vases of wine to father Ammon the generator in the bosom of the [and] mountain." Rameses II stands making the offering, crowned with the helmet out of which the uraeus issues. Behind his helmet hang two strings by which the winged disk with the end of its wing "communicates all life behind him (in his neck) as the eternal Sun."

Above the king, who holds the two vases of fertilising liquid, are the words: "[The work of] life [is performed] by the beautiful god¹ Ra-usor-ma Sotpenra, son of Ra, Rameses beloved of Ammon, giving life (by means of the fertilising liquid)." Thus on the side of the goddess with the white crown we see the principle of humidity brought by precisely that one of the agents of fertilisation which the king is about to create in the desert by means of a well. To continue the work of life heat is now required; this action will be represented to us on the side of Horus and of the goddess with the red crown.

Rameses II continues to stand, crowned as on the other side. As on the other side also, the winged disk with the end of its other wing "communicates all life behind him as the eternal Sun." The inscription placed above the king tells us that here we have "the beautiful god, Ra-usor-ma Sotpenra,
_______
1 Ankh-nuter-nofer. The sign ankh, which is not reproduced in all the publications of the text, is very visible on the cast in the Museum of the Louvre. I attribute to it a verbal sense ("performs life").

{p.5}

Rameses beloved of Ammon, who vivifies like the Sun"¹ that is to say, as I have just stated, by the action of heat. Hence it is no longer the generous liquid, the agent of fertilisation, but the flaming incense which the king presents, with the legend: "Burning incense² to father Horus, lord of Boki,³ he gives life." The offering is made to Horus, crowned with the pshent, and holding in the right hand the symbol of life which the goddess with the red crown transfers to him, and in the left hand the sceptre of prosperity. It is he, says the legend, "who gives all life and prosperity, all enlargement of heart." "I grant thee," he says to Rameses, "length of years as king." While presenting the incense he "repeats thrice⁴: Horus, lord of Bok[i]!" And the god answers him: "I give thee all foreign lands beneath thy sandals." There is here a double meaning.
________
1 Ti ankh Ra ma, "giving life like the Sun."
2 "Making incense." To burn incense after a libation was to prepare for the reproduction of that which has lived. See my Tombeau de Rekh-mara, p. 84, note 4; p. 90, 1. 12; p. 92, note 6, etc.
3 Identified by Brugsch with Aboccis, must be placed, according to Chabas, between Primis and the Second Cataract. There is here a sort of play on words, Bok being the name of the hawk, the attribute of Horus.
4 The operations of incensing, in order to prepare for a reproduction or a birth, are constantly repeated three times. The flame is made to ascend thrice on the altar, in order to prepare for the resurrection of Rekhmara (Tombeau de Rekhmara, p. 92), just as when Cyrene, desiring to revivify the bees of Aristasus, begins by invoking the humid principle:

" Oceanumque patrem rerum, Nymphasque sorores,"

and causes the fragrant flame to mount thrice on the burning altar:

Ter liquido ardentem perfudit nectare Vestam
"Ter flamma ad summum tecti subjecta reluxit."
Virgil, Georg. iv. 382, 384, 385.

This flame which rises and falls represents life which unceasingly mounts to heaven and redescends upon the earth. I have studied this question more in detail in Quelques observations sur episode d'Aristae, pp. 21-23.

{p.6}

The word set or test, which signifies "foreign countries," means also "the mountain" or "desert," in opposition to to-r ter-f, "the entire plain" or valley of the Nile, together with the Delta. The desert mountain is the domain of Set, the god of annihilation and sterility. The king representing Horus or the good principle, takes possession of this "foreign land" by introducing into it the water which brings life, and Horus assures to him the conquest of it.

We now reach the text in horizontal lines which contains the historical portion of the inscription.

{p.7}

THE STELE OF KUBAN

1. The year 3, the first [month] of the winter, the 4th day, under the majesty of the HORUS sun, the powerful bull, beloved of MA, lord of the diadems of the south and of the north, the protector of EGYPT, the restrainer of the foreign lands, the golden HORUS,¹ rich in renovations, the very powerful king of the south and of the north, Ra-usor-ma Sotpenra, son of RA, Ramses beloved of AMMON, the revivifier for ever and ever, beloved of AMMON-RA, lord of NES-TAUI,² prince of THEBES,
2. rising on the seat of the HORUS of the living,³ like the Father Sun,⁴ every day, beautiful god, lord of the land of the south, dwelling in HUD, mottled with plumes⁵ the beautiful silvery hawk,⁶ covering EGYPT with his wing and overshadowing⁷ the rekhit like a strong and powerful rampart,⁸ [he] who has issued forth
________
1 The king is compared with the Sun, burning like gold, who renews himself every day and renews the creation.
2 "The thrones of the two lands" (?), one of the names of Thebes.
3 The Horus of the living or of mortals is the king himself, likened to the rising sun.
4 The Sun is called "father" because his beneficent heat gives life to nature by producing vegetation.
5 The inhabitant of Hud is the solar disk with its feathered wings.
6 The sun shines like silver-gilt and soars like a hawk above the mountains of the valley of the Nile.
7 I suppose the shadow which relieves us at certain hours after the solar heat is itself considered a benefit of the sun, the solar disk being held to produce it by covering with its wings (see note 5) the space it wishes to protect.
8 Literally "which is (n for enti) strong and powerful."

{p.8}

3. from the loins,¹ ready to make use of his power to enlarge his frontiers. It is the might of MONTH which colours his flesh.² HORUS and SET have rejoiced in heaven the day of his birth.³ The gods [declare]: "It is our blood⁴ which is in him!" The
4. goddesses [declare]: "He has issued forth from us to exercise the sovereignty of RA!" AMMON declares: "It is I who have made him, to put (the goddess) MA in his place."⁵ The earth is assured at the same time that the heaven is tranquillised, at the same time that the divine essence is satisfied by his coming.⁶ Mighty bull against the vile Kusu,⁷ the wild beast⁸
5. who howls⁹ against the land of the NEGROES; his feet are crushing the PETTI,¹⁰ while his horn strikes the midst of them. His wishes rule in KHENT-HAN-NEFER,¹¹ his fear wins the country of KARI; his name revolves among
6. all lands, because of his exploits accomplished by his two hands. The gold of the mountain¹² comes
________
1 That is, who possessed his strength from his birth. The king enlarges his dominions by fertilising the desert and increasing the domain of life.
2 Literally "one has given colour to his flesh with the valour (valorous blood) of Month."
3 That is, his birthday has been a day of universal joy; moreover, the creation of a well in the desert conveys the benefits of the king to the domain of Set.
4 Literally "the gods are in [saying]: It is our seed in him."
5 That is, to assure the work of creation by the realisation (Ma) of existence notwithstanding the agents of destruction. Cf. the introduction.
6 Or perhaps "his action"; literally "his turn," "time" (Latin -vices).
7 Ethiopia.
8 The parallelism makes me believe, like Birch and Chabas, that kaha here signifies a fantastic monster like a griffon.
9 For this expression see M. Guieysse in the Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la philologie et a l'archaeologie egyptienne et assyrienne (1888), x. pp. 64-66.
10 General name of the barbarians of the desert, whether Bedouin or others.
11 The northern part of Nubia betweeen the First and Second Cataracts.
12 There is a double meaning in this phrase. It properly signifies the working of the gold mines of Nubia (of which the district of Aboccis).

{p.9}

forth at his name, in his character of Father HORUS, lord of the region of Boki.¹ The plain of EGYPT with the barbarous countries² [forms his] kingdom, in his character of HORUS, as well as all the Asiatic region and the region of BUHEN;³ king of the south and the north, Ra-usor-ma Sotpenra,
7. the legitimate son of RA,⁴ lord of the risings (of the sun),⁵ Rameses Meiamun, vivifier for ever and ever, in [his] character of the Father Sun,⁶ every day. Now his majesty was at MEMPHIS,⁷ performing his devotions to the divine fathers, all (of them), of the south and the north, in order that⁸ they might give unto him strength, valour, great duration of multitudes
8. in the matter of renovations.⁹ At that time¹⁰ behold his majesty seated on the silver-gilt throne, lifting above the crown the double feather,¹¹ in order to examine the countries from whence gold is brought, (and) to consider the project of excavating
9. wells on the waterless roads, having learned¹² that there was gold in abundance in the region of AKITA; formed part) in the name of the king; and the king is here called Father Horus because he is held to produce gold by virtue of his name. But allusion is also made to the appearance of Horus or the rising sun, whose brilliance gilds the summits of the eastern mountains, the domain of the hawk or Boki.
_______
1 Cf. the preceding note and note 3, p. 5.
2 The mountain regions in contradistinction to the plain of Egypt, including the Libyan and Arabian deserts and the oases. The other regions of Asia and Africa are named separately.
3 A region of Nubia, denoting the countries south of Egypt.
4 Literally "son of Ra, of his loins."
5 Allusion is made to the creative power of Pharaoh, owing to the connection between sunrise and birth.
6 See above, p. 7, note 4; Horus is the rising sun.
7 Literally "Behold his majesty at Memphis."
8 Ma, "so that." Ma, "thus" has here the value of the Latin "ita ut."
9 Renovations or renewals of days, existence, etc., assure stability in the creation by repairing losses.
10 Literally "one of these days being."
11 See note 5, p. 8. The god or king when he lifts up the double feather, the emblem of realisation, prepares himself to produce or create.
12 Literally "after having learned to know that while there is."

{p.10}

[but that] it being¹ entirely without water, complaints had come from
10. the workmen² who wash the gold as regards the place which had been assigned³ to them; seeing that those who had to come there⁴ die of thirst on the road, together with the asses which precede them, not finding⁵ enough to
11. drink, in ascending [or] descending with their water-skins.⁶ Consequently no gold is brought from this region, owing to the want of water. His Majesty said to the chamberlain, who was beside him: Summon the great men who are in our presence;⁷ [that]
12. his Majesty may deliberate with them about this region. As for me, I will accomplish the designs proposed.⁸ They⁹ passed over the spot before the beautiful god,¹⁰ their hands adoring him whom he represented,¹¹ with acclamations and prostrations before his beautiful face. The likeness of this region was described to them to [allow] them [to]
13. deliberate with the master¹² about the plan of making a well on the road to it. They said to his Majesty: ¹³ Thou who art ¹⁴ as RA (the Sun), in all that thou doest, that which pleases thy heart shall happen. ¹⁵ If thou desirest the plan in the night, the earth becoming light it is realised at once. ¹⁶ We who have
_______
1 Kher, "being."
2 Kari, "porters."
3 Literally "been made."
4 Literally "being that those who are to arrive towards (this place)."
5 Literally "not being found for them their requirement for drinking."
6 The distance was too great to allow of a sufficient amount of water being taken in skins, without being supplemented by water on the road.
7 In the neighbourhood of the royal residence.
8 Literally "in advance."
9 The great men.
10 The king.
11 N-ka-f, "of his double," the divinity of whom the king was the incarnation.
12 The king, literally "the chief."
13 Khet-f hon-f, face to his Majesty.
14 Literally "being thou as Ra."
15 "Is to happen."
16 Like the sun, conceived in the night to be born in the morning.

{p.11}

14. to consider the abundance of¹ thy marvellous acts since thy promotion as king of the two lands,² we have not heard, we have not seen that [anything] comparable³ has been produced. All that issues forth from thy mouth is as the words of HAR-MAKHIS.⁴ Thy tongue weighs, thy lips measure,
15. according to the exact weight of THOTH.⁵ What is there that thou knowest not, and who can discharge it like thyself?⁶ Does the plain bear a place which thou seest not,⁷ [and] there is no mountain whither thou dost not penetrate.⁸ It has come to thine ears
16. that it was thy turn⁹ to administer¹⁰ this earth. Thou [hadst] formed [thy] plans when thou wast in the egg,¹¹ and in all the conditions of infancy¹² (thou wert) hereditary prince. ¹³ Thou hast declared unto thyself the needs of the two lands when thou wast a child wearing the lock of hair. No monument ¹⁴ has been brought to a happy conclusion which has not been made by thee;
17. no mission has produced a result without thy consent. ¹⁵ Thou has exercised the supreme command of the army, ¹⁶ when thou wast a young lad of ten years.
________
1 "In the matter of."
2 The north and the south.
3 Literally "be that was production comparable to them" (thy acts).
4 Horus whose action extends to the two extremities of the horizon.
5 Thoth handled the balance in which the actions of the dead were weighed before Osiris, the weight he used being Truth.
6 Literally "accomplish that (to know everything) like thyself."
7 The king is like the Sun, which sees everything it illuminates, that is the whole world.
8 Literally "thou hast not performed the act of penetrating it." The plain represents Egypt, the mountain the countries of the foreigner.
9 Literally "thy turn has passed to thine ears that (kher) thou art administrator."
10 Each king administers the world, the domain of God, in his turn as aden or vicegerent.
11 Before birth.
12 When at the breast, when cutting the teeth, when beginning to walk, and when beginning to speak. Not a single moment of the royal existence has been lost to Egypt.
13 First son.
14 Or durable work.
15 Mkhemt-k, or perhaps "without thy knowledge."
16 Literally "thou madest the superior mouth of the soldiers."

{p.12}

No works can be fulfilled¹ but by thy hand which causes the creative action. If thou sayest to the water: Come upon the mountain! the [celestial] ocean² will issue forth
18. at once after thy word; because thou art RA (the Sun) incarnate, Khepra in his production of reality.³ Thou art the living image on the earth of thy father TUM⁴ of HELIOPOLIS; substantiality is in thy mouth; intelligence is in thy heart; the place of thy tongue is the temple of Truth,⁵ and divinity sits between thy lips. Thy words produce [existence]⁶ every day,
19. (and) thy thought is accomplished by the mediation of⁷ PTAH, the creator of works; as thou art the eternal,⁸ it is done according to thy designs, and all thy words are heard, O sovereign, our master. These things being said about the region of AKITA,⁹ the prince of the vile KUSH
20. said in regard to it,¹⁰ in the presence of his Majesty: Such is its condition, without water since the time of the god.¹¹ As one dies therein of thirst, it was
______
1 Literally "all the works are to produce (a result) by thy hand causing creation."
2 The Egyptians attributed to all waters a common source, the celestial ocean. It is thus that a curl of hair of the daughter of the gods, thrown into the river of the sky, reached the earth by descending the current and perfumed the waves of the Nile, in the capital itself of Egypt (Papyrus d Orbiney, pll. x-xi). I have examined this question in my Observations sur l'Episode d l'Aristde, pp. 18-21.
3 This phrase states clearly that the king creates by his word, that the creative power comes from the sun, of whom the king is the incarnation, and that the effect of this power is to produce actually and truly what has no existence, to bring reality out of nothingness.
4 Form of the Sun, who has accomplished his work.
5 Truth makes true that which has not as yet existence; the king therefore cannot deceive himself; when he has said a thing it comes into existence by the creative power of the word.
6 Zetu-k hir kheper, "thy words are in (the process of) realising themselves."
7 M sen r Ptah, "in passing by Ptah."
8 Literally "as thou art for enduring."
9 Literally "being the region of Akita these things said upon it."
10 The region of Akita.
11 Ra. See line 23.

{p.13}

the ambition of all the kings of old to make there a well; success did not attend them.¹ Thus,
21. King Seti I² did accordingly; he caused a well to be sunk 120 cubits in depth. In his time it was abandoned on the road, and the water did not flow from it. [But] if thou thyself sayest to thy father the NILE,³
22. the father of the gods: "Cause the water to rise on the mountain," he will act conformably to thy complete word, and conformably to thy complete designs, which are formed before us without our hearing them uttered aloud, because thy fathers, all the gods, love thee more than any king
23. who has existed since the god RA. His Majesty said to these great men: "True, true (is) all that you say and sound (?). No water has been extracted from this earth since the time of the god, as you say. It is I who will make here a well to give water for ever, as
24. a well according to the order of father AMUN-RA, master of Nes-taui, and the HORUS-masters of NUBIA;⁴ so that they shall be satisfied in their desires when I give the indications ....
25. [these great men set themselves]⁵ to adore their master, to bow to⁶ the ground, to throw themselves on their stomachs before [the king], and to raise acclamations to the height of heaven. His Majesty said to the master of the royal writings:⁷ ["At once let there be]
26. [given this mission⁸ to the prince of the vile KUSH:
______
1 Literally "their success did not produce itself."
2 Men-ma-Ra.
3 The ocean or humid element is, with the sun or heat, the essential agent of creation; like the sun, therefore, it has the title of "father."
4 To-qens.
5 We may supply something like un an uru apen, "these great men were" or "set themselves."
6 Literally "to smell."
7 Zet an hon-f (n) mer suten skha. Only n is effaced; mer is clear in the cast.
8 The beginnings of the last 13 lines are lost. With the help chiefly of other passages in the inscription, and of passages in the inscriptions of Radesieh relating to the same subject, I have conjecturally supplied a text

{p.14}

cause a well to be excavated at once halfway¹] along the road towards the valley of AKITA. Cause a month to become a day.² [This order] being conveyed
27. [by the master of the royal writings to the prince of the vile KUSH, conformably to the word of the beautiful god, the order being in writing made³] conformable (and) presented to him, behold he sets himself to assemble persons
28. [to sink the well. Now a certain number of days afterwards, his Majesty said in his thought: What]⁴ is this then that the prince has done? Is it that the water
29. [which is in the heavens has heard me? Is it that the water rises on the mountain as I have ordered? Is it that the road is practicable]⁵ towards the region of AKITA? No deed like (unto it) has happened since the (time of) the kings of old.
30. [There is abundance of water in immense quantities, like the source of the cataracts of ELEPHANTINE. It rejoins the river; it causes]⁶ the fish of its basins to make signs (?) to the fish of the DELTA (Antehu Atehu) to rejoice (?) in it; through the creation
31. [marvellous of his Majesty. The barks make evolutions on the water which is on the mountain⁷] as they
______
which would exactly occupy the vacant spaces. The conjectural text, the exactitude of which is of course not guaranteed, is inserted between brackets.
1 [Hir-tot r aput-tu n suten sa n Kush khasi r zet asi ammd shetu uat n khnumt m peseshf] n uat.
2 "Cause the day to produce a month." Perform in a day the work of a month.
3 Au kab tu [nen an mer suten skhau r pa suten sa n Kush khasi ma nti m zet n miter nofer au utti m skhau] ma rait.
4 R [shetiu khnumt kher ar m khet haru kennu hir sa nen un an hon-f hir zet m hati-f nima]u tar si na aru.
5 An au pa mu [nti m Duaut hir sotem na an au muper hir tep-tu ma utu na an au un ta] uat r test Akita.
6 [Au bah n set r adt urt ma tpih nu korti Abu khnum-f n atur tu-f] remu.]
7 M kemam [n buuaut n hon-f dnkh uza senb au uaa hir skatenu hir mu nti m tuu] ma hem hi mdu.

{p.15}

ply on the inundation. One arrived with a writing from the prince of the vile KUSH [to
32. say to his Majesty: As thou hast thyself said to thy father the NILE, the father of the gods; Cause the water to rise on the mountain, so is done]¹ that which thy Majesty has said with his own mouth. The water has risen there 120 cubits, being 4 cubits with them² in depth
33. ³ abroad, according to the plan which God⁴ has made, refreshing his heart in thy desires. No similar work
34. [has been achieved since the time of the god. There are bright pastures for the wandering shepherd; the king has amplified the land,⁵ being valiant; the region of A]KITA⁶......⁷ rejoice with great joy; those (men) who are afar
35. [set themselves to shout, to raise cries to the height of heaven, to adore their master, to bow down to the ground, to throw themselves on their stomachs in the presence of]⁸ the sovereign to whom the water in the sky is obedient, who has brought the water on the [mountain]
36. ⁹ from the prince to announce that which he had done: It is good to hear (?)
_______
1 R zet hon-f ankh uza senb ma zet-k zes-k n tef-k Hapi atef nuteru ammo, bes mu hir tep test kheper zett n hon-k.
2 Am sen (?).
3 I do not understand this passage sufficiently to risk a restoration. Perhaps the sense is: [the water of the well produces a stream which spreads] abroad.
4 Of whom the king was the incarnation on the earth.
5 The fertile earth amplified at the expense of the desert. See above.
6 An sop art inati zer rek Nuter khu aatetu n sau, skeb usekh to suten m per a test Akita.
7 The translation is uncertain. Perhaps the region of Negroes, perhaps the region of Tahonu is referred to.
8 Na unuauu [n retu hir hannu hir skebu r qa pe hir duau neb-sen hir sen-to rta hir khat m bah ti] pa hiq.
9 I can offer no further restorations of the text. More than three-fifths of the last lines has disappeared. We may imagine here something like: [His Majesty answered him who had come to him] from the prince.

{p.16}

37 ¹ have been accomplished the good and just plans called
38 ² this well the well of Ramses-Meiamun the valiant
______
1 We may supply [It is good to hear how] have been accomplished.
2 We may suppose this to mean: His Majesty ordered this well to be called the well of Rameses, etc.

{p.17}

A STELE OF KING SMENDES
(Twenty-first Dynasty)
TRANSLATED BY PROFESSOR MASPERO

KING SMENDES, the founder of the twenty-first Tanite Dynasty, has long eluded the researches of the Egyptologists. It is only three years ago that M. Daressy, assistant-conservator of the Museum of Cairo, had the good fortune to discover a monument belonging to him. He at once published the text and a translation of it under the title of "Les Carrieres de Gebelein et le roi Smendes," in the Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la Philologie et a l'Archeologie egyptiennes et assyriennes; x. pp. 133-138.

It was at Dababieh, opposite to Gebelein, some miles above Thebes, and on the right bank of the Nile, that he made the discovery. Quarries exist there of considerable size and of very hard limestone, which is as serviceable to the sculptor as to the builder; some of the quarries are open to the sky, others consist of large chambers excavated in the rock. In one place, on a column of the rock which has been left at the entrance of the quarry, is a {p.18} tablet in which Seti I declares that he had sent workmen to the city of Hathor, that is to say, to Gebelein, in order to extract the stone in large quantities for "the temple of Millions of Years of Menmari (otherwise, of himself), which is on the west of Thebes." This temple is that of Qurnah, and the inscription thus allows us to determine the spot from which a portion of the materials used in its construction had been brought. The quarry continued to be worked in Graeco-Roman times, as is proved by the graffiti copied in it by A. H. Sayce, and published by him under the title of "Inscriptions grecques d'egypte," in the Revue des Etudes Grecques, iv. pp. 46-48.¹

In the quarry situated about 30 yards to the south of that in which the tablet of Seti is found, the inscription of Smendes is engraved in beautifully formed characters on a large stele. The stele occupies the northern face of a column at the entrance of the quarry. About a third of the text at the commencement and about half of it towards the end has been destroyed by searchers for treasure. What remains is similar in appearance to the stele of Shishak I and Auputi at Gebel-Silsileh. Above the stele the solar disk expands its wings, flanked on the right by a vertical band which contains the
_______
1 [The Greek graffiti are four in number. One of them is dated in the reign of Antoninus Severus Caracalla, another in the "first year" of the joint reign of Elagabalus and Alexander Severus (AD 221), a third in the "11th year" of Alexander Severus (A.D. 332). The latter is dedicated to "Priotos, the greatest god, and Oregebthis and Isis Resakemis and the greatest gods with them." ED.]

{p.19}

words: "The good god, master of the two worlds, master of all action, Uzkhopirri Sotpuniri, son of the Sun, master of diadems, Nsbindidi Miamun." The band on the left, which has disappeared, probably contained the same legend.

Under the winged disk is a double scene of adoration. On the right the king Nsbindidi Miamun makes an offering to Amonra, "the god from whom is derived the Ennead of the two Egypts, the god who was at the moment of creation," as well as to Khonsu the master of Truth. On the left the offering was made to Amon the lord of Karnak, and to a divinity now destroyed, who was probably Mut.

The inscription comprises 17 lines written from right to left. The two first contain the full protocol of the king, which it is needless to translate here; the important part of the text begins in the third line.

{p.20}

STELE OF KING SMENDES

3. Now his majesty being in the city of HAIKUPHTAH,¹ his august residence, victorious and strong as RA, [in order to perform his devotion to PHTAH]
4. the master of ANKHTOM,² to SOKHIT, the great beloved one of PTAH, [to TUMU-KHOPRI], to MONTU, and to the circle of nine gods who reside in HAIT-SARU,³ while his majesty was seated in his audience-chamber [a messenger came to declare before]
5. his majesty: "It is the arm of southern⁴ water, situated on the border of the APIT of the South,⁵ dug by king Thothmes III, which proceeds [to ruin, for it is being drained away, and]
6. forming a great torrent which deeply channels (the ground) as far as the great opisthodoma of the temple extends to the back [of the building."⁶ His majesty said]
________
1 The sacred name of Memphis, from which the name of Egypt (Greek Aiguptos) is probably derived.
2 "Life of the two Egypts," the name of the quarter of Memphis in which the principal temples of the city were situated.
3 "The castle of the prince," the most ancient temple of Ra at Heliopolis, considered as having been the castle (half) or residence of Ra, when he was king of Egypt at the beginning of time.
4 I read Asinti in place of Anti given by M. Daressy; a confusion between the signs ris and a is very easy.
5 Thebes, on the eastern side of the Nile.
6 The word hu seems to me connected with the Coptic hioi, hoi "canalis," "rivus." The phrase is literally "Being in the condition of a great torrent which cuts (aquhu) greatly behind it (m-[sa-]f)." The word Sautu ait, with the determinative of "house," is a compound of sautu, "wall," and the adjective da. Hence the rendering "opisthodoma."

{p.21}

7. to them: "These words which you utter before me, there has been nothing in my time which has happened like them without my being informed of them [and without my having]
8. remedied the mischief which they describe.¹ If then this arm of water which nourishes the quarter² during the (proper) season of the year [has done this mischief, it has happened]
9. without my knowledge, and all this has taken place apart from the sovereign." His majesty then caused [workmen to be summoned]
10. (and) with them 3000 men selected from the serfs of his majesty,³ and his majesty gave commandment before them that they should hasten to the [country of the south, to look for a quarry in the]
11. mountain.⁴ Now the workmen of his majesty, from among those who are always at his feet,⁵ despatched a number of [persons who knew the country, in order to]
12. examine [the mountain. Now no one had] worked in this quarry since the time of long-past generations, until the present period of ANITI.⁶ [So they remained there, and restored?]
13. the chapel of the goddess Monit, the lady of ZORITI;⁷ then they executed that command which his majesty had established [about replacing those whom the work had]
14. worn out in the limbs, each month. When the orders
_______
1 Literally "[not] reconstructing that violence."
2 Literally "which pays tribute during the season of the year to the quarter."
3 The word translated "serfs" is rohuu, of which Dr. Bergmann (Recueil, T. x. p. 57, note 2) and myself have already given examples (etudes egyptiennes, II. pp. 82 sqq. ) I think it can be defined more closely than we have done, and shown to signify the "king's men," from whom compulsory labour was exacted in all departments of agricultural service, tillage, irrigation, cleaning out canals, etc.
4 We must read [khd]sit.
5 That is, who are always at his disposal.
6 "The two mountains." The present name of the locality, Gebelein, is the Arabic translation of the Egyptian word.
7 The ancient name of the town of Taud, 8 miles south of Luxor.

{p.22}

of the king arrived urging the prosecution of the works which he had commanded [the people of the country assembled without limitation]
15. of number, even the infants on the breast of their mother ran to cut [the stone for the buildings of his majesty. Never]
16. had anything happened like it in the time of (our) ancestors. Then his majesty came in his turn, like THOTH [who benefits by his acts, and gave rewards to the workmen]
17. for their cleverness, by way of recompense for their energy and courage, lifting himself up on the throne of the HORUS [of the living, even he king Nsbindidi who gives life like RA for ever].

The lacunae at the end of each line have not allowed me to translate all parts of this remarkable document with an equal amount of certainty. I have filled them up in the simplest manner I could, and have tried rather to find a probable meaning than to restore the context in its entirety; but I believe I have sufficiently grasped the sense of the narrative to make it clear to the reader. King Smendes was at Memphis when the events recorded took place; he occupied himself with matters which concerned Thebes, and gave orders to open a quarry at Gebelein. His power therefore extended over the whole of Egypt, or at all events from the First Cataract to the Mediterranean. There is nothing in the inscription which permits us to determine whether he was identical or not with the Hrihor Siamon of the Theban monuments; for my own part I am inclined to separate them, without, how- {p.23} ever, having as yet any definitive evidence on the subject.

The matter about which the inscription treats relates to the restoration of the buildings of the temple of Amon at Thebes. It seems that the piece of water and the canal made by Thothmes III, to which there seems to be a reference in the mutilated stele of that prince which is now in the museum of Gizeh,¹ were partly destroyed; the water had drained off from them and excavated a channel in the soil which extended from the front to the back of the principal edifice, thus endangering the safety of the latter. The king declares that he is constantly occupied in remedying all the disasters which have happened in his time, and that he will be able to remedy this fresh one. The measures which he takes to ensure the rapid execution of the work are very interesting; unfortunately the lacunae do not allow us to learn them all. I think I can see that he employed compulsory labour by means of relays of men changed each month, in which all the population of the districts around Gebelein had to take part. The passage in which it is said that "even the infants on the breast of their mother ran to cut [the stone]," is less hyperbolical than we should be tempted to believe. Even to-day, when a corvee has been ordered for the repair of a canal, the women who are employed in carrying the earth in baskets come with their children at the breast,
_______
1 It has been published by Mariette: Karnak, pl. 12.

{p.24}

and since the suckling of infants is prolonged to a late period in Egypt, infants (nekhinu) may be seen playing and babbling in groups by the side of the labourers.

The stele, intended to commemorate the opening of the quarry, is silent on the works which were undertaken at Thebes. But the restoration took place and must have left traces behind it. It would perhaps be useful to make excavations in the neighbourhood of the lake of Thothmes III. We should have a chance of discovering there, it may be, an inscription which will complete the text of Dababieh, it may be a cartouche which will allow us to determine indubitably what parts of the building were attacked by the water and subsequently consolidated by king Nsbindidi or Smendes.

{p.25}

THE LISTS OF THE PLACES IN NORTHERN SYRIA AND PALESTINE CONQUERED
BY THOTHMES III
BY THE REV. H. G. TOMKINS

THE following are the lists of the places in Northern Syria and Palestine conquered by Thothmes III of the Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty, and engraved on the walls of his temple at Karnak, as given in Mariette's Karnak (plates 20, 21, 25, 26) and in his Listes Geographiques, etc. (1875), and described in his Itineraire de la Haute Egypte. The identifications proposed for the names contained in them embody the results of many years study and consultation with Prof. Sayce, Prof. Maspero, and other scholars. Some of the identifications go back to Mariette, others are due to Maspero, Brugsch, Lenormant, Conder, and Noldeke. Since Mariette and Brugsch first worked at them our knowledge of the equivalences between the sounds of the ancient Egyptian language and of the Semitic dialects has become more exact. The first copies of the names, moreover, have been corrected and recorrected. A considerable proportion of the identifications proposed {p.26} in the following pages may therefore be regarded as definitively acquired by science.

The copies of the names originally made for Mariette by Vassalli have been since revised by Mr. Golenischeff in the Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache, 1882, pp. 145 sq. and by Prof. Maspero in the Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la Philologie et a Archeologie egyptiennes et assyriennes, vii. 2, 3, 1886, pp. 94 et seq. Last winter the Palestine list was further collated with the original by Mr. Wilbour and Prof. Sayce, who have found, among other things, that the third name ought to be Kh(a)zai, and not "Khaai," as was previously read.

In examining the North Syrian list I have derived great assistance from Key's Memoire sur le Nord de la Syrie (1873), and Carte de la Montague des Ansaries, Burton and Drake's Unexplored Syria (1872), Neubauer's Geographie du Talmud (1868), Sachau's Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien (1883), and the Carte du Liban of the French War Office (1862). For the Palestine list reference should be made to Prof. Maspero's "Names of the List of Thothmes III which may be assigned to Judaea," in the Transactions of the Victoria Institute for 1888 (vol. xxii.), and his List of Galilee, Trans. of Victoria Institute for 1886 (vol. xx.)

The names amount in all to 355, the last five of which are destroyed. The first 119 are described as belonging to "the Upper Rutennu," which, an analysis of them shows, must denote Palestine. But {p.27} a careful study of them also shows that in order to increase the number of the Pharaoh s conquests and fill the surface of the wall, the same name or names have been sometimes repeated, while at other times such descriptive terms as " the country," "the meadow," "the tilled land," or "the spring," have been reckoned as separate geographical titles. The lists seem to have been compiled from the memoranda made by the scribes who accompanied the king on his military expeditions; this will account for the repetition of the same name under slightly different forms.

The discovery of the Tel el-Amarna tablets has informed us that in the age of the Eighteenth Dynasty the Babylonian language and system of writing were known and used throughout Western Asia. This raises the presumption that some at least of the names in the lists were originally written in cuneiform, a presumption which is confirmed by an analysis of no. 284 in the North Syrian list.¹ There is no need of drawing attention to the light shed by the names not only upon the early geography of Syria and Palestine, but also upon the history and languages of the Hittites and the Canaanites.

The lists are engraved in more than one place. They occupy the wall of the southern pylon built by Thothmes III at Karnak, and also the northern wall at the western end of the temple.

In transliterating the names the vowels have been
_______
1 [No. 110 in the Palestine list seems conclusively to point to the same fact. ED.]

{p.28}

represented only where they occur in the hieroglyphic original, the outstretched arm being denoted by a. Variant spellings are given in many cases, and it must be remembered that r and l in ancient Egyptian are expressed by the same characters. The determinative of "country" is denoted by the double obelus (‡), and the single upright line which signifies "one" in the hieroglyphics, as well as the sign of the plural, is represented by a dash (―). Lost characters are represented by brackets [ ].

Sachau's Reise are referred to as "Sachau," Porter's Syria and Palestine (1875) as "Porter," and the geographical references in the Palestine list are to the great map of the Palestine Exploration Fund.¹

It will be understood that I give the suggested identifications with different degrees of reserve. Many are ascertained with certainty. It would be impossible within our limits to define the shades of probability in others. And of course I am only giving my contribution as the result of many years of study, but with no assumption of authority.

It is right to mention that I have from time to time communicated the results of these studies to the Society of Biblical Archaeology in 1883, 1885, and 1887; and also at the Bath meeting of the British Association in two papers, since published in the Babylonian and Oriental Record, vol. iii.
_____
1 [In my own references "D" means Dumichen's Historische Inschriften, and "W" the edition of the Tel el-Amarna tablets in the Berlin Museum, published by Winckler and Abel: Mittheilungen aus der orientalischen Sammlungen, parts 1-3. ED.]

{p.29}

LIST OF THE PLACES IN NORTHERN SYRIA CONQUERED BY THOTHMES III

120. PILTA-U (plural). Perhaps this may be the ancient coast-town, Paltos, now Balden, some distance north of Aradus.
121. AI ‡, or A-IA ‡. Kefr Aya, south of Homs, may be this locality, unless it refers to the coast land, Heb. i.
122. AMATU‡. The district of Hamath. Assyrian Amatu.
123. [ ]R-THU‡. Artu, Brugsch, Geog. Inschr., ii. 35, pi. xix. 104. Now, 1 think, Arada, south-east of Tokat (124). See Sachau, 459.
124. THUKA. Tokat, east of Trmanin (125).
125. TR-MAN-NA. Trmanin, north-east of Dana. Comp. Tr-b, No. 190.
126. R-GABA. Now Rehab, east of Trmanin. Comp. Rugia of the Middle Ages, now Riha.
127. TUNIPA. An important place, identified by Noldeke with Tennib or Tinnab, south of Ezzaz. The Dunip of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, in danger from the Hittites. A Hittite town in the time of Rameses II.
128. Erased, except a at the end.
129. Erased.
130. ZAR-BU‡. Zirbe, or Zerbi, south-west of Aleppo.
131. SHPKHASHA. Perhaps es-Safikh, between Aleppo and Riha (see Sachau, 102); with suffix sha, as in No. 143.
132. NII, or NIIA‡. An important city, described by Thothmes III as situated in Nahrina (Mitanni), on or near the Euphrates. Perhaps the Ninus Vetus

{p.30}

of Ammianus Marcellinus. See Lenormant, Origines de l'Histoire, iii. pp. 316, etc.
133. Erased.
134. AR―‡. Assyrian Ara, mentioned with Khasu. Tell Ar near the district of el-Khass. See Sachau, 454.
135. Z-PIZ-R. I think, after much speculation, that this name is now represented by Safirieh, south-east of Tell Ar (or Ara), and near the salt lake es-Sabakha. The second z-sign may be an error of the sculptor or of the scribe.
136. ZK-AR―. Compare Nos. 197 and 271.
137. Z-N-RT. May be pronounced Zlt.
138. AANAMA. Ghanama, in the Sajur valley (Sachau, 159).
139. AR-Z-KNA. This is exactly the eretz Kanneh of Ezek. xxvii. 23, mentioned with Kharran and Eden. I think it was west of the Belikh river. [Comp. the country of Kannu at Medinet Habu, D. xii. v. 7. ED.]
140. KHAL-KAKHI. The reading of the last syllable appears uncertain. Perhaps Khalkitis, east of Euphrates. Comp. No. 174.
141. ZUR-SU‡. Compare "Zarsu, a mountain of silver," mentioned in an old Babylonian geographical list. (W. A. I., ii. 51. No. 1.)
142. L-LTI ‡. This seems to be the Lalati of Shalmaneser II, east of Euphrates, in the district of Bit-Adini (the Eden of Ezek. xxvii; see above, No. 139).
143. SA-R-QA-SHA. The Assyrian Sirqi, viz. Kirkesion on Euphrates, now Kerkesieh. The terminal suffix sh is still retained from the classic form. Compare No. 131 above.
144. Erased.
145. UANAI. Perhaps el-Awene, with a tel, north-east of Kerkesieh (No. 143), on the Khabur river. But it may be el Aouani, south of Kala at em Medik.
146. AAUNFL―. This name corresponds with Kefr Anfil, 20 miles to the north of el Aouani, and west of Ma'aret en-No'aman.

{p.31}

147. IATAKHAB.
148. AUNIAUQA. This appears to be the fortified place Anaugas, one of the three great fortresses taken by Thothmes III in his 34th year. The Annucas in Mesopotamia, mentioned by Procopius as rebuilt magnificently by Justinian, "beyond Kirkesion." This name and situation point to Anka, where there are ruins, on the western bank, some 60 miles (apparently) below Kerkesieh.
149. [ ]ZNA. Comp. No. 215.
150. SAQ-KH(?)I.
151. AUB-R-RINA. Like Nahrina, an Aramaic plural. Perhaps "the meadows" (Heb. abet).
152. ZAN RI-UNSU. May be read Zaliunsu.
153. SU-QA‡. Comp. Nos. 204, 259.
154. PAZ-RU. The Pa is the Egyptian article, zru being the Assyrian zeru, "plain," as in Zar-basana, "the field of Bashan," the Ziri-Basana of the Tel el-Amarna tablets. The place may be er-Zar, Der on Euphrates. "The official name of Der on Euphrates, with its large district, is still Zor" (Sachau, 263).
155. SATKHBG‡. Evidently contains the name of the supreme Hittite god Sutekh. For the second part of the compound compare Suki-bki (No. 259), and the names of the Hittite towns Ma-bog and Dabigu.
156. AMAR-SKI. Here we have the name of the Amorite, read elsewhere Amar and Amaur. [Comp. the names of the countries Sirme-ski and Aimar at Medinet Habu; D. xii. 2. 3, 5., 5. 4. ED.]
157. KHAL-LSA (perhaps Khalasa). The name seems identical with the present Khalessa, west of Mem-bidj.
158. NNUR-MAN-ZA. Notice the discerpible suffix -za. Cf. the modern names Mardib and Mardib-za, north of Ma'arret-en-No'aman, in illustration.
159. SHAIUR-N'THA. Surunu is mentioned with places in the Bit-adini district by Shalmaneser II. (Records of {p.32} the Past, New Series, iv. 62), but Saurana (almost the Egyptian name) is a place some distance to the east of Ezzaz.
160. MAIR-RKHNASA. Comp. No. 177. Identified by Lenormant with the Urrakhinas of Tiglath-pileser I. in the land of Qurkhi. [Mairrekh-nas or Murrekh-na seems to be the same as Murrukhe, the name given by the king of Mitanni to his kingdom in his letter to the Egyptian king. ED.]
161. Z-GRL―. Comp. Nos. 197, 271. In the Travels of the Mohar mention is made of the country of Degar-al, "Degar of God," on the road to Hamath. Degar would be an Aramaic form of Zegar.
162. Erased, except det. of a town.
163. QA―N R-TU (read QARETU). Perhaps Karat, west of Ezzaz.
164. TA-RIZA‡. Perhaps Teridja, north of Ezzaz.
165. Erased.
166. AN-RIZ―. Read Ariz, apparently the Heb. erets, "country." Comp. No. 319. Perhaps to be read with the next name.
167. AAR-SA―. Comp. Nos. 213, 236.
168. KH-Z-L-ZAU, or KHAL-ZAU. The name occurs in the time of Ramses II, KH-LIZ. See Brugsch, Geog. Ins., ii. 74, pl. xxiii. 253.
169. AR-NIR―. Arinara on the Euphrates, above Balis (Lenormant).
170. KHATAAIIA. Cf. No. 279. Compare Khatia in a record of Tiglath-pileser II. (Wo lag das Paradies?, 301), and Hethin, north of Aleppo. [Apparently means "Hittite." ED.]
171. Erased.
172. A[ ]UR-ZNA.
173. THNU-ZAUR―. Possibly this may now be Tezar, a ruined place east of Edlip (Sachau, 102). Maspero compares "the country of Sonzar" mentioned by Amonemheb. [Cf. "the country of Zaur" at Medinet Habu; D. xii. 6, 2; also No. 154. ED.]
174. KAKHA‡. Comp. No. 140.

{p.33}

176. KHAZA[ ]. This may be completed as Khazazu (Assyrian), the modern Ezzaz, a very important place in ancient history, a little north of Tunip (Tinnab) and to the north-east of Arpad (Tel-Erfad) and Aleppo.
177. M―R-R-KHNA‡. Compare No. 160. Possibly the present Murkan, north-east of Ezzaz.
178. Erased, except det.‡
179. TUL[ ]A[ ] | or perhaps DUR[ ]A[ ]‡.
180. ZARI[ ].
181. SA[ ].
182. Erased.
183. Erased.
184. ANAUBENU―(plural). Comp. Anau-gas, Anau-tasenu.
185. KHATUMA. Possibly Katma, north of Menesie. The name occurs in the Travels of the Mohar, as that of a place near Aleppo.
186. MANGNASA―. Perhaps Menesie, south-east of Ezzaz. [The name is written Maqnasa‡ at Medinet Habu; D. xii. 3, 3 ED.]
187. TPKN-NA. Perhaps Doukena, south-east of Ezzaz.
188. THUTHNAU (plural). Tutun, east of Killis.
189. NIR-B‡. Nirab, south-east of Aleppo. [The name is written Nariba in a Tel el-Amarna tablet given in this volume, xviii. 3I.¹ ED.]
190. TR-B|. Tereb, south-west of Aleppo. [Called Trbusa by Ramses III. at Medinet Habu, who places it between Atu (No. 191) and Thirna (No. 260). ED.]
191. ATUGRN―. Dukarnun, north-east of Aleppo. [Divided into two countries, Kama and Atu, at Medinet Habu (D. vii. 1, 2; xii. 4, 6). The name is plainly compounded with that of the goddess Atha, Kama being probably geren, "horn," as in the name of Ashtoreth-Karnaim. ED.]
_______
1 [Nariba is associated with the Hittites, as Niriba is in the Vannic inscription of Argistis on the rock of Van, where Argistis states that he overran it on his way to Malatiyeh. See Records of the Past, New Series, IV. p. 134, line 13. ED.]

{p.34}

192. ElAl[ ].
193. AN-T[ ].
194. SA-[ ].
195. SHAMABU [det. of plant names]. The determinative implies that Shamabu or Shambu signifies some species of plant. Comp. No. 227.
196. NlSHAPA, Or NlASHPA.
197. AZ-KR―, or "the district of Z-KR ." Comp. Nos. 136, 271.
198. ABATA.
199. ZIR-SA. Comp. No. 141.
200. AAUTIR. [Compare the country of Atar at Medinet Habu, where it precedes Maqnasa (No. 186); D. xii. 3, 2. ED.]
201. NATUB.
202. ZTAR-ST. Comp. Nos. 216, 223. A seal at Aleppo bore the name in Phoenician letters, Melek-satar (G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries , p. 426).
203. AITUA. This name and the next may be perhaps referred to the Itu'a and Sukkia mentioned by Sargon in his Khorsabad inscription: Itu'a, an Aramaean people, and Sukkia a town of uncertain position, but connected in the narrative with Pappa. Compare No. 253.
204. SUKAUA. Comp. Nos. 153, 259.
205. TUAUB. Perhaps Kefr Tob, north of Hamah. Kafar-Tab (Muqaddasi). Tuab of the Talmud, apparently (Geog. du Talmud, 398). Comp. No. 262.
206. ABA-L-TTH. Perhaps to be read Abiloth, "meadows."
[At Medinet Habu the country of Abal is named between Aauri and Mitanni (see No. 208), D. xii. 6, 8. ED.]
207. SHAIRNAKAI. Sarnuca, on east of Euphrates, opposite to Barbalissus.
208. AAUR-MA. Urma gigantos (Maspero), the present Urum, west of Euphrates, above Birejik. Identical with No. 313. [At Medinet Habu the country of Aauri is named just before that of Mathna or Mitanni; D. xii. 6, 7, vii. 2. ED.]

{p.35}

209. [‡TNAI. Perhaps Batnse, between Kharran and the Euphrates. Paddan; and apparently the name lingers at Tel Feddan.
210. [‡TNATA.
211. SHAIANAUR-GN'NA.
212. KAINAB‡. Cannaba, between Edessa and the Euphrates. Compare the Kinabu of Assurnazirpal.
213. AL-S‡. See No. 236. The country is called Alashiya in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, placed by Maspero in the northern part of Coele-Syria (Recueil, x. p. 210).
214. ANAU-TNA. Anadon, north-west of Aleppo.
215. AZ-NA. Possibly ed-Djineh, west-south-west of Aleppo. Comp. No. 344.
216. ZA-TARSTA. Perhaps Der Seta, north of Edlip, west of ed-Djineh, and not far from Der el-Benat. See NO. 202.
217. TUL-BNTA, or DUR-BNTA. Prof. Maspero proposes to identify this with Der el-Benat, the Castrum Puellarum of Eastern Latin Chronicles, a fortified village nearly midway between Aleppo and Antioch. The real derivation is doubtless from Banit, the creating goddess. Compare Dur-ummu-banit, built in Babylonia by Khammurabi. This is a very good identification. Clearly the Dh-r-b-n-th of Geog. du Talmud, 418.
218. MAUTI. Lenormant proposed Mut-Kinu of Shalmaneser II. But I think it may be a shortened form of the Yari-muta of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, which I believe to be Armuthia, south of Killis. Compare No. 318.
219. NAAPI.
220. AKHMRUR―, or AKHMAAUL. This may be Akhmul, modern Akhmil, east of Tennib (Tunipa, No. 127).
221. ATUR―. "The country of Ya'turu " (writes Lenomant), "one of the districts of Patin." This would agree with the region in question.
222. KARTAMRUT. The former element I have always taken as equivalent to Qiriath. Prof. Maspero agrees in this view, and divides the name accord- {p.36} ingly, making the latter part "Amrouti." I find Marata, west of Tennib, in Rey's map of North Syria, and, some distance north of Marat, or Marata, curiously enough is marked Karat. Here we seem to have both parts separate.
223. ASITA, or "district of Sita." Compare Nos. 202, 216.
224. TANIRS.
225. EIANU. "Ianu the great" was one of the important triad of fortresses taken by Thothmes III, the others being Anaugas (see No. 148) and Harankal. These were all, as I believe, commanding positions on the Euphrates. This place I take to be the modern Einyah, west of the river, south of ed-Der (see No. 154). The name is also written with the determinative of "water."
226. AT-BANA or AT-BANTI. This seems to involve the name of Atha the goddess. It seems to be the ancient Dabana on the Belikh, modern Dahabanieh. See No. 191. If the reading At-banti is right, we seem to have the name of the goddess conjoined with the title of ban(t)tt't "creatress."
227. ASHAMB. "Asimu of the cuneiform documents," says Lenormant, "on the west bank of the Euphrates." This is evidently the Yasimah on Euphrates which Dr. Neubauer proposes to identify with Yasinia of the Talmud (Geog. du Talmud, 293). Comp. No. 195.
228. ATAKAR. Idicara, on the west bank of the Euphrates, between Anatho (Anah) and Is (Hit). [The name of the goddess Atha seems to be contained in it: cf. No. 191. ED.]
229. TA-ZT. Perhaps Zaitha, east of Euphrates, 20 miles south of Kirkesion (see No. 143). [The corrected copy of the Treaty between Rameses II and the Hittites, made by M. Bouriant, seems to show that Zaiath or Zai was the Hittite word for "country"; see Recueil) xiii. p. 160. ED.]
230. ARTNU. Cf. No. 260.
231. TAAKMR-[ ]. Cf. No. 261.

{p.37}

232. AABATA. Obtin, south of Sarmeda (see No. 234). Cf. No. 198.
233. AR-[ ]. Possibly Armenas, south-west of Sarmeda.
234. SARMATA, Sarmeda, west of Aleppo.
235. AN-ZQAB.
236. AL-SA‡. Now known to be the Alashiya of the Tel el-Amarna tablets. See No. 213.
237. AL-TA, or the "district of Rta." Perhaps Alatis, near Sura, on Euphrates, on the western side.
238. ATAU (plural), or the "district of Tau." Perhaps Athis, west of Alatis.
239. Erased.
240. KHN [ ]A[ ].
241. 242, 243. Erased.
244. A[ ].
245. Erased.
246. KHAL-BU. Khelebi, on west of Euphrates, Assyr. Bit-Khalupe. [Called the country of Khalb by Ramses III at Medinet Habu; D. xii. 2, 2. ED.]
247. FARIUA. Lenormant identified this very well with Paripa, west of Euphrates, south of the Sajur.
248. SSBN‡. Sazabe of the Assyrian annals: a fortified town of the kings of Karkemish.
249. KTASHA[ ]. A sanctuary (Kadesh). Prof. Sayce suggests Diancz fanum at Zelebi, opposite to Khelebi, No. 246.
250. 251. Erased.
252. SUR‡. Sur, west of Euphrates, capital of the Shukhites in Bit-Khalupe. Lenormant adopts this. Modern Suriyeh. [Called the country of Siri at Medinet Habu, where it precedes Atar (No. 200); D. xii. 3, 1. ED.]
253. PAPAA.
254. NUZ-NA.
255. Z-MAUKA. Es-Semmuga, south-east of Aleppo (see Sachau, 114).
256. [ ]ANAI.
257. KN'ASKHU. Perhaps Khan Shekhun, north of Hamah, or possibly es-Shikha, west of Hamah.

{p.38}

258. Erased.
259. SUKIBAKI. Comp. Nos. 153 and 155.
260. TARNU. Perhaps Kefr Torin, west of Hamah. [Called "the country of Thirna" at Medinet Habu by Rameses III, who places it after Trbusa (No. 190); D. vii. 4. ED.]
261. KAMRU [def.] Prof. Maspero suggests to me that the determinative ("house") shows this to be a Hittite word for "house" or "fortress," perhaps "temple." There is a place Kammara, south-west of Aleppo (Sachau).
262. ATUBA , or "district of Tuba." Comp. No. 201.
263. ATHINI. Assyrian Atini, north of Hamath. Atin is a place west-south-west of Ma'arat en-No aman (Unexplored Syria, ii. 208).
264. KARSHAUA. Cf. No. 282.
265. L-TA-MA.
266. [ ]THN-Z . Perhaps Teftanaz, south-west of Aleppo.
267 to 269. Erased.
270. KAR-KAMASHA. Carchemish, Assyrian Gargamis, now Jerablus, on the west bank of the Euphrates, a little north of its junction with the Sajur. [At Medinet Habu the name of Karkamash follows immediately that of Mathna or Mitanni; D. xii. 6, 10. ED.]
271. ZAZ-QAR , or ZAZ-QAA. See Nos. 136, 161, 197.
272. MAUR-MAR―. Cf. Hittite personal name Maur-sir. [Also Maul-nusa or Maur-nusa at Medinet Habu; D. xii. 6, 4. ED.]
273. SATA[ ].
274 to 278. Erased.
279. KHAITU. Cf. No. 170. Possibly Ghadi, west of the Sajur (Sachau.) [Evidently "the Hittite." ED.]
280. PDRI‡. Pethor (as suggested by Brugsch), the Pitru of the Assyrian records. A Hittite name (says Shalmaneser II.) The same name as Pteria, now Boghaz-keui, a great Hittite capital in Cappadocia.
281. ATLITNU (plural). The name suggests Tultan, north east of Aleppo. But it must be Thilati Comum, east of Euphrates, and not far from Ledjah (No. 283).

{p.39}

282. MASHAUA. The "land of Shaua" is mentioned in the Mohar's Travels, in the neighbourhood of Aleppo.
283. AN L-KA, or perhaps AN'AKA. Assyrian Alligu, east of Euphrates, modern Ledjah, below Karkemish. [Comp. the country of Alkan at Medinet Habu; D. xii. 4, 3. ED.]
284. NPIRIIURIU. I think this must have been a place called by Thothmes III. Neferu-ra (riya), after his favourite daughter, and transliterated from a cuneiform document. See Proc. S. Bib. Arch., xi. 78.
285. NAKDINA. Assyrian Nuqudina mentioned with Khazu (? Jebel Hass) and Ara (? Tel Ara). See No. 134.
286. ATT A MA.
287. ABR-NNU. Aboron, below Anatho. But compare the name of the Afrin river, the Assyrian Apre.
288. AIR-N L. Perhaps Airan north of Birejik.
289. AIR-N L. (Identical with 288.)
290. ANNAUI. If the chick u is written by mistake for the duckling z it will be Annazi, west of the salt lake es-Sabakha.
291. TAKNU. Perhaps Tel Tokan, south of the marsh el-Matkh.
292. TALKH, or DARKHA. Perhaps Tell Abu-Deriha, near the salt lake es-Sabakha (Sachau, 113). Maspero proposes Dolikhe in Komagene, north of Aintab. [I should read Tarkha, and compare the name of the Hittite god in the Assyrian forms, Tarkhu-lara, Tarkhu-nazi. ED.]
293. AAUR-NA. I think this is Tel Aran.
294. R-MAN'AI. This seems to involve the name Ram-manu (the god Rimmon). There is a place called Bel Ramun near Aleppo. Rimmon was the god of Aleppo.
295. Erased.
296. PAPA[ ]. Perhaps Paphara (Ptolemy, v. 15, 13).
297. ATAK[ ]. [The Anthak of Medinet Habu, named after Aauri (No. 208), D. vii. 3. ED.]

{p.40}

298. AR-SHA[ ].
299. MARI[ ].
306. IBR―. Comp. No. 287, and the name of the river Afrin.
307. QAR-MATIA. Khan Karamata, on the descent from the Beilan Pass to the Umq plain; "ruins of a great town of antiquity" near. (Sachau, 464.)
308. AMAIQ-U (J)lurat). Doubtless, as Major Conder proposes, the Umq plain, near Antioch. "Amyces Campus" "the corn-store of all Syria " Sachau. Ameuk Keui is near the lake of Antioch.
309. KAZAL―. The mountain Kizil Dagh, or Kizil Kaia, in Amanus, seems to preserve this name.
310. AAUMAIA. Perhaps this name survives in Amfguli [= lake] on the way from Antioch to Aleppo; or is it possibly Imma, Imm?
311. KHAL-BU‡. Aleppo (Haleb), still the head-quarters of a very extensive province, as in the days of Thothmes III. It had a Sutekh (god Set) of its own in the treaty of Rameses II. The Assyrian form of the name is Khalvan.
312. PI-AUN-R. It should be read Pi-aur, and I think the name is identical with Pieria, the mountain district north-west of Antioch.
313. AAURMA. The plain of Antioch (see No. 308) is called "sometimes the Umq of Uerem" (Ainsworth, Researches in Assyria, etc., p. 299). But perhaps the name is Arima, a name given by the Greek geographers to the Cilician Taurus (see Perrot, Rev. des Deux Mondes, 1886, p. 330). Comp. No. 208.
314. SAMALUA. I have seen in this the Samalla land of the Assyrians, the Hittite mountain region north of Patina. This would suit exactly. [Comp. Sama[l]i at Medinet Habu; D. xii. 6, 5. ED.]
315. AAKAMA. Akma Dagh, the mountain range north of Pieria (No. 312).
316. PUR-TH‡. Heb. P-rath. Assyrian Purattu, the Euphrates. There was still a district of Euphratesia

{p.41}

in later times. There is a place called el-Burat, south of Jerablus (Karkemish), east of Euphrates.
317. SAR-R-SU. Saresu was an important place in the treaty with Rameses II, with a Sutekh of its own. It must be the present Sarisat or Sresat, with ruins, west of the Euphrates and opposite to el-Burat. (Sachau.)
318. ARIPNKHA. Have we here the Assyrian ati, "city"? [This name seems identical with that of the country A[ri]pakha at Medinet Habu; D. xii. 5, 8. ED.]
319. ARIZ. Oriza, between Euphrates and Palmyra. See No. 166. [Probably intended for the Semitic erets, "country." ED.]
320. PUQIU.
321. [ ]U.
322. THINNUR―. Cf. Thannurium in Mesopotamia, near the upper course of the Khabur (Procopius, p. 57).
323. ZARNASA. Tsauran, east of Ezzaz.
324. NUR-NASA. Kefr Nuran, south-west of Aleppo.
325 to 332. Erased.
333. IURIMA‡. Urim, west of Aleppo. There are two places of the same name on the way to Keftin (Porter, 578), and another near Riha (Baedeker, 563), all in the same ancient district.
334. SIN[ ].
335. TH[ ].
336. A[ ].
337. SHARR[ ]. Perhaps Shara, east of Turmanin, west of Aleppo.
338. THITHUPA. Tetif, north-east of Aleppo.
339. A[ ].
340. Erased.
341. Z[ ].
342. Z-R-KHU[ ].
343. SHUSA-RNU (plural). Cf. the name Sisaurana at the head of the Khabur (in Babelon's map).
344. AZAN-NIU. Perhaps Atshan, south-east of Ma aret en No aman (Unexplored Syria, ii. 201, 205).
345. ABSHATNA.

{p.42}

346. AMAHUR , or perhaps AMAPUR.
347. TAMAQUR. Cf. the name of the city Ta-Makhir with the determinative of "sky," and of the country Pa-Maqar with the same determinative (Chabas, Etudes, 26. ed. p. 216, xix. p. 110.) It would appear that Makhir or Maqar signified "heaven."
348. R-TEP‡. (dh Aramean = ts Hebrew) Rezeph (2 Kings xix. 12; Isaiah xxxvii. 12), as proposed by Lenormant. Assyrian Ratsapa. The Arzapi of the Tel el-Amarna tablets (Academy, 1889, 47, Sayce). Modern Rsafa (Sachau). [At Medinet Habu, Rthp is mentioned just before Math[n]a or Mitanni; D. xvii. ED.]
349. MAURIQA. This must surely be Murik, north-north east of Hamah, with "two tells, one conspicuous" (Unexplored Syria, ii. 170). 35. A[ ].
The last five names which follow are erased.

P.S. Prof. Erman compares Anaugas (No. 148) with the Nukhasse of the Tel el-Amarna tablets. See Records of the Past, New Series, iii. p. 68.

{p.43}

LIST OF THE PLACES IN PALESTINE CONQUERED BY THOTHMES III

1. KADSHU. Kadesh on the Orontes, where it flows into the Lake of Horns, still called the lake of Kadesh. A sacred city of the Amorites, conquered by the Hittites about BC 1400.
2. MAGTI. Megiddo, usually identified with Lejjun. The name remains at Khurbet em-Mujedd'a.
3. KHZAI. [Mr. Wilbour and myself found that this is the reading of the name, previously miscopied Khaai: see Academy, Feb. 28, 1891. It is the Khazi of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, an important city in the hill-country south of Megiddo. It seems to be the Gaza of 1 Chr. vii. 28, near Shechem. ED.]
4. KITSUNA‡. [The Kuddasuna or Quddasuna of the Telel-Amarna tablets; W. iii. 170. ED.]
5. ANSHIU, ANSHU, "Spring of Shiu." Perhaps Ain es Sih, west of Carmel.
6. DBKHU. [The Tubikhu of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, in the north of Palestine; see Academy, Feb. 21, 1891. ED.]
7. BMI. There was a town (in Upper Galilee?) called Baimah; Geog. du Talmud, 236. [The name is omitted in the temple-list. ED.]
8. Q-MATA. Compare the country of Qamadu in Upper Ruten; Brugsch, Geog. Inschr., ii. 40. [Omitted in the list on the south pylon. ED.]
9. TUTINA. Probably Dothan, now Tel Dothan; but possibly Khurbet Umm Tuteh.

{p.44}

10. LBANA. Perhaps Lebbuna, 6 miles west of Khurbet Umm Tuteh, as Maspero proposes.
11. QRTNEZNAU (determinative and plural). Kiryath-Nitstsan, "the town of flowers." Perhaps Kartah of Zebulun (Josh. xxi. 34), as suggested by Maspero.
12. MAR-MA‡. Merom, modern Meiron.
13. TMESQU. Damascus, Dimasqi in Assyrian.
14. ATAR―. Perhaps et-Tireh, 2 miles east-south-east of Tell Ashterah.
15. AUBIL―. An Abel or "meadow," probably Abila of the Decapolis. The name is spelt Aubil in the Talmud.
16. HEMTU. Perhaps Khurbet Hamateh, about 12 miles east of Gerasa. But generally taken for Hammath of Galilee at Tiberias.
17. AQIDU‡. Cf. the Qadu of the allies in Megiddo and Beit Qad, 6 miles west of Mujedd'a, and Kefr Qud, 8 miles further west.
18. SHMANAU (plural and determinative of roads). Read Sh'mana. Perhaps Tell es-Semen, 1 mile south east of Tireh. It is possible that Simeon is intended. The Shimron of Josh. xi, 1, xix, 15, should be read probably Simeon, as the Septuagint gives Symoon, and the place is the Simonias of Josephus and the Simonia of the Talmud, the modern Semunieh, 16 miles fram Khurbet Madin (the Madon of Josh. xi, 1).
19. BARTU. Some Beeroth or "wells," possibly Biar es-Sebil close to Lubieh, 2 miles south of Khurbet Madin. Maspero compares the Berotha near Kadesh of Galilee, where according to Josephus (Antiq. v. 1, 18), the battle with the Canaanites at the waters of Merom was fought.
20. MAZNA [also written Manza]. Conder proposes to see in this the Canaanite equivalent of an Aramaic Madon (Josh. x. 1.)
21. SA-RNA. Sarona, west of Sea of Galilee, 6 miles south of Khurbet Madin; the Sharon of Isaiah xxxiii. 9. [Cf. Sharon, east of the Jordan (1 Chr. v. 16). ED.]

{p.45}

22. TUBI‡. Taiyibeh, 7 miles south of Sarona, according to Conder and Maspero. [Cf. "the land of Tob," east of the Jordan (Judg. xi. 5). ED.]
23. BAZNA‡ [also written Banza].
24. AMASHN[ ], also written Aashna.
25. MASAKH, "the place of unction." Meskhah 3½ miles south-west of Sarona. [Probably the Musikhuna of the Tel el-Amarna tablets (W. iii. 130). ED.]
26. QAANAU, QAANU. Khurbet Kana, u miles north-north-west of Meskhah. [The Qanu of the Tel el-Amarna tablets (W. iii. 133). ED.]
27. ARNA‡. [Also written ARN (plural), r being cut over the d. A very important place in the campaign against the Canaanites at Megiddo. The "defile of Arna" seems to be the Wady Arrian, 1 mile south of Umm el-Fahm. Maspero reads Aluna, the Hebrew elyon, "high."
28. ASTR-TU. Ashteroth Karnaim (to be corrected into Ashtoreth-Qarnaim) Gen. xiv. 5, now Tell Ashtarah, east of the Jordan in Batansea.
29. ANAURPAA. Read Anau-Repa, probably "On of the Giant," belonging to the Rephaim or "Giants" of Gen. xiv. 5. Maspero proposes "Raphon, Raphana, Arpha of the Decapolis, the present Er-Rafeh."
30. MAQATA‡. Mukatta, 5 miles north of Abil. Maspero identifies it with the Makhed of the First Book of Maccabees.
31. L-IUSA. Laish, the later Dan (Judg. xviii. 7), now Tel el-Qadi.
32. HUZAR―. The Biblical Hazor (Josh. xi. 1, Judg. iv. 2). [Called Khazura in the Tel el-Amarna tablets; W. iii. 99. ED.]
33. PAHIL―. Pella, east of the Jordan, the Pakhal of the Talmud; Geog. du Talmud, p. 274. Now Tubakat Fahil. The name also occurs in the conquests of Ramses II.
34. KNNR-TU. The Biblical Chinnereth (Josh. xix. 35, etc.)

{p.46}

35. SHMANA. Cf. No. 18. This seems to be the name of Simeon again.
36. ATMM. Perhaps Khurbet Admah, south-west of the Sea of Galilee. Mariette has identified it with the Adamah of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 36).
37. QASUNA. Identified by Maspero with the Kishon. Compare Khurbet Qeisun near Huleh, and Kishion near Shunem in Josh. xix. 20.
38. SHNAM. Shunem, now Solam, north of Jezreel.
39. MASHAL‡. [The reading Ashal is incorrect.] The Misheal of Josh. xix. 26, a name compounded with el, "god."
40. AKS-AP‡. [The determinative of "city," hitherto read, is incorrect]. Identified by Maspero with Achshaph in Asher (Josh. xix. 25).
41. KBASUAN, KBASUMAN. Probably the Gaba of Josephus (Bell. Jud., ii. 18, i), now Jeba.
42. TAAANAK. Taanach (Judg. v. 19), now Taanuk, 19 miles south-east of Jeba.
43. IBL-AAMU or IBL-A (with determinative of water). Ibleam (Josh. xvii. n, written Bileam in 1 Chr. vi. 70).
44. KNTUASNA. Read Gantu-Asna, "the Gath " or "wine press of Asna." Maspero points out that Asna is the name of a man, as in Ezra ii. 50. Perhaps En-gannim, Josh. xix. 21, the Ginaea of Josephus, now Jenin.¹ See Nos. 63, 96.
45. RTU-AR-QA, Riu-MAR-QA.² Maspero first proposed el-Arraqeh, 6 miles west of Jenin, but has since suggested Ludd, a little to the north of Lejjun.
46. AINA. The "spring." Compare Khurbet Anin, near el-Arraqeh.
47. AAK|. Also mentioned by Ramses II after Alashiya and before the countries of Zarmaith and Pahil (No. 33). Akku in Assyrian, Accho in Hebrew (Judg. i. 31), now Acre.
______
1 [The name of [Gim]ti-asna is found in one of the Tel el-Amarna tablets; W. III. 44. See Academy, Feb. 21, 1891. ED.]
2 [Both spellings occur at Karnak. ED.]

{p.47}

48. RSHQADSH. Maspero reads Rosh-Qodshu, "the sacred headland" of Carmel.
49. KALIMNA. Calamon or Carmel. See No. 96.
50. BAR . Beer, "well." Perhaps Khurbet el-Biar, or possibly el-Bireh, south-west of Khurbet Admah.
51. SHMASHATUMA. Shemesh-Aduma. The name occurs in the campaigns of Amenhotep II. Perhaps Khurbet-Shemsin, 7 miles south-west of Khurbet el-Biar, or Khurbet Admah, 8 miles east of No. 52. Cf. No. 36. Maspero compares Adamah; Josh, xix. 36. [Rather Beth-Shemesh, which belonged to Issachar, like Anaharath, Josh. xix. 22. ED.]
52. ANUKHR-TU. The Anaharath of Josh. xix. 19.
53. APL (with determinative). Ophel, now el-Fuleh, according to Conder.
54. APL (with determinative). El-Afuleh, 1 mile west of el-Fuleh, according to Conder. [I should read Apr in both cases, and identify with Haphraim, "the two Haphars," of Josh. xix. 19. ED.]
55. KH-SHBU. [The Khasabu of the Tel el-Amarna tablets; W. iii. 160. ED.]
56. TASUL-T. [The Tusulti of the Tel el-Amarna tablets. Possibly in Josh. xix. 18 we should read Tesulloth instead of Chesulloth. ED.]
57. NQBU. The Nekeb of Galilee, Josh. xix. 33, as Conder and Maspero. Now Khurbet Seiyadeh.
58. ASHUSHKHN. [The first part of the name of Ashu-shekhn reminds us of Issachar. ED.]
59. L-NAMA. Maspero compares Tell en-Na am near Khurbet Seiyadeh.
60. IR-ZA|. Khurbet Yerzeh, n miles south-south-west of Mujedd a, already identified by Brandes (in 1870). Cf. the Talmudic Tel-Arza; Geog. du Talmud, p. 280. [It is called Yurza in the Tel el-Amarna tablets. ED.]
61. MAKHSA. This is probably the Hebrew makhaseh, "a refuge."
62. IPU. Read Yapu. Joppa, now Jaffa. [Called Yapu in the Tel el-Amarna tablets. ED.]

{p.48}

63. KNTU|. "The country of Gath," in Assyrian Gimti. See Nos. 44, 70, and 93.
64. LUTHN. Doubtless Lydda, now Ludd; as Marietta.
65. AUANAU. Ono, now Kefr Ana; as Mariette.
66. APUQN. Perhaps the Wadi Fukin, 7½ miles east of Khurbet Shuweikeh.
67. SUQA. Written Shauqa in Shishak's List. Socoh, Josh. xv. 35, now Khurbet Shuweikeh.
68. IHMA. El-Kheimeh, about 10 miles west-north-west of Shuweikeh.
69. KHBAZANA‡.
70. KNTHU. Gath. See No. 63.
71. MAKTAL―. Migdal-gad (Josh. xv. 37), now el-Mejdel.
72. APTHN. Probably Khurbet el-Fatuneh.
73. SHBTUNA. Now Shebtin.
74. TIA‡. Also TIAI. Now the Jebel et-Teyi.
75. NAUN (with determinative). The name Nun haunts the district north and west of the Jebel et-Teyi. Within 3 or 4 miles are Jefa Nun, Neby Nfln, a sacred place to the east of Yanun, and 12 miles further west the reputed tomb of Nun the father of Joshua. Maspero suggests Khurbet-Nina.
76. HUDITA. Compare the Benjamite city Hadid ; Ezra ii. 33. The modern Haditheh, 5 miles west of Khurbet Shebtin (No. 73).
77. HAR (with determinative of locality). The Har or "Mountain" of Ephraim, between Kefr Haris and Haditheh, where it descends to the plain.
78. ISHPAL―. Joseph-el. Comp. El-iasaph of the tribe of Gad, Numb. i. 14; of Levi, Numb. iii. 24. Also Josiph-iah, Ezra viii. 10, and Ba al-yashupu, the name of an Arvadite prince in the Assyrian inscriptions of Assur-bani-pal. The local name of the valley Jiphthah-el, Josh. xix. 27, like Jabneel, shows how such terms are attached to places. See Groff in the Revue egyptologique, 1885, p. 95. Our Joseph-el may linger in Yasuf, anciently called Yusepheh, and known as Yasuf in the Samaritan "Book of Joshua." See Geog. du Talmud, p. 90.

{p.49}

79. RGAZA, RAGAZA.
80. KR-R‡. Perhaps Dar Jerir, 9½ miles south-south east of Yasuf. [The determinative of "country" makes me read Galil, and identify the district either with the Geliloth of the Philistines, Josh. xiii. 2, Joel iii. 4, or with the Geliloth of the Jordan, west of Jerusalem, Josh. xxii. 10, 11. ED.]
81. HAR (with determinative of locality) AL―.¹ "Mountain of God," as Brugsch; see No. 77. [This ought to be Jerusalem, called "the mount of the Lord" in Gen. xxii. 14. The geographical names which follow indicate the position of Har-al, and the Tel el-Amarna tablets have informed us that Jerusalem was already an important stronghold, and was in subjection to Egypt. In Ezek. xliii. 15 there is a play upon har-el (rendered "altar") and Ariel, which, according to Isaiah xxix. 1, 2, was a name of Jerusalem. ED.]
82. R-BAU‡. Identified by Maspero with the Rabbah of Judah, Josh. xv. 60, [the Rubute of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, from which we learn that it formed part of the territory of Urusalim or Jerusalem. ED.]
83. N(U)MANA.² Some place of the worship of Tammuz, probably Deir Na-aman, 10 miles west of Khurbet Rab'a.
84. NAMANA. The same name as the preceding with a slightly different spelling. Maspero compares Arak-Na aman, opposite Deir Na-aman.
85. MAR-MAM. The plural of Merom (Maspero). Reading Malmam, perhaps Khurbet Umm el-Hemam, about 1 mile south of Deir Na aman.
86. ANI (with determinatives of "fountain" and "country.") The "Spring." Comp. Ain in Simeon, Josh. xix. 7. Perhaps Khurbet Kefr Ana, 4½ miles south-east of Aqir.
_______
1 [In the second list Har is followed by the owl (m), which is shown to have been engraved erroneously for the hawk (Hor) by the upright line attached to it. ED.]
2 [This is the reading of the original. ED,]

{p.50}

87. R-HBU. Rehob. Perhaps Khurbet Rahab, near Khurbet el-Hai. Maspero makes it the Rehoboth of Isaac, now er-Ruhaibeh.
88. AQAR―. Ekron, Amqarruna in Assyrian, now Aqir.
89. HIKR-IM. A Semitic plural, which I think must be the name of the Hagarites. We are told that the list includes "all the unknown peoples of the frontiers of the Sati." But cf. Ain el-Hejeri, south-west of Hebron.
90. AUBAL―. An "Abel," perhaps Abel-Shittim, near Jericho.
91. AUTAR-AA‡. "The country of Autar the great." Is this to distinguish it from No. 15? Perhaps Khur bet Atturah, 4½ miles north-east of Jerusalem. Maspero identifies it with "the great country of Adr" in Shishak's List (No. 98), and agrees with Mariette in identifying it with Adoraim, now Dura, west of Hebron.
92. AUBAL (with determinative of locality). Perhaps Abel-Mizraim, identified by Jerome with Beth-Hogla, now Ain Hajla, between Jericho and the Jordan.
93. KNTHAU (with determinative of plain or district). "The district of Oath," see No. 63.
94. MAQRPUT. I hold with Maspero that this is the Hebrew megraphoth, "clods," or dug-up ground. Comp. the present Makarfet el-Qattum, which is crossed by the Pilgrim Road on the way from the great ford of Hajla to Jerusalem.
95. AINA. "The spring." Josephus places Aina above Jericho. Probably the Ain es-Sultan, supposed to mark the site of the first Jericho.
96. KAR-MAN. Perhaps Calamon near Jericho, or the southern Carmel.¹ [The Tel el-Amarna tablets settle the question in favour of the second identification. In Nos. 92-96 I see a Semitic memorandum:
__________
1 [In the Tel el-Amarna letters (W. 104, 199) mention is made of Gimti-Kirmil or Guti-Kirmil, i.e. Gath- Carmel. This explains the Knthau or Gnthau of the List (No. 93). ED.]

{p.51}

"The meadow-land of the Gittites; the tillage and spring of Carmel," which have been turned into the names of five different localities by t