RECORDS OF THE PAST

BEING
ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS
OF THE
ANCIENT MONUMENTS OF EGYPT AND
WESTERN ASIA

EDITED BY A. H. SAYCE

WITH the present volume the New Series of the Records of the Past comes to an end. The public seems to prefer books about the ancient inscriptions of the Oriental world rather than translations of the inscriptions themselves, and it would therefore be undesirable to continue to publish them. The curiosity excited by the first attempts at the decipherment of the Egyptian and Assyrian texts appears now to be satisfied, and even students of the Old Testament are contented to allow questions which bear directly on Biblical history and interpretation to be settled by the small but enthusiastic body of workers in the fields of Egyptian and Assyrian research.

And yet an interest in the old monuments of the civilised East is no longer confined to the nations of the west. Egyptians, as is fitting, have begun to examine for themselves the past records of their own country, and the last volume of the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie contains a learned and valuable article by a Japanese Assyriologist (Mr. Le Gac) on one of the oldest Sumerian texts which the soil of Babylonia has bequeathed to us.

But whether the public remains interested or indifferent the work of discovery goes on. It is upon the students of the cuneiform texts more especially that new facts are crowding year by year. In the present volume will be found translations of a new series of cuneiform documents which reveal the existence of an Assyrian dialect in the highlands of eastern Asia Minor in the age of the Hebrew exodus. It is only ten years ago that the sagacity of Mr. Pinches discovered that such documents existed at all, and it is only now that their decipherment has become possible.

In my Address to the Assyriological Section of the Oriental Congress of 1892 I drew attention to the light which Assyrian research is beginning to throw even upon later Greek history. Among the astronomical tablets of the Seleukid period which have been copied and published by Dr. Strassmaier is one which is dated in "the 37th year of Antiochus and Seleucus the kings," that is to say, in 275 BC. In the previous year it is stated that the king collected his troops and marched to the country of Sapardu, the Sepharad of Obadiah 20, which a comparison of the account with what we learn from Greek writers would show to have corresponded with the Bithynia and Galatia of classical geography. It seems that Antiochus left a garrison there, in order to face the Egyptian army at the ford of the river Rudu. The Egyptian army, however, crossed the stream. A few days later the mumahir or "governor," {p.vii} of Babylonia forwarded silver, furniture, and girls from Babylonia and Seleukia, "the royal city," as well as "20 elephants which the governor of Baktria (Bakhtar) had sent to the king," to meet the king "at the ford of the river." The royal body-guard was left in Babylonia "from the beginning to the end of the month." During the same year taxes were raised in Babylon and the other cities of the kingdom for the payment of "the Greek loan,"¹ and there was much sickness in the country.

The first event which marked the beginning of the new year was the return of "the governor of Babylonia and the royal body-guard, which had gone to Sapardu to meet the king the previous year, to Seleukia, the royal city, which lies upon the Tigris." On the twelfth day of the month the inhabitants of Babylon were transported to the new city of Seleukia, and the people of Babylon, Borsippa, and Cutha provided oxen, sheep, and other things, while a royal palace was built at Seleukia. Bricks were also made above and below Babylon in order to build a temple, apparently in the same city. The temple was called E-Saggil, like the ancient temple of Bel-Merodach at Babylon, which had been destroyed by the Persian kings. Mention is further made of "Lumusu the brother of King Seleucus."

All these facts are new, and are welcome additions to our knowledge of the history of Macedonian Syria. Even the date of the foundation of Seleukia
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1 Ana pi zipi sa mat Yavannu. Zipi is the Talmudic zfiph.

{p.viii} has not hitherto been known with certainty, much less the fact that its population was brought from Babylon. It is clear that a determined effort was made by the new dynasty to destroy the memory of the ancient glory and supremacy of Babylon, and to replace it by a new capital.

Equally unknown were the details of the war which Antiochus carried on in Asia Minor. All we knew was that he was engaged in a struggle, first of all with Nikomedes of Bithynia and then with the Gauls in the early part of his reign (276, 275 BC). It was the defeat of the Gauls in Galatia in 275 BC which procured for the Syrian king the title of Soter. Nor was the position of the Sepharad of Obadiah accurately determined. Certain reasons existed for placing it in the neighbourhood of the Black Sea, but it is only now that we know it must have corresponded to the Bithynia and Galatia of the Greeks. We need, therefore, no longer hesitate about identifying it with the Persian satrapy of Sparda mentioned in the Akhaemenian inscriptions. At Behistun the name of Sparda immediately precedes that of Yauna or Ionia, and it is described as situated "by the sea," while at Naksh-i-Rustem it is enumerated between Kappadokia and Ionia. It will thus have represented central Asia Minor, more especially the district on the western bank of the Halys.

It will be remembered that in the texts relating to the last days of the Assyrian empire, which I have described and partially translated in the preface to the {p.ix} fourth volume of this Series, reference is made to the Saparda, or people of Sapardu. They seem to have united with the Medes, the Minni, and the Kimmerians in attacking the tottering power of Nineveh, which was accordingly assailed by a league of all the nations of the north. We are irresistibly reminded of the description given by Ezekiel (xxxviii., xxxix.) of the army of Gog, as well as of the northern confederacy which is called upon to punish Babylon in the fifty-first chapter of Jeremiah. Though the prophecies in question may belong to a later date than that of the fall of the Assyrian empire the political situation they presuppose is the same as that which witnessed the overthrow of Nineveh.

A discovery made this summer by Mr. Strong goes to show that the movement of the northern and eastern nations which brought about the destruction of the Assyrian power had begun while Assur-bani-pal was still on the throne. In an inscription which appears to belong to the latter part of his reign he alludes to the successes of his army against the Manda chieftain Tuktamme, whom he calls "the offspring of Tiamat." So strong an expression of which the nearest English equivalent would be "a limb of Satan" proves better than any description how formidable the predecessor of Istuvegu or Astyages must have been. It is possible that in Tuktamme we have the original of the Hellenised Teutamos, who, according to Ktesias, sent Memnon from Susa to the help of Priam of Troy.

Greek history, however, has not been the only gainer by the Assyriological discoveries of the present year. A discovery has been made which rivals in interest any that have ever taken place at any time in the history of Oriental archaeology. Guided by the Assyriologist the excavator has put his spade into the soil of Palestine and found the first-fruits of a Canaanitish library which existed before Moses was born.

The name of Kirjath-Sepher, or "Book-town," coupled with certain other considerations, long ago led me to believe that libraries of cuneiform tablets, similar to those of Assyria and Babylonia, were to be discovered in Palestine. The discovery of the tablets of Tel el-Amarna raised this belief almost to a certainty. Immediately after my first visit to southern Palestine in 1880 I urged the Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund to excavate some of the tels which I had examined there, and which clearly contained the ruins of pre-Israelitish towns. But it was not until 1890 that the Fund was able to obtain the necessary firman, and to engage the services of Dr. Flinders Petrie in the work of exploration. Excavations were accordingly commenced at a tel or mound known as Tell el-Hesy, and during the short space of time Dr. Petrie was able to devote to the work results of wide-reaching importance were obtained. In the first place, he was able to show that Tell el-Hesy occupies the site of the Jewish fortress of Lachish, and in the second place, to found {p.xi} what may be termed the science of Palestinian chronology. With the help of the dated pottery he had discovered in Egypt he succeeded in arranging the ancient pottery of Palestine in a chronological sequence, so that we can now tell at a glance whether it belongs to the period of the Judges or of the Kings, to the pre-Israelitish period or to the age after the Exile. Furnished with this clue, Dr. Petrie pointed out that the lowermost portion of Tell el-Hesy represents the ruins of a city which was destroyed by the invading Israelites.

Here then we had found the remains of the Amorite city of Lachish, and though these remains were covered to a great height with the debris of the subsequent cities which rose one above the other upon the site, all that was needed for their systematic excavation were an excavator and the necessary funds. Mr. Bliss offered to continue Dr. Petrie's work, and after two seasons of unremitting labour his efforts have been crowned with success.

Admitting, as I did, the truth of Dr. Petrie's conclusions, I felt convinced that sooner or later we should find a collection of clay tablets inscribed with cuneiform characters similar to those which have been found at Tel el-Amarna. Clay does not perish, except by the hand of man, and the Tel el-Amarna tablets had shown that an Egyptian governor resided in the Amorite city of Lachish who wrote, and therefore must have received, cuneiform despatches on clay. His name was Zimridi or Zimrida; and among {p.xi} the Tel el-Amarna tablets now in Berlin¹ is a letter addressed by him to the Egyptian Pharaoh. The letters runs as follows:

In one of the letters of Ebed-tob, King of Jerusalem, which I have translated in the last volume of the Records of the Past (p. 70, lines 43, 44), allusion is made to this Zimrida. It is there said that he had been murdered by the servants of the Egyptian king.

It was while Mr. Bliss was closing his work for the season, towards the beginning of last June, that his first discoveries were made in the Amorite stratum in the mound of Lachish. Egyptian beads and scarabs were brought to light which belonged to the age of the Eighteenth Dynasty, and on one of the beads is the name and title of Queen Teie, the wife of Amenophis III and the mother of Amenophis IV, to whom the correspondence of Tel el-Amarna was addressed. At the same time there was also discovered a number of seal-cylinders, one of them
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1 Mittheilungen aus dem orientalischen Sammhtngen, Pt. iii. No. 123.

{p.xiii} of Egyptian porcelain and manufacture, others importations from Babylonia, where they would have been made between 2000 and 1500 BC, while others again are rude imitations of Babylonian models which resemble similar rude imitations found in the prehistoric tombs of Cyprus as well as in Syria. The date of the latter has now been fixed by Mr. Bliss's discovery.

The interest, however, attaching to the beads and cylinders is far exceeded by the last discovery of the season. A clay tablet was disinterred, similar in form and size to those found at Tel el-Amarna which had been sent to Egypt from southern Palestine. As the tablet itself was claimed by the Turkish commissioner, impressions and squeezes of it only were sent to me. These, however, have enabled me to make a fairly complete copy of the text. It turns out to be one of the letters which were received at Lachish and stored up in the archive-chamber of the city about the very time that Zimrida's letter to the Pharaoh was being written. The cuneiform characters used in it have the peculiar forms to which the tablets from southern Palestine discovered at Tel el-Amarna have now accustomed us; the formulae and curious grammatical forms which it employs are the same as those of the letters from the south of Canaan, and above all, the name of the Egyptian governor of Lachish, Zimrida, is twice mentioned in it.

Nothing more extraordinary has ever happened in the annals of archaeology. The discovery had {p.xiv} hardly been made that a governor of Lachish named Zimrida wrote letters in the Babylonian language and syllabary to his suzerain the Pharaoh of Egypt when the site of Lachish was identified by Dr. Petrie, and a letter similar to those of Zimrida was found by Mr. Bliss in which the name of Zimrida twice occurs. For more than 4000 years the broken halves of a correspondence that was carried on before the days of the Exodus had thus been lying under the soil, the one half on the banks of the Nile, the other half in Canaan; and the recovery of the one from its long-continued oblivion was followed almost immediately by the recovery of the other.

Until the original text of the Lachish tablet can be examined it will be impossible to determine with certainty some of the characters on it that are either partly obliterated or else written on the edges of the tablet. Moreover, there are certain words in the text which appear for the first time, and of which, there fore, the interpretation is at present doubtful. In the following translation, therefore, which I offer of the inscription¹ there are necessarily several lacunae and notes of interrogation:
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1 The following is a transliteration of the text so far as I can make it out:

The importance of this text lies rather in what it implies than in the statements it actually contains. It is clear that Mr. Bliss is at the entrance of the archive-chamber of the Amorite city of Lachish, and in a few months hence we may expect to have in our hands a Canaanitish library which existed before the Promised Land had been invaded by the tribes of Israel. Doubtless the contents of the library will consist mainly of letters and despatches, but the tablets found at Tel el-Amarna have taught us that they will also probably include mythological and
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15. sum-ma mi a-na-ku
16. uts-ba-te-na eli mati
17. sa sarri u a-na ya-a-si
18. en-ni-ip-sa-at
19. u a-di mi-u-ti RU-mi Edge: i. a-na mata an-ni-tam
20. su-ut mu-ul(?)-ka
21. sa u-sa-at is-tu KUR
22. ... a bu (?) u us-si-ir
23. Bilu (?)-bani-la u
24. . . ra-bi-ilu-u-ma-[khir]
25. [is-ta-] par akha-su
26 . a-na [da-na-ni-sa?]

{p.xvi} even historical texts. Who knows, then, what revelations may not be in store for us? We are, as it were, about to dig up the sources of Genesis, and so settle many of those burning questions which at present divide the critics of the Pentateuch into hostile camps.

It may be that we shall also find among the archives of Lachish comparative dictionaries which will throw light on the ancient language or languages of Canaan. At all events the excavations of Dr. Flinders Petrie at Tel el-Amarna last winter have not only shown that the fellahin spoke the truth when they declared that the famous tablets had been found in the ruins of a building on the eastern side of the royal palace, but they have further brought to light fragments of other tablets, among which are veritable dictionaries. In one case the dictionary is of Semitic Babylonian and Sumerian, and as the Sumerian words are written phonetically as well as ideographically it would appear that Sumerian must still have been a living tongue.¹ In another case the Babylonian words are given in explanation of words belonging to two other languages, one of which Mr. Boscawen thinks is Old Egyptian.

When the fragments discovered by Dr. Petrie are published the whole of the Tel el-Amarna collection will at last be at the disposal of scholars. Even the
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1 One of the fragments explains the Babylonian ri sapu and [di]kate, "a slaying," not only by the ideographs GAZ-GAZ, but also by the phonetically spelt ga-az-ga-az.

{p.xvii} tablets contained in the British Museum have now been published, though the translations and explanations proposed for them by the editors leave much to be desired. In one instance the misinterpretation brings with it serious historical consequences, as it implies that Edom formed part of the Egyptian empire, whereas in reality the letter in question states explicitly that it did not. It is therefore advisable to give a correct translation of the text. The tablet is numbered 64.

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1 Ayab probably represents the Biblical name Job. It does not mean an "enemy" here, as the Editors of the British Museum volume imagine, since it is preceded by the determinative of individuality and is not provided with the vocalic termination of the nominative. The Beth-el mentioned is probably the famous city of that name on the borders of Benjamin and Ephraim, now Beitin.

It is clear from this letter that whereas "the plateau of Bashan," as it is elsewhere called, with its city of Ashtaroth (or rather Ashtoreth) Karnaim, was subject to Egypt, Edom and its fortified towns had maintained their independence.

If we turn from the western limit of Babylonian influence to the eastern frontier of Chaldea we shall find that here too there have been archaeological gains during the past year. Mr. de Morgan, whose appointment as Director of the Gizeh Museum will be gratifying to all friends of science, has succeeded in taking squeezes of the inscription of Ser-i-Pul, discovered many years ago by Sir Henry Rawlinson, as well as in discovering and copying another inscription near Sheikh-Khan, sixty-seven miles distant from the first. Ser-i-Pul is at the entrance to the Pass of Holwan, leading into the ancient kingdom of Media, and the inscription, which is in archaic Babylonian characters, is a memorial of Anu-banini, "the king of Lulubi." The monument thus fixes the position of the country of Lulubi so often referred to in the Assyrian texts.¹

In a more southerly direction Mr. Pognon, the French Consul at Baghdad, has discovered the posi-
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1 The inscription is published in the Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la Philologie et a l'Archdologie egyptiennes et assyriennes, xiv. 1, 2 (1892), pp. 100 sq.

{p.xix} tion of another country mentioned on the cuneiform monuments. This was Asnunnak or Umlias. Mr. Pognon has found there the records of four Patesis or High-priests, who once bore rule in the country and erected various buildings, three of them being named Ibal-pel a name which reminds us of the Amraphel of Genesis Ur-Nin-gis-zida, and Qul-laqu (?).

It only remains for me to thank my contributors for the valuable help they have rendered me in the preparation of this series of the Records of the Past, and for the labour they have expended in bringing an accurate knowledge of the monuments of the ancient East within the reach of the modern reader. Two of them, alas! are no more. The last hours of Mr. Arthur Amiaud and Mr. George Bertin were spent in the work to which they had devoted their lives, and almost the last of their contributions to science were made for the Records of the Past. To Professor Maspero my obligations are great; not only has he freely placed the most matured results of his Egyptological work at my disposal, he has further assisted me by his advice and encouragement in those departments of Oriental learning in which he is without a rival.

The new story of the Creation from Sumerian Babylonia which has been discovered and translated by Mr. Pinches fitly ends the series of Assyrian texts.¹ It must form the starting-point of fresh investigations
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1 See the Muston for June 1892.

{p.xx} into the character and origin of the Biblical narrative in the earlier chapters of Genesis, and in connection with the story of the Creation which I have translated in the first volume opens up unexpected points of view for the Biblical critic.

Before concluding, however, I have to note a misprint in the translation of another of the many fragments of antiquity the discovery of which we owe to Mr. Pinches. In the passage from the Babylonian Chronicle published in the last volume (p. 107, line 5), the name "Kadisman-Murus" should be corrected into "Kara-Murdas." The misprint is obvious, and the translator and editor can only plead as an excuse for it that "it is human to err."

A. H. SAYCE

QUEEN S COLLEGE, OXFORD,
September 1892.

EQUIVALENTS OF THE HEBREW LETTERS IN THE TRANSLITERATION
OF ASSYRIAN NAMES MENTIONED IN THESE VOLUMES

N.B. Those Assyriologists who transcribe ש by sh use s for ס. The Assyrian e represents a diphthong as well as ע.

In the Introduction and Notes W. A. I. denotes The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, in five volumes, published by the Trustees of the British Museum. Doubtful words and expressions are followed by a note of interrogation, the preceding words being put into italics where necessary. Lacunae are denoted by asterisks or by the insertion of supplied words between square brackets. Words needed to complete the sense in English, but not expressed in the original, are placed between round brackets. The names of individuals are distinguished from those of deities or localities by being printed in Roman type, the names of deities and localities being in capitals.

THE First Series of the Records of the Past contained in vol. vi. and vol. viii. three texts of the reign of Rameses III., firstly (vol. vi. 17 ff.), the address of the god Amon Ra to the king and the names of the vanquished nations, who are fettered with cords grasped by the hand of the god and his companion, the local goddess of Thebes, taken from the 1st pylon of Medinet Habu (left side); secondly, the great Papyrus Harris, of whose 79 leaves the five last (vol. viii. p. 45 ff.) are of the highest importance for the age of Rameses III, as they teach us that his father, Seti-nekht, made an end of a state of political and religious anarchy, and that Rameses himself, after having defeated the Daanauna, the Zakaru, the Pulsata, the Shardana, and Uashash on the sea coast, subdued the tribes of the Bedouin and repulsed the Libyan populations on the west side, bringing the land to a state of tranquillity and welfare: the third article (vol. viii. p. 5 3 ff.) gave the {p.2} translation, by Mr. Le P. Renouf, of a criminal proceeding in a case of a harem conspiracy under Rameses III.

The time of this remarkable king, whose mummy was found at Der el-bahri, enclosed in the coffin of Queen Nofretari, whose sarcophagus of rose granite is at the Louvre, the broken lid at Cambridge, appeared to be fixed by the mention, in a calendar on the southern wall at Medinet Habu, of the (heliacal) rising of the star Sirius on the first day of the month Thoth, so giving as the date of the calendar the year 1318 BC. Nevertheless, if the dates of the festivals mentioned in this calendar do not belong to the common vague year, but to the holy or fixed year (so H. Brugsch and Dr. Mahler), and if we have, after Dumichen, in this calendar only the exact copy of a calendar of Rameses the Great, whose fragments are embedded in the north-eastern pylon of Medinet Habu, no conclusion can be drawn from the mention of the rising of Sirius.

If the fragmentary calendar of Elaphantine, dating the rising of Sirius on the 28th of Epiphi really belongs to Thotmes III, giving him the date of 1470 BC, the probably twelfth year of Rameses III can hardly be 1318 BC, as there are between these two monarchs a whole series of kings, several with high ciphers attached to their reigns, as Amenophis III (38 years), Rameses the Great (67 years), and after them the above mentioned long period of internal {p.3} troubles. The date of 1450 BC, offered by the Assyro-Babylonian chronology for the contemporaries and correspondents of Amenophis IV, seems just as little compatible with 1318 for Rameses III.

Though we do not deny that the description of the exploits of Rameses III on stone and papyrus is somewhat exaggerated, it is not to be doubted that in his reign Egypt was still a powerful and formidable nation. As a proof we quote the remarkable passage of the great Harris Papyrus (pl. ix. 1 ff.), where the king speaks of his building a temple in the land of Kanana, to which the nations of the Retennu came with their tributes for the gods.

As we learn from some hieratic inscriptions at Silsileh (Denkm. vi. 23), Rameses III built in the fifth year of his reign the castle and temple of Medinet Habu, dedicated it to the god Ammon, and called it by the name of the House of Millions of Years, in Am-uart ("great abode") of Thebes. The walls of this building he filled with pictures and inscriptions of his deeds. We shall give in the following pages a short description of these texts, from which we select the most important in their chronological order.

On the eastern front of the palace, beneath two gigantic representations of the king slaughtering his enemies before Harmakhis (right side) and Amon Ra (left side), we see the kneeling figures of the princes of the principal foes of Rameses III, with their arms bound behind the back; at the right side his Asiatic {p.4} enemies the Kheta, the Amaro, the Zakaru, the Shardana, the Sha[su], the Tuirsha and the Pu[lsata], all with their characteristic faces and headdresses; and at the left side, in symmetrical arrangement, the African nations; Kush, [...], the Libu, the Tursas, the Mashuash, and the Tarau.

At the inner side of the passage, on the left, the king, equipped with bow and quiver, brings to the god Amon two series of fettered prisoners, who exhibit a very strange manner of curling the hair.

Similar representations of vanquished prisoners are inside the doorway, and at the back of that building which some call a pavilion, others a palace.

Much richer in representations as in inscriptions is the temple itself, which is situated some two hundred and sixty feet behind the palace. The first pylon exhibits at both extremities two colossal pictures: on the left (Dumichen, Hist. Inschr. i. pl. xi. xii.) the god Amon Ra handling the shopesh with a ram's head, and leading six series of prisoners with their names in crenellated shields. They are preceded by the local goddess of Thebes. On the right side we see (Dum. loc. cit. xvi. xvii.; Denkmaler, iii. 210, a) similarly the god Amon Ra Harmakhis, with the head of a hawk, handling a hawk -headed shopesh and conducting nine series of fettered prisoners. These representations are accompanied by texts, of which the left one has been translated by Birch, Records of the Past, First Series, vi. pp. 19, 20. The really poetic text on the right wing is as follows: {p.5} Spoken by AMON RA HARMAKHIS: My beloved son of my body, lord of both lands, Usermara-mer-amon, lord of the sword over every country, the lands of the ANU KHENT lie down slain under thy feet. I let come to thee the chiefs of the southern countries with their tributes, their children on their backs, all fine offerings of their country. Thou givest breath (according) to thy wish unto them. Thou killest those whom thy heart desires. I turn my face to the North and I charm for thee, I present to thee the red land under thy sandals, thou crushest hundreds of thou sands to corpses, thou smitest down the HARUSHA by thy valiant sword. I let come to thee the countries which did ignore EGYPT, with their baskets, laden with gold, silver, genuine lapis lazuli, all precious stones, the selection of the divine land before thy beautiful face. I turn my face to the East and I charm for thee, I subjugate them to thee, their totality combined in thy fist. I have collected for thee all the things of PUNT, their tributes on gum of balm, precious (and) odoriferous, all woods pleasant of scent for thy face, for thy diadem, being on thy head. I turn my face to the West and I charm for thee, I destroy for thee the lands of TEHENNU, they come inclined to thee, imploring, prostrated on their feet, they shout to thee. I turn my face to the height and I charm for thee, they are hailing thee, (even) the gods of the horizon of the heaven born at the morning. Thou germinatest like [OSIRIS]; he brings justice. I turn my face to the earth and I charm for thee, I procure for thee the victory over all countries, they are rejoicing for thee, (even) the gods in the heaven; HUT giving to thee his arms on a fresh great place as seat of thy face, son of RA, Rameses-hek-An.

Nearer to the doorway on both sides of the pylon are smaller pictures, the king striking the prisoners before Ptah (on the left) and before Amon Ra. Beneath is a row of fettered prisoners, with their names on crenellated shields. Below each series is {p.6} a rather long stele, the left one dated in the twelfth year of Rameses III, and, as Dr. Lepsius discovered, an imitation of the stele of Rameses II at Abu Simbel (Denkm. iii. 194), containing a dialogue between the god Ptah and the king. The other stele belongs to the eleventh year. A good copy of both sides is to be found in Dumichen, Hist. Inschr. i. pl. vii-x, and pl. xiii-xv; the two stelae are also in De Rouge, Inscriptions, ii. pl. cxxi-cxxvi (stele of year xii), and pl. cxxxi-cxxxviii. The stele of the year xi is partly translated by Chabas, Etudes sur lantiq. historique, 2 ^bne edition, p. 237 sq. The contents of the stelae are mere phrases, except the conclusion of that of the year xi., where the defeat of the army of the Libyan chief Kapur is described, as well as the submission of himself and his son.

The back of the first southern pylon contains texts of the eleventh year of King Rameses III, treating of the submission of the Temhu and the Mashuash (a Libyan tribe). The king in his chariot is shooting at his enemies (Dum. Hist. Inschr. i. pl. 18, 19; De Rouge, Inscript. cxiv-cxvii; Banville, Alb. phot. pl. 78). Probably the long text of the northern pylon (Dum. loc. cit. pl. 20-27) records the events of the same year, together with the register of the booty obtained during it. We shall translate this text under No. III.

Between the first and the second pylon are two colonnades, the left one supported by pillars, the right one by Osiris-caryatides. On the back wall of the {p.7} latter is an illustration of the capture of the town of Amaro by the king, who is shooting from his chariot. On the left wall of the second pylon which next follows, the king leads three series of fettered prisoners before Amon Ra. From the inscriptions we infer that these are the Daanauna (the Danaans) and the Pulsata (the Philistines). The whole of the right wall of the pylon is covered with a long inscription of the eighth year, which was cleared and first published by Mr. Greene (Fouilles a Thebes, Paris, 1855), described by E. de Rouge (Athenaum français, 1855; Notice de quelques textes hieroglyph, recemment publies par Mr. Greene), afterwards published in Banville's Album photographique, pl. 76, 77, and in many other photographs, and translated by Chabas, Etudes sur l'ant. hist, 2nd ed. p. 246 sq. We shall give further on (No. II.) a revised translation of this remarkable text.

The peristyle court of the temple of Medinet Habu, which we next enter, exhibits under its colon made an illustration of two high festivals the festival of the god Khem on the northern side, and that of the god Sokar on the southern. But besides this, the south-eastern and southern walls contain representations of the wars against the Libyan tribes, especially the Libu themselves, the Mashuash, etc. These representations are well given in the great works of Champollion and Rosellini (Champ. Monuments, pl. 208 = Ros. Mon. reali, 138; Champ. 207 = 137; Champ. 205 = Ros. 136; Champ. 206 = {p.8} 135). Next to these representations is the long text of 75 lines, whose translation we give under No. I. The outward northern wall of the temple contains again illustrations of the war of the king and of a lion hunt. In his letters from Egypt and Nubia (Paris, 1833) Champollion has given an account of these representations (p. 352 ff.), which we have repeated in Baedeker's Upper Egypt, p. 183 ff. Here also the defeat of the Mashuash and the Libu is referred to, and also that of the Shardana and Zakaru, who entered the mouths of the Nile, and were annihilated by the Egyptian fleet and army. The picture of this naval combat is highly remarkable, and illustrates well the events recorded in the inscription of the year 8, 1. 24, No. II.

Also, on the western bank of the Nile, at Karnak are memorials of the combats of Rameses III. Besides the scanty remains of a small temple near the sacred lake of Muth (Z on Lepsius's map, U in that in Baedeker's Upper Egypt), where the land of Tahi is mentioned and a summing up of the spoil is given, in the first court of the great temple of Amon, at a right angle to the axis of the temple, there is a well-preserved sanctuary, which, according to an inscription, dates from the sixteenth year of the king. Here also the king is slaying his enemies, whom the god conducts in crenellated shields. These representations are given in Lepsius's Denkm. Abth. iii. 207.

HISTORICAL INSCRIPTION FROM THE FIFTH YEAR OF RAMESES III (HI-K'AN) IN 75 VERTICAL LINES

As we said above, the south-west wall and the adjoining part of the south-east wall of the great peristyle court at Medinet Habu contain in their upper register the representation of the festival of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris, while the lower register is filled with battle scenes and offerings of prisoners to the god Amon of Thebes. There are recorded the Temhu and the Mashuash, then the Tehennu and the Libu, whose cut hands and members are counted, by several thousands, by the scribes before the king standing in his chariot. Close to this scene follows an inscription of 75 lines, as far as the west corner; it is written retrograde, that is to say, the characters are not turned towards the beginning, but towards the end of the inscription.

The inscription has been published several times, first by Burton (Excerpta hieroglyphica, 1825-30, pl. 43-45), then by Rosellini (Monumenti reali, pl. 139-141), Dumichen (Historische Inschriften, ii. taf. xlvi.), De Rouge (Inscriptions Hieroglyphiques, ii. pi. {p.10} cxxxix-cxlvii), lastly by H. Brugsch (Thesaurus, v. p. 1197 ff.). I myself copied the inscription on my first journey to Egypt in 1869-70, which copy I revised afterwards in 1885 and 1890. According to my copies I translated the text, a part of which exists also in a fine photograph by H. Bechard. Mr. Chabas in his Etudes sur l'antiquite historique (I^ere edit. 1872, p. 231 sq.; 2^eme edit. 1873, p. 227 sq., p. 254 sq.), has given a translation of the text in the second edition only of lines 17-75. In the first edition he translated the whole text. He has also treated the different wars of Rameses III in the above-mentioned work, and in his Recherches sur la XIX. dynastie, 1873.

1. Year 5 under the Majesty HOR-RA, the valiant bull, who enlarges KEMI,¹ strong with the scymetar,² an excellent fighter, he kills the TEHENNU,³ the king of both countries .... ⁴
2. he smites the TEHENNU to tombstones on their places. The golden hawk, lord of both scymetars, making the frontier at his ease behind his foes ....
3. his fear, his terror as a shield of EGYPT. The king, the youthful lord, brilliant are his risings, like those of the moon he repeats his birthday ....
4. the son of RA, Rameses hek An,⁵ chief of battles from his rising over EGYPT. Beginning with RA, returning at her setting. Given has the divine circle the lands....
_______
1 Egypt.
2 Shopesh in Egyptian, so called from its likeness to the thigh of an ox.
3 Tehennu is a general name for the populations to the west of Egypt, comprising the Temhu, the Mashuash, and the Libu.
4 The ends of many of the lines are wanting.
5 Prince of Heliopolis.

5. A warrior, the lord with extended arm, a runner, lord of the symbols like the son of NUT,¹ he makes the whole earth as she has been [in the time of the gods],
6. the king Usermara-mer-amon, son of RA, Rameses hek An, chief great in love, lord of donations, his image is like RA, on the first morning, his terror [is fixed on the front]
7. of his diadem, established on the throne of RA as king of both lands, the country on the front and on the back in abundance, the nobles (like) the inferior ....
8. assembled all together in his reign, the king of Upper and Lower EGYPT, Usermara-meri-amon, son of RA, Rameses hek An, the king valorous, courageous, arranging his affairs, he beholds ...
9. his protecting fury in love is directed towards EGYPT. With extended arm and stretched feet he strikes each land, considering piously plans, stipulating laws, giving .....
10. with delight did strike his name the hearts up to the clouds, reaches his formidable magnitude the Uu and Mer,² acquired by his valour arrive at once .....
11. these, who did not know their masters, they come stooping to implore the breath of life which is in EGYPT from HOR-RA, the valiant bull of great royalty, the king of Upper and Lower EGYPT, Usermara-mer-amon, son of RA, Rameses hek An, the great wall
12. of EGYPT, protecting their limbs, his valour like MENTU stretching down the Nine Bows,³ a holy child in his origin, like HARMAKHIS he emerges, he is contemplated like TUM when he opens his mouth with
13. the breath of the enlightened in order to vivify both
_______
1 Osiris.
2 Designation of the different parts of the country.
3 The hostile nations, which are considered to have been nine in number.

{p.12} countries by his aliments every day, the prudent son, the defender of the circle of gods, yielded are to him the obstinate countries, boiled in their blood,
14. he does not harvest, captured (are) all his men, with drawn the utensils of every kind in his country, coming in adoration
15. in order to behold the great sun of EGYPT over themselves, embellished is the disk for them. The great sun rises,
16. she shines over the earth. The light of EGYPT, which is in the heaven. Words: Raise oh RA! our land ... we are lost
17. in .... daily the clouds. Slaughtered has the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Usermara-mer-amon, son of RA, Rameses hek An, the countries of the plain and of the mountains, he has eradicated (them)
18. and brought to EGYPT as slaves presented wholly to its circle of gods. Oh satiator with food to produce abundance
19. in both countries! Numerous exultations in this country without sorrow. Established has AMON his son on his place; the whole circuit (of) the sun
20. united in his fist. The wretched SATI, the TEHENNU the robbers, who
21. ill treated the beloved land, ransacked the country in decline since the (former) kings. They outraged the gods like the people, there was none daring to
22. oppose them since they revolted. Behold there was the youth like an impetuous griffin well versed like MEHI (THOTH) in the divine words .....
23. they pass like a scheme (?) in ... all that comes forth from the mouth into [the land is effectuated]. His soldiers are urging, [they do] not [retrocede] .... they are
24. like bulls ready [to rush] against goats. His cavalry like hawks prowling (?) against the young birds,
25. ruddy like a lion full of wild fury. His officers {p.13} impetuous like the god RESHPU view ten thousands as the pupil of the eye; they were like MENTU
26. the warrior. His name terrifies the lands and the mountains. The TEMHU are coming rallied together: the LIBU, the ANTU (?), the MASHUASH caught in their country
27. the BURAPA (?), their soldiers confiding in their plans they came full in their hearts: We shall frustrate their designs in their body; we shall fill our hearts with
28. outrages. Their plans were perverted, repulsed, broken on the heart of the god. Interceding the chief for them, was impotent in the heart (?) of the god.
29. The benevolent, knowing the plan. Look! there has made him this god, the lord of the gods, for the great of EGYPT for eternity. Through his victories he made supplicate the nations, the chiefs (on their bodies),
30. the mighty king, his majesty intelligent like THOTH. Their hearts and plans were made discernible before him. His majesty took possession of the land TEMHU with their children ... (the acquisition)
31. of his double sword. They applied to the chief that they might retain their country. Such has not been heard since there are kings. Behold the heart of his majesty raging with oppression .... the valiant sword
32. attacking the hares, holding him like a keen bull, clutching with the claws, kicking with the horns, shaking the mountains by his stalk ..... the gods
33. their plans made his success. If there were who liked to transgress his frontiers, his majesty was going forth against them like a flame (which propagates) in the thick bushes ..... like birds
34. in the interior of nets, packed in bunches, made to a roast. Prostrated as knocked down to the earth, the chiefs slain, a heavy defeat,
35. not to be numbered. Look! evil is done unto them to the height of heaven, executed their males on the {p.14} spot, the killed are made in piles ... on their own
36. ground by the valour of the king, vigorous in his limbs, the only lord, powerful like MENTU, the king of Upper and Lower EGYPT, Usermara meramon, son of RA, Rameses hek An, everything he brought as spoil to EGYPT, hands,
37. members not to be counted, conducted as prisoners fettered in the prison. The chiefs of nations assembled to contemplate their disgrace. The magistrates of the order of thirty
38. following the king, their arms raised, they exult to the heaven with loving hearts. AMON-RA, the god, has fixed the victory of the prince. They are coming,
39. ambassadors of each country; their heart is distressed, taken off, it is no more in their bodies. Their faces looking on the king, as on TUM, bruised is the spine of the TEMHU to terminate. Look, his majesty made their legs
40. transgressing the frontiers of EGYPT. Their leaders are in fear made into tribes in the battles marked on the great name of his majesty. These who violated (the frontier)
41. were trembling. Unable was their mouth to recollect the shape of EGYPT. The land of TEMHU, which had come, was made to run away, the MASHUASH (were) suspended
42. in their country, eradicated their plants, not existing at once, paralysed all their limbs by terror. "Bruised are our spines, and they (are) behind us to the land of MERA.
43. Its lord has annihilated our souls for ever and eternity." Woe (?!) to them! They behold their dances like their rout. SEKHET is behind them. Terror is
44. on them. We do not find a road to march on. We step on water throughout. In their battles they do not combat with us fighting. There is drawing near

45. to us the flame. We wish to withdraw ourselves. The flame seizes us, there is no extinguishing for us. Their lord (is) like SET, beloved by RA. There is heard his roaring.
46. Like a griffin he is behind us murdering many (?). He is compassionate; he let us go back [out of] EGYPT for ever. Dispersed the ... We sink
47. to the death, made to a flame into which we enter, but issue not. Titi, Mashaknu, Maraiu and the chief of the AMARO
48. carried on the Mara occupied to enter EGYPT through the LIBU with the flame in the front and in the rear. There came the gods to call us to account
49. because we made encroachments on their property, in their territories. We shall praise the great valour of EGYPT saying: RA has given to it the power, the victory, there is beholden the rising like ....
50. Like RA in his shining on the pious. Let us approach him, let us glorify him, let us touch the ground before the great sword, the vigorous (?) of ....
51. the king of Upper and Lower EGYPT, Usermara-mer-amon, the son of RA, Rameses hek An, who has made the northern nations trembling in their members, the PULSATA, the ZAKKARA .....
52. eradicated their country, departed their soul consumed. They are emigrants to another country in the great ocean. These, who came .....
53. AMON-RA behind them, killing them. These who entered the actuaries like birds slipped into the net, made prisoners .....
54. their arms, their heart agitated, taken away, it is no more in their bodies. Led on, their chiefs killed, stretched down they made as bound together .....
55. saying: He is treading on the prisoner, holding him fast with his claw, the unique lord, set up over EGYPT, a true warrior, discharging without failing [his aim].
56. The extremities of the great circuit (he) made tremble {p.16} with one word. Where are we? Imploring they came stopped by the fear of him. They did not know any more their force, their limbs were paralysed.
57. The terror of his majesty (is) over them every day, he is like a ram staying on the meadow, who struggles with his horns ready to precipitate himself on what is nearing to his head, a valiant warrior [with]
58. clamour, a runner, lord of the sword, he subjugates the whole land. They come stooping to his impetuosity. A flourishing child, valiant like BAAL in (his fury)
59. a king fulfilling all plans, the designs do not fail, what he enterprises is realised at once, the king of Upper and Lower EGYPT, Usermara, son of RA, Rameses hek An. The lands have seduced us knowing ....
60. who were desirous in their hearts of the land of MERA. The lord, great of victories as king of both countries, he smites down his totality; he frightens the Nine Bows, he is like a lion who takes hold (?) of
61. the dispersed on the mountains, fearing the distance, his terror is the griffin (who) extends the feet, lord of his wings (on) the water of immensity:
62. likewise as rushes the leopard knowing his prey, seizes in (his) course, destroys with his arms the bodies of the transgressors of his frontiers, tempest beaten is the country of the Western Bow.
63. He invades with vehemence, he kills hundreds of thousands on their seats from his chariot. He beholds multitudes like locusts, he beats in turning,
64. he crushes (?) like stones. He kicks with the horns whoever comes near to his sword. His millions (and) his hundreds of thousands obey before him, his stature is like the god MENTU.
65. When he comes forth, is stooping to him every country at the recollection of him, the prince pious in designs like PTAH, possessing this country in its length with all dependencies (?),

66. very strong, of great valour, in lands and mountains he makes himself lord, becoming like the dweller of CHMUNU (THOTH), the king of Upper and Lower EGYPT, Usermara-mer-amon, son of RA, Rameses
hek An, the sweetheart of EGYPT, having the defence (of) the country in
67. the elevation of his spine. Without contradiction a resistant wall, the shade of the pious. They are sitting for thee according to their hearts, confiding in (thy) valour. Their
68. food (?) (protection ?) is the work (?) of his arms, saying: The divine hawk, he beats, he grasps, he makes him become warriors in his battles, carrying castles,
69. temples, towns, as a prey of his sword. There are given offerings to the gods consisting of his preciousnesses. They are at his right and at his left to overthrow the Nine Bows. His valiant arms they are
70. to reach it whole with. Has given him AMON his glorious father the countries united all together under his sandals. The king of Upper and Lower EGYPT, son of RA, Rameses hek An. Behold now the HORUS, rich in years, efflux
71. divine of RA, emanating from his limbs, splendid living effigy of the son of Isis, coming forth invested with the helm like MENTU (?) the great, a NILE, islands with their aliments for the land of MERA;
72. the pious and the widows having a good place. A king making the justice of the lord over all, affording it every day in his presence. EGYPT, the lands (are) in peace in his reign.
73. The land is like a couch/without affliction¹ of the heart, there may go the woman after her wish, may dress herself after her head, may direct her foot to the places she likes, all nations are coming bending
_______
1 Literally "change."

74. to the spirits of his majesty. Their tributes, their children on their backs. The southern as the northern (bend) to him in adoration. They behold him like RA on the morning. These are
75. the deliberated designs of the victorious king, charming in plans like the handsome face (PTAH), the king of Upper and Lower EGYPT, lord of both lands, lord of the sword, Usermara-mer-amon, son of RA, Rameses hek An, giving life like RA for ever.

THE LISTS OF THE PLACES IN NORTHERN SYRIA AND PALESTINE
CONQUERED BY RAMESES II AND RAMESES III
BY THE EDITOR

BY way of completing the geographical lists which have been published by Mr. Tomkins in the last volume of the Records of the Past (New Series, vol. v. pp. 25-53), I give here the similar lists which Rameses II of the Nineteenth Dynasty and Rameses III of the Twentieth caused to be inscribed in imitation of their predecessor of the Eighteenth. In editing the lists prepared by Mr. Tomkins I added some comparisons from the list of Rameses III published by Dumichen; since doing so I have collated Dumichen's copies with the originals, and have found that they are not in all cases correct.

The lists of Rameses II were engraved partly on the inside of the great pylon at Karnak, partly on the southern wall of that temple, to the left of the text of the treaty with the King of the Hittites. Another list of the same Pharaoh, shockingly mutilated, has been found during the recent excavations on the exterior of the western wall of the temple of {p.20} Luxor. Rameses III has also left a short list of names at Karnak, but his chief list is to be found on the eastern face of the great pylon of the temple-palace which he built at Medinet Habu to commemorate his victories.

A few of the names in the latter list were published, but incorrectly, by De Rouge. Dumichen subsequently copied all that were visible, and they appeared in his Historische Inschriften, plates vii. xii. xiii. and xvii. Excavation has now laid nearly all of them bare, and last winter I made copies of them, with the help of Mr. Wilbour. The copies of Dumichen have to be emended in several points, but they are accurate on the whole, though the new names which have to be added to them are very numerous.

The list given by Rameses II on the inner side of the pylon at Karnak has been copied by Champollion and Lepsius. That on the southern wall has been published by Brugsch Pasha (Geographische Inschriften, ii, and History of Egypt, English translation, 2nd edition, p. 67), but so inaccurately that the names in it are not to be recognised. The names, for instance, transcribed by him in his History of Egypt under the Pharaohs, Qa-sa-na-litha and Pa-rihi ought to be Q-a-n-sa-1-m-a and Q-a-r-h-u. The hieroglyphics, however, are much defaced, and owing to the heaping up of a bank of earth below them it is now easier to decipher them than was formerly the case. I have had Mr. Wilbour's assistance in making them out.

The Luxor list of Rameses II was copied by my self in the winter of 1890-91, and I compared my copies with the originals last winter.

According to Dr. Mahler's astronomical calculations the reign of Rameses II lasted from BC 1347 to 1281. The date of Rameses III falls about seventy years later. The principal campaign of Rameses II against Canaan seems to have taken place in his 8th year; it was then, according to the texts of the Ramesseum, that he conquered Shalam or Jerusalem, Marom or Merom, the Spring of Anamini, Beth-Anoth (Josh. xv. 59) and Qarbu[tu], "Dapur in the land of the Amorites," Ashkelon, Gaba ..., Ata ..., Qamna, Damascus, Ai, L(u)za, and Innuamu. The Karnak list of places in Palestine may, however, belong to another campaign.

The list of Luxor bears testimony to a campaign in the north in which Ramses II claims to have defeated the forces not only of Carchemish and Mitanni, but also of Assyria. The inscription which accompanies the list refers to "a city," which "the valiant power of the Pharaoh captured in the land of Satuna." Where this land was situated is unknown.

On the inner wall of the pylon at Karnak the list of countries named by the Pharaoh is prefaced by the statement that he had overthrown "the Anti of Menti " and the "Fenkhu." Who the latter were is pointed out by Brugsch Pasha in his Aegyptologie, ii. p. 466. One of the copies of the Palestine list of Thothmes III is accompanied by a text which {p.22} refers to the "unknown peoples" included in it under the general name of Fenkhu. It is therefore possible that those scholars have been right who have derived the Greek name of the Phoenicians from this old Egyptian term.

The names in the list of Rameses III which I have copied at Medinet Habu are important to the historian, partly because they show that the Egyptian king marched at least as far as Hamath, though he avoided the Phoenician cities in his passage along the sea coast; partly because they make it clear that he overran Southern Palestine. Among other towns of which he claims the capture is Hebron and its "Spring." Like Rameses II, he also claims the capture of "the district of Jerusalem." But his list contains no reference to the name either of Judah or of any other Israelitish tribe, and it would there fore appear that even as late as the reign of Rameses III the Israelites were not as yet firmly established in the future territory of Judah.

The question may be raised whether the list of Rameses III is not copied from that of Rameses II, and if so, whether the conquests claimed by him were really his own. But a comparison of the two lists will set all doubts on the question at rest. The list of Rameses III is fuller than that of his predecessor, and follows a more accurate geographical sequence. On the whole, moreover, the names are more correctly written in it than they are in the lists of Rameses II. Thus qau is written simply qa in the list {p.23} of the earlier king, while the Egyptian name of the Dead Sea, "the Lake of Rethpana," appears as "Repana." If there has been borrowing, it must have been in both cases from a common source, of which no trace exists.

The system of transliteration is that which has been adopted by Mr. Tomkins. The vowels are represented only where they occur in the hieroglyphic original, though in the case of certain characters, like the flying bird, the seated bird, and the gate, the vowel a has been added within brackets to their initial consonant ―p(a), z(a), s(a). The outstretched arm is denoted by a, the symbol for "great" by da. It must be remembered that r and l in ancient Egyptian are expressed by the same characters; in order to distinguish, however, the lion from the mouth the first is represented by l, the second by r. The determinative of "country" is denoted by the double obelus (‡), and the single upright line, which signifies "one" in the hieroglyphics, as well as the sign of the plural, is represented by a dash (―). Lost characters are denoted by brackets [ ].

LIST OF COUNTRIES CONQUERED BY RAMSES II
ENUMERATED ON THE INNER WALL OF THE PYLON AT KARNAK

1. ARMA‡. Identified by Mr. Tomkins with Orma, south-west of Abyssinia (Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la Philologie et a l'Archeologie egyptiennes et assyriennes, x. 1, 2). Prof. Maspero reads Ilimmi (Recueil, viii. 1, 2).
2. BR-BR-TA, followed by the ideograph "twice." Barbarta occurs in the list of southern countries conquered by Thothmes III (No. 9), and has been compared with the name of the modern Berber. This Brbrta, however, may be the North Syrian Barbartu of Rameses III (B. left, ii. 8).
3. MAU‡, with the determinative of walking. In the Medinet Habu list (No. B. right, i. 26) it follows the name of Korkha in Moab. It is doubtful whether it represents the native name of a country or is the Egyptian matt, "road."¹
4. AAR-MU‡. Aram. Probably the Aram or Syria of Damascus.
5. AAR[―]‡. The name of El precedes that of Aram at Medinet Habu. Compare the name of "the country of Aar" or "El" mentioned next to Nii and shortly after Tunip in the North Syrian list of Thothmes III, No. 134. In the stele of Panammu, king of Samalla, the kingdom of Yari is referred to more than once.²
6. KSH. The land of Cush or Ethiopia.
7. TO-RIS. "The land of the South."
_________
1 It must, of course, be distinguished from the Maua of the southern list of Thothmes III (No. 4).
2 Aar is also the name of a country in the southern list of Thothmes III (No. 179).

THE LIST OF PLACES IN PALESTINE CONQUERED BY RAMSES II
ENUMERATED ON THE SOUTHERN WALL OF KARNAK

1. QANS(A)-ALMA‡, Qa-n-Salem, "the district of Salem." The position of the place in the list of Rameses III shows that Salem or Jerusalem is meant. Shalam is one of the cities of Palestine captured by Rameses II, according to the texts of the Ramesseum. In the corresponding list of Ramses III qa is written qau. Brugsch, in his Dictionary, gives qai as signifying "a plateau," from qa, "to be high." In the poem of Pentaur the word is written gau(t)j with the determinatives of locality and road, and is in parallelism with matennu, "roads."
2. QAL-P(A)A[NA]. The list of Rameses III shows that we must read "the Lake of Re[th]pa[na]," the dental having been omitted by the Egyptian scribe. As the name of the lake comes in that list between Salem and the Jordan it must represent the Dead Sea. The dental should properly correspond with a Hebrew (Canaanitish) samech; in thupar "a trumpet," however, it represents a shin (Hebrew shophar), so that Rethpana may be a derivative from Resheph, the Canaanitish Sun-god, who revealed himself in flames of fire.¹ Compare Gen. xix. 24.
__________
1 The name of the god, when introduced into the Egyptian pantheon, was pronounced Reshpu. His consort seems to have been the goddess Kadesh.

3. AA[RD]AN[A]‡. Read Verdana, "the country of the Jordan." The name is restored from the list of Rameses III.
4. KHIR-Z‡. Khilz, probably the Babylonian khalzu, "fortress."
5. QAR-HU‡. The Korkha of the Moabite Stone. See Records of the Past, New Series, vol. ii. p. 200.
6. [UR]IU‡|. In the list of Rameses III the determinative of locality is attached to the u in both syllables to indicate its length. Perhaps the Babylonian urn, the Moabite Ar or "City" (Numb. xxi. 28), is meant.
7. ABL‡. The Abel or "meadow" of a place called Karzak in the list of Rameses III. Compare the Abel of the Palestine list of Thothmes III (No. 92).
8. QARMANA‡. Carmel of Judah. See Records of the Past, New Series, vol. v. p. 50 (No. 96).
9. QAHIR-IR-TABALA‡. "The upper district of Thabara." This must be Debir, the old name of Kirjath-sepher, since the dental is that which corresponds with the d of Megiddo and Damascus in the list of Thothmes III. See the list of Rameses III, B. right, i. 16.
10. SHMASHNA‡. Pronounce Shimshana, Shimshon, "the city of the Sun-god," called Ir-shemesh in the Old Testament (Josh. xix. 41).
11. HADAS[T]A‡, with determinative after initial ha. This name must be taken along with the next,
12. AARIZ‡, the Hebrew erez, "country," the Egyptian scribe having transposed the places of the substantive and adjective. The term means "new lands." It is the Hadashah of Josh. xv. 37. See the list of Rameses III, B. right, i. 18, 19.

1. [R]AUSHQAD[SHU‡]. Rosh-Qadesh, "the headland" of Mount Carmel. See Records of the Past, New Series, vol. v. p. 47 (No. 48).

2. I[N-]ZATA‡. This follows the name of Rosh-Qadesh in the list of Ramses III (B. right, ii. 12).
3. [MAG]AR‡. Called "the spring of the Magar" by Rameses III (B. right, ii. 13). It is the Magoras or river of Beyrout, which took its name from the Magharat or "Caves," past which it runs. In the Travels of a Mohar, the sky is described as being darkened there.
4. R-H(U)ZA‡, with determinative after h(u). The name is written in the same way in the list of Rameses III (B. right, ii. 8). It cannot have been far from Gaza.
5. S(A)-AAB(A)-TA‡. Written Saaba by Ramses III (B. right, ii. 9), who places it next to Gaza.
6. KAZ(A)T(O)|‡. Gaza.
7. QAS(A)-R-AA‡. Qa-Sala, aa being followed by the determinative. In the list of Rameses III (B. right, ii. 5), the name is written Qau-Salakh, an attempt being made to represent the guttural sound of the Canaanitish ghain. "The district of Sela" must be that about Petra (2 Kings xvii. 7; Isaiah xvi. 1).
8. QAUZ(A)-ASR (?)‡. The lost character is doubtful, and may be a instead of r. In the corresponding name, however, in the list of Rameses III (B. right, ii. 6), we have almost certainly r. "The district of Zasr" or "Zasl," between Sela and Jacob-el.
9. IAAQB(A)AL―. The hieroglyphs neb-k, "thy lord," have been engraved over the name, in which aa is followed by the determinative. The "Jacob-el" of the list of Thothmes III (Records of the Past, New Series, vol. v. p. 102). In the list of Rameses III (B. right, ii. 7) the name of Gaza follows after two other names.
10. P(A)T(O)NAK-RITH‡. "The country of Akrith." This must be the Ugarit of the Tel el-Amarna tablets.

On the right hand side of the entrance to the great hall the cartouches are almost all destroyed, only the final characters remaining in each. We have:

(l) [ ] Q(?)A‡.
(2) [ ] ZA‡.
(3) [ ] R‡.
(4) [ ] ANAUL.
(5) [ ] AA(?)‡
(6) [ ] "Lake."
(7) [ ] NTH‡.
(8) [ ] U‡.
(9) [ ] UR‡.
(10) [ ] Z(A)?‡|.
(11) [ ] "Lake."
(12) [ ] "Lake."
(13) [ ] S(?)‡.
(14) [ ] ‡.
(15) [ ] S‡.
(16) [ ] ―F‡.
(17) M(A)THNA‡. Mitanni, the Aram Naharaim of Scripture.
(18) LN-R‡. To be pronounced Lai or Lar. The 43rd name in the list of Seti I at Abydos.
(19) AR-TUG‡. The 39th name in the list of Seti I, where it follows the name of Tunip (now Tennib, north-west of Aleppo),

(20) ASSUR‡. Assyria. The 37th name in the list of Seti I.
(21) B(A)R-GA‡. The 42nd name in the list of Seti I, in which it is written Barq. We may compare Barga, a district of Hamath, mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions. See Records of the Past, New Series, iv. p. 70, line 88.
(22) [ ]NTAS‡

On the left hand side of the entrance were three lines of cartouches one above the other. Of the first line there remain only―

(7) [BAL-]NU‡. No. 13 in the list of Seti I.
(8) [A]QUPTA. No. 28 in the list of Seti I, where it follows the name of Mennus.

(l) [ ] QU‡.
(2) [ ] U‡.
(3) [ ] ZM‡.
(4) [ ] GAL―.
(5) "The waters of [ ]ZH."
(6) KP[ ]U‡.
(7) B(A)[ ]‡.
(8) HAA‡(or HAM).
(9) LN-L(?)‡. See above, No. 18.
(10). R[ ].

(1) M(A)THNA‡. This seems to be Mitanni.
(2) THKH[ ]‡.
(3) QAR-TH[ ]AA(?)M. This seems to contain a Semitic Kirjath.
(4) QAD[ ]U‡. Compare the Qadna of Seti I. (No. {p.30} 9), called Qadnaf by Amenophis III. (Lepsius, Denkmaler, iii. 88).
(5) QAB(A)AA‡. Probably some Gibeah. Compare the name of Gaba[ ], which precedes Ashkelon, at the Ramesseum.
(6) HERAZTUM‡. This was a country of Pun, called Shaztum in the southern list of Thothmes III. (No. 61), and Aztum in that of Rameses III. (B. right, ii. 2).
(7) STHBU‡. A country of Pun, mentioned with the preceding in the lists of Thothmes III. (No. 60) and Rameses III. (B. right, ii. i).
(8) UTU[L]TH‡. A country of Pun mentioned with the preceding by Thothmes III. (No. 59).

A. I. On the left side of the first pylon¹:
a.
(1). TAS(A)-[KH]U‡. The names which accompany this show it to have been a country of Northern Syria. See below, II. south, vi. 6.
(2). AURI‡. The Aur-ma of the North Syrian list of Thothmes III. (No. 313).
(3). AN-THAK‡. The An-t[ak] of the North Syrian list of Thothmes (No. 193).

Below, facing left:
b.
(1). KAR-NA‡.
(2). AATU‡. This and the preceding name form the single compound name Atugeren in the North Syrian list of Thothmes (No. 191). Atu-geren or Atu-karna seems to mean "the goddess Athe of the horn."
(3). TR-BUS(A)‡. The Trb of the list of Thothmes (No. 190), now Tereb, south-west of Aleppo.
The final -s is the suffix of the nominative.
(4). THIR-NA‡. The Tarnu of the list of Thothmes (No. 260).

Facing right:
(1). HIR-NAM‡. The names which accompany this show that it was in Southern Palestine. We cannot,
________
1 Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, vii.

therefore, identify it with Harnemmata, mentioned in the Travels of a Mohar, which seems to have been near Kadesh on the Orontes.
(2). R-B(A)N-TH‡. Lebanoth.
(3). KHIBUR |. Long since identified with Hebron.
(4). AATSA-R‡.
(5). R-ZS(?)[ ]U(?)‡.
(6). IHA‡. Phonetically this name corresponds with the Hebrew Yah, the shorter form of Yahveh.

(1). MA[ ]‡. One letter has been lost in this name.
(2). P(?)R(?)[ ].
(3). PUTHR[A]‡. Compare the name of Pari or Pethor in the list of Thothmes (No. 280).
(4). TS(A)-TS(A)-M(A)‡.

(1). THR-SHKHA‡. Tharshkha, in Northern Syria.
(2). KHAL-B‡. Helebi, on the Euphrates, the Khalbu of Thothmes III. (No. 246).
(3). S(A)-R-MESKI‡. The name perhaps contains that of the Meshech or Moschi, the Muska of the Assyrian inscriptions.
(4). AAIM(A)R‡. Written Aimar below (fifth line, No. 4). It is the name of the Amorite, elsewhere written Aamar. Compare the Amar-seki of Thothmes III. (No. 156).

(1). S(A)-RI‡. Perhaps the Sur of Thothmes III. (No. 252). Compare the name of the river Saros.
(2). ATAL‡. Compare the Atur of Thothmes III. (No. 221).
(3). M(A)QNAS(A)‡. The Mangnasa of Thothmes III. (No. 1 86).
_______
1 Dumichen, plate xii.

(1). AA[ ]-SI‡. The ideograph of plurality follows one lost character.
(2). AAMAN‡. Amanus, the Khamanu of the Assyrian inscriptions, a spur of which was called Amman-anu. See Records of the Past, New Series, vol. v. pp. 127 and 158.
(3). AAL-KAN‡. Compare the Alka of Thothmes III (No. 283). Also Argana, a district of Hamath, mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions; see Records of the Past, New Series, vol. iv. p. 70, line 88.
(4). PER-KATS(A)‡. The last character is doubtful, and the first should probably be read Pi.
(5). B(?)UBAl‡.
(6). KR-NA‡. For Kama, the Atu-geren of Thothmes III, see above.

(l). KlR-Ul‡.
(2). AABURTTH‡. The Abaltth of Thothmes III (No. 206).
(3). QUBUR‡. For this see below (B. right, ii. 17).
(4). AIM(A)R‡. The land of the Amorite, called Amurra in the cuneiform texts of Tel el-Amarna, north of Palestine. See above, 2nd line (No. 4).
(5). UL-U‡. The two vowels have the determinative of locality attached to them, showing that they have a long sound. They would thus correspond with the Assyrian uru, given in the lexical tablets as the equivalent of the Hebrew 'iru, "city." From the list which is given below it would appear that Uru was in Moab. It may therefore correspond with Ar of Moab. See the List of Ramses II at Karnak, i. 6.
(6). KUSHP(A)TU‡.
(7). K-NNU‡. Probably the Kanneh of Ezekiel xxvii. 23, called Erez Kna, "the land of Kanneh," by Thothmes III (No. 139).

(8). L[ ]UR-S‡. The first character is not quite certain, and the name may be the Sarrsu of Thothmes III (No. 317).
(9). AAP(A)IKHA. This must be the Anpnkha of Thothmes III (No. 318).

(1). SHABI‡.
(2). TSAUR‡. More probably the Thnu-zaur of Thothmes III (No. 173), than his PA-ZRU or "Plain" (No. 154).
(3). KIR-SNPERN‡. The last syllable should be read pin.
(4). M(A)UR-NUS(A)‡. Mul-nus is a name similar in formation to Mul-mal or Mul-mar (below, B. left, ii. 8), or to that of the Hittite king Mul-sir.
(5). S(A)-MAI‡. Simi resembles the name of a goddess of Hierapolis (the successor of Carchemish), who is called Simi by Melito of Sardes.
(6). TAS(A)-KHA‡. A comparison of the Kappadokian local names, Das-tarkon, Das-menda, and Das-teira, indicates that Das was a Hittite deity.
(7). ZAURI‡. The Pa-zru or "Plain" of Thothmes III (No. 154).
(8). AB(A)L‡. An Abel or "meadow," of which the A(u)balina of Thothmes III (No. 151) is an Aramaic plural.
(9). M(A)THNA‡. Mitanni, or Aram-Naharaim, opposite Carchemish.
(10). KAR-KAM(A)SH‡. Carchemish, now Jerablus, a little to the north of the junction of the Sajur and the Euphrates.

(1). PUNT‡. The districts on either side of the Babel-Mandeb.²
________
1 Dumichen, plate xiii.
2 In the account of the expedition to Pun given by Queen Hashepsu at Der el-Bahari, the country is stated to have been "on the two sides of the Great Green Water," which the Pyramid texts prove to have signified the Red Sea.

(2). APMU‡. A region of Pun. Called Pamu by Thothmes III, southern list (No. 47).
(3). ASP‡. Called Aspau in the southern list of Thothmes III (No. 46).
(4). ZZS(A)S‡. No. 90 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(5). HUAT‡. No. 89 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(6). TOSM(A)M‡. No. 94 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(7). M(A)ARI‡.

(1). ZUNU‡, with determinative of "foreigner."
(2). TAB(A)T‡.
(3). ANTAKA‡.
(4). ZZSS(A)‡. This name shows that we are still in the south.
(5) and (6) destroyed.
(7). [A]ZTUM‡. Called Her-aztum by Ramses II, Luxor, iii. 6.
(8). [ ]BIMU.
(9). TEPSTUM‡. No. 253 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(10). AIMENNU‡. No. 254 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(11). ABS(A)-FU‡. No. 255 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(12). HUFU‡. Called Hafu by Thothmes III (No. 256).
(13). AFU‡, with determinative of "foreigner." No. 257 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(14). TUMER(?)‡. No. 248 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(15). SHBBT‡. No. 249 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(16). DUAUUM‡. No. 250 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
_________
1 Dumichen, plate xvii.

(17). AASHAA‡. Called Aashu by Thothmes III (No. 251).
(18). ZANU‡, with the determinative of "foreigner." Probably identical with No. 1. Called Za by Thothmes III (No. 252).
(19). [ ]RT‡.
(20). [ ]NAHA‡.
(21). [ ]AQ‡.
(22). AHATHRER‡. No. 246 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(23). HAA‡, with determinative of "foreigner."
(24), TO-SHSHT‡. No. 105 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(25). BHSTI‡. No. 106 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(26). B(A)[KT]‡. No. 108 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(27). TAS(A)-TU‡. No. 109 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(28). NHSTH‡. No. 101 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(29). TRERNS[‡]. No. 102 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(30). ZSN‡. No. 103 in the southern list of Thothmes III.
(31). AAA‡. Called Au by Thothmes (No. 104).¹
(32). FURI‡.
(33). TRER[ ]‡.
(34). [M].
(35). TRER[ ]A‡.
(36) destroyed.
(37). ATH[ ]A‡.
(38), (39) (40) destroyed.
(41). [ ]TU‡.
(42). [ ]KA‡².
_______
1 Most of the identifications of the names in the southern list with the names given by Thothmes III have already been made by Brugsch Pasha. The names in the southern list of Thothmes III are given in accordance with the corrections made by Professor Maspero after a fresh collation with the originals (Recueil de Travaux relatifs d la Philologie et a l'Archtologie egyptiennes et assyriennes, vii. 2, 3, 1886).
2 Dumichen's copies cease here.

(1). KAR-NA‡.
(2). AATU‡. For these two names see above (I. b. 1, 2). It will be noticed that where a geographical name is divided into two, the second part of it is given first.
(3). TR-BUS(A)‡. The Trb of Thothmes III. See above (I. b. 3). The Tel el-Amarna tablets have informed us that in the languages of Mitanni and Arzawa, as in that of Van, the nominative of nouns terminated in -s.
(4). THIR-NA‡. See above (I. b. 4).
(5). AN-THKA‡. See above (I. a. 3).
(6). ANTAKN‡. This is evidently another form, perhaps a plural, of the preceding. In the languages of Mitanni and Arzawa, as in that of Van, the accusative of nouns terminated in -n.
(7). TABATA‡. Compare the Abata of Thothmes III (No. 198).
(8). M(A)RM(A)UR‡. The Maurmar or Mulmal of Thothmes III (No. 272).
(9). TR-KHAIS‡. The Tarkha of Thothmes III (No. 292), with the suffix (s) of the nominative.
(10). AAMESTR-K‡. To be read Yemes-Tark, where the second part of the compound is the name of the Hittite god Tarku.
(11). A-R-KABR‡. Written Rrbur below (C. ii. 4).
(12). KAGATI‡. Written Kaqth below (C. ii. 5).
(13). TS(A)-AKNU‡. Zaknu.
(14). THR-TU‡. The t is probably a mistake for the similarly-formed character kh.
(15). MAIL‡, with the determinative of "foreigner." Read Mil or Mir.

(1). MAIL‡. The name which follows indicates the relative situation of the country.

(2). SENTS(A)-ARNA‡. The Senzar of the inscription of Amen-em-heb (Records of the Past, New Series, vol. iv. p. 9), which Prof. Maspero identifies with the Thnu-zaur of the list of Thothmes III (No. 173). In the language of Mitanni the suffix (e)na denotes the plural.
(3). THSUPU‡. Compare the name of the Mitannian god Tessupas or Tessubbe, the Vannic Teisbas, who corresponded to the Assyrian Hadad-Rimmon.
(4). TA-S(A)-A‡. Perhaps to be pronounced Tusua.
(5). THURIM(A)K‡.
(6). AR-PUINl‡.
(7). AAPIZA‡.
(8). AAM(A)R-DK‡. Compare the Amar-ski of Thothmes III (No. 156).
(9). TUNA‡. Uskhitti of Tuna, which adjoined the country of the Tubal or Tibareni, paid tribute to Tiglath-Pileser III.
(10). NABUR‡. Or Nabul.
(11). IRP‡.
(12). KHAN A‡. The Khana-rabbat or "Khana the great" of the Assyrian inscriptions. Milid, the modern Malatiyeh, was its capital. The Tel el-Amarna tablets make it probable that at the time they were written it formed part of the kingdom of Mitanni or Aram-Naharaim.
(13). TAZUM(A)‡.
(14). THUBTI‡. Called Tubti below (D. ii. 18).
(15). KAQTH‡. Called Kagati above (i. 12).

(1). HIRNAM‡. See above (I. b. i).
(2). R-BAN-TH‡. Lebanoth. See above (I. b. i).
(3). B(A)IT (determinative of "house") AAAN[T]‡. The Beth-Anoth of Josh. xv. 59. See the Palestine list of Thothmes III (No. 111).

(4). QAR-BU[T?]U‡. The last character but one is doubtful. At the Ramesseum Qarbu[tu] is combined with Baitha-Antha or Beth-Anoth (Josh. xv. 59).
(5). KARMAIMA‡. Karmim, the plural of the Canaanite kerem, "garden," called Karman by Thothmes III (No. 96). It is the Carmel of Judah (Josh. xv. 55).
(6). SHBUDUNA‡. Called Shbtuna by Thothmes III (No. 73), now Shebtin.
(7). MASHAB-IR‡. There may be a lost character before ‡.
(8). KHIBUR‡. Hebron, as has long since been recognised.
(9). INNU, with determinative of "water." The famous Ain or "Spring" of Hebron. See Josh. xv. 19, and compare the Palestine list of Thothmes III (No. 113).
(10). TO-R-B(A)-NA‡, "the district of Libna." The Libnah of Judah (Josh. xv. 42).
(11). AAP(A)QA‡. Aphekah, near Hebron (Josh. xv. 53).
(12). AAB(A)-KHI‡.
(13). MAKTHIR (with determinative of "house")‡. A Migdol, doubtless Migdal-gad in Judah (Josh. xv. 37).
(14). QAR-TS(A)-AK‡.
(15). QARIMANA‡. The engraver has written r like l. Karmel of Judah, however, must be intended, as is shown by the Karnak list of Rameses II, i. 8.
(16). [Q]AUHER-TAB(A)LRA‡. The engraver has omitted the initial character. "The upper district of Debir." See the Karnak list of Rameses II, i. 9.
(17). SHMASHNA‡. Ir-shemesh. See the Karnak list of Rameses II, i. 10.
(18). HUDAS(A)-TH‡. The first character is followed by the determinative of abstracts. The Hadashah or "new" country of Josh. xv. 37. See the Karnak list of Rameses II, i. 11.
(19). AAR-TS(A)‡. The Canaanite erets, "land."
(20). QAUNS(A)-LM[A]‡. Qau-n-salem, "the district of Salem" or Jerusalem. In the Tel el-Amarna tablets Jerusalem is called Uru-salim, and a lexical {p.40} tablet explains urn by the Assyrian alu, "city." The name therefore signifies "the city of Salim," the god of peace. See Gen. xiv. 18.
(21). QAUL-THP(A)NA, with determinative of "lake." As the Dead Sea is the only lake in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem and the Jordan it must be denoted by the name, "the lake of the district of Rethpana." See the Karnak list of Rameses II, i. 2.
(22). AAR-DANA‡. Pronounce Verdana, the Jordan.
(23). KHIR-TS(A)‡. Probably to be read Khilz, the Assyrian Khahu, "fortress."
(24). QAR-HU (with determinative of abstracts). The Korkha of the Moabite Stone. See the Karnak list of Rameses II, i. 5.
(25). U-L-U‡. Each of the two vowels has the determinative of locality affixed. See the Karnak list of Rameses II, i. 6.
(26). MAU, with the determinative of "walking." See the first Karnak list of Rameses II, No. 3.¹

1. AKATA‡. Perhaps Jokthe-el in Judah (Josh. xv. 38).
2. KAR-KA‡.
3. [ ]PUTH‡. Perhaps Zidiputa mentioned in Papyrus Anastasi I, the Zadpthl of the list of Shishak.
4. AAB(A)R‡. An Abel or "Meadow." Perhaps No. 99 in the Palestine list of Thothmes III.
5. QAUS(A)-RAKH‡. "The district of Sela." See the Karnak list of Rameses II, ii. 7.
6. QAUHER-TS(A)-ASR‡. The last character is doubtful. "The upper district of Zasr (?)." In the Karnak list of Rameses II (ii. 8), the term "upper" is omitted.
7. IAAB(A)-AL‡. After da is the determinative of abstracts. A comparison with the Karnak list of Rameses II (ii. 9), shows that the engraver has omitted the character q, the name being Yaqbal, or Jacob-el.
________
1 The remaining names in this line are still covered with rubbish.

8. R-HUZA‡. After hu is the determinative of abstracts. See the Karnak list of Rameses II, ii. 4.
9. S(A)-AAB(A)‡. Called Sabata in the Karnak list of Rameses II, ii. 5.
10. KA-TS(A)-TO‡. Gaza.
11. LSHA-QADSHU‡. Rosh-Qadesh, or Mount Carmel. See the Karnak list of Rameses II, ii. 1.
12. IN-ZATH‡.
13. AN (determinative of "eye") N'MGAR‡. "The spring of the Magoras," or River of Beyrout. See the Karnak list of Rameses II, ii. 3.
14. R-UIAAIR (determinative of "walking")‡. This would read Lui-el or Levi-el, a compound similar to Jacob-el, Joseph-el, and Jephthah-el (Josh. xix. 27). But it is strange to find the name of Levi in the neighbourhood of Beyrout.
15. BUR‡. "The cistern." The Bar or Beer ("well") of the list of Thothmes III (No. 50).
16. QAMATU‡. The engraver has written q in mistake for l in the last syllable. For Qamtu or Qamdu see the list of Thothmes III (No. 8). It is called "the city of Kumidi" in the Tel el-Amarna tablets.
17. QUBUR-AA‡. The determinative of abstracts follows da. "Qubur the great." See above (A. II. 5th line, 3).
18. IHA‡. See above (A. I. right, 6).
19. TUR‡.
20. S(A)-N-NUR‡. Shinnur. Shenir was the Amorite name of Mount Hermon (Deut. iii. 9). It is written Saniru in the Assyrian inscriptions.
21. MAN-DAR‡.
22. ZAB(A)B(A)‡.
23. AAMATA‡. Hamath. See the list of Thothmes III (No. 122).
24. ZAUIR‡. "The plain" of Aram, called Pa-Zru by Thothmes III (No. 154). Similarly in the Tel el-Amarna tablets Bashan is named Ziri-Basana, "the plateau of Bashan."
25. KR-NA‡. See above (A. I. b. i).¹
_________
1 The remaining names in the line are still covered with rubbish. Doubtless the name of Atu followed.

1. QAUTAFU(?)[ ]U‡.
2. [ ]A[ ]‡.
3. lQU[ ]U‡.
4. MAN ATA‡.
5. QA(?)NRA[ ]N.
6. DQUR‡.
7. IS(A)N-T[U]‡.
8. B(A)K[ ]. This is probably the country of Bak mentioned by Rameses II. at Karnak after Mau.

1. M(A)R-M(A)UR‡. See above (B. south, i. 8).
2. THR-KHIS‡. The engraver has written t by mistake for kh. See above (B. south, i. 9).
3. AAMESTR-K‡. See above (B. south, i. 10).
4. R-R-BUR‡. To be corrected into Arkabr as above (B. south, i. 11 ).
5. KAQTH‡. Written Kagati above (B. south, i. 12). The variations show that the names have been copied from different originals.
6. TS(A)-KNA‡. Written Tsaknu above (B. south, i. 13).
7. P(A)R-BU‡.
8. B(A)R-B(A)[R]TU‡. Apparently the Brbrta of Rameses II. at Karnak (No. 2).
9. destroyed.
10. ATOKA‡. Compare Anth(a)ka above (B. south, i. 5), written Atak[a] by Thothmes III. (No. 297).
11. destroyed.
12. [ ]AQANT[A]‡.

Facing right:

2. ZA[TH]A‡. The Zath of the southern list of Thothmes (No. 44).
3. M(A)NZU‡. Azemet in the list of Thothmes (No. 45).
4. ASPA‡. No. 46 in the list of Thothmes.
5. APMU‡. Called Pa-mu in the southern list of Thothmes (No. 47).
6. PUNT‡. No. 48 in the list of Thothmes.
7. AHFU‡. No. 49 in the list of Thothmes.
8. AMMESS‡. No. 50 in the list of Thothmes.
9. MENSHAU‡. No. 5 1 in the list of Thothmes.
10. AFUNH‡. No. 52 in the list of Thothmes.
11. NURAHU‡. No. 53 in the list of Thothmes.
12. MZ[MENN]|. No. 54 in the list of Thothmes.
13. AH[UL]‡. No. 55 in the list of Thothmes. Identified by Mariette with the Greek Aualitis.
14. AAAZM[‡], No. 56 in the list of Thothmes.
15. MAM[THU‡]. No. 5 7 in the list of Thothmes.
16. MBUTU‡. No. 58 in the list of Thothmes.
17. KRKUA‡.

1. STHBU‡. No. 60 in the list of Thothmes.
2. AZTUM‡. No. 61 in the list of Thothmes. See above (A. north-west, 7).
3. NUHTUM‡. No. 62 in the list of Thothmes.
4. HKHA‡. Called Hkfuh (i.e. Hkauh) by Thothmes (No. 63).
5. TUNT‡. No. 64 in the list of Thothmes.
6. B(A)AA‡. No. 65 in the list of Thothmes.
7. A(?)MST‡. No. 66 in the list of Thothmes.
8. TO-TOUN‡. To is repeated four times. The corresponding name in the list of Thothmes (No. 87) reads To-to-to-sa.
9. TENNU‡. Ten is followed by the ideograph of a bird resting against a stake. The reading shows what must be the pronunciation of the corresponding name in the list of Thothmes (No. 88), which has been read Thehennu by Dr. Brugsch.
10. HUAT‡. No. 89 in the list of Thothmes.

11. ZZSS(A)|‡. No. 90 in the list of Thothmes.
12. TEP-NUKHEB‡. "The end (of the road from) Nekheb," the modern El-Qab. The place must therefore have been situated on the coast of the Red Sea.
13. B(A)KM(A)‡. Compare No. 92 in the list of Thothmes.
14. MASI‡. No. 93 in the list of Thothmes.
15. TO-SM(A)‡. No. 94 in the list of Thothmes.
16. KHSKHT‡. No. 95 in the list of Thothmes.
17. KABI‡.

D. East side of the pylon, right side. The names in the first line are all destroyed. Facing left:

1. B(A)RB(A)R SEP‡. That is, Barbar ("bar repeated").
2. AAZUNA‡.
3. ARTOKNA‡. The Aartug (No. 39) of the list of Seti I, which follows the name of Tunip. For the suffix -na see above (B. ii. 2).
4. A(?)TS(A)-KHAZU‡.
5. SHAQAN‡. With the determinative of "foreigner."
6. 7, and 8 are destroyed.
9. TA-S(A)-NA‡. Compare B. ii. 4.
10 and 11 are destroyed.
12. [ ]AK‡.
13. [ ]NA‡
14. A]BIR[ ]NA‡. An Abel or "Meadow."
15 destroyed.
16. NUI[ ]M(?)[ ]NA‡. With the determinative of "foreigner."
17. KHAZM(A)N‡. With the determinative of "foreigner."
18. TUBTI‡. Written Thubti above (B. ii. 14).

I add here the fragment of a list of places in Northern Syria conquered by Thothmes III, engraved on the eastern wall of the second pylon at {p.45} Karnak, and published by M. Bouriant in the Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la Philologie et a l'Archeologie egyptiennes et assyriennes, xi. 3, 4, p. 156.

LETTERS FROM PHOENICIA TO THE KING OF EGYPT IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY BC
TRANSLATED BY THE EDITOR

THE age and character of the cuneiform tablets found at Tel el-Amarna in Upper Egypt have been fully described in former volumes of this series of the Records of the Past, as well as the principal results derived from their discovery. During the past winter all doubts as to the exact spot in which they were found have been removed by Dr. Flinders Petrie's excavations. These have shown that the cuneiform correspondence of the Pharaohs Amenophis III. and Amenophis IV was stored, not in the royal palace itself, but in a building which adjoined it, and in which probably the scribe lived who was versed in the language and syllabary of Babylonia. Among the objects disinterred by Dr. Petrie is a clay cylinder, round which runs the inscription eleven times repeated, "The seal of Tetunu, the servant of Samas-akh-iddin." Dr. Petrie's discoveries show that the fellahin led me to the right place when, a year {p.47} after the tablets had been found, they took me to a ruined building within the precincts of the palace, the bricks of which were stamped with the name and titles of Amenophis IV Khu-n-Aten.

The letters of which I here give translations for the first time have been published in the second part of the Mittheilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen (Berlin, 1890) by Drs. Winckler and Abel, and consist of the correspondence sent to Khu-n-Aten from Phoenicia. The letters are peculiarly difficult to decipher on account of the non-Assyrian forms and idioms which they contain, and which are probably of Canaanitish origin. As Dr. Zimmern has pointed out, we find, for instance, the first person singular of the perfect tense formed by the suffix -ti as in Hebrew, instead of by the suffix -ku as in the corresponding person of the Assyrian permansive. Here and there, moreover, a Canaanitish word is given by the side of its Assyrian equivalent. These words afford a fresh proof that Hebrew was originally "the language of Canaan."

Though the Phoenician letters have not the same Biblical interest as the letters from Southern Palestine of which I have given translations in the last volume of the Records, we may nevertheless gather from them several historical facts. They show that at the time when the correspondence came to an end, the Egyptian empire in Asia was breaking up. The enemies of "the heretic king" {p.48} were beginning to threaten him in Egypt, and he was unable to reply to the pressing requests of his Syrian governors by sending to them the troops for which they asked. The province they administered was surrounded on all sides by its foes. Ebed-Asherah, who seems to have been a Beduin chief, together with his sons, had allied himself to the Hittites, the Babylonians, and the people of Aram-Naharaim, was overrunning the land of the Amorites, and was capturing the Phoenician cities which lay to the west of it. Many of the kings who had been allowed, as at Sidon, Arka, and Hazor, to exercise their royal functions by the side of the Egyptian governors, revolted from Egypt, and Arvad sent its ships to join the enemy. Rib-Addu, the Egyptian governor of Gebal, was already old, and one of his letters seems to show that he was preparing to evacuate Zemar, the centre of the Egyptian government in the inland part of Phoenicia, and retire from the northern portion of the province. It was probably not long before the rule of Egypt ceased to be obeyed, not only in the mountainous interior, but also in the cities of the coast.

Among other interesting facts contained in the letters is the mention of a Yivana or "Ionian," who was in the country of Tyre, apparently employed in the service of the Egyptian king. The name was, therefore, already known in the fifteenth century before our era, and justifies the belief of the Egypto- {p.49} legists that in Huinivu, or Uinin as it is written in Demotic, which represents the name of the Greeks in the bilingual inscription of the Rosetta Stone, we must recognise the Egyptian form of the word "Ionian." The name of Huinivu goes back to early times, since in one of the pyramid texts of the Sixth Dynasty, the Mediterranean is called "the circle which surrounds the Huinivu."¹

The name of Rib-Addi, or Rib-Addu, is not very easy to explain. The second element in it is the name of the god Hadad, but it is not clear to what root the first part of the compound should be assigned. Probably, however, the root is rib, "to contend," so that the name of the Phoenician governor is precisely parallel to those of Jerub-baal and Merib-Baal (1 Chron. viii. 34), the signification of the compound being "Hadad has pleaded."
______
1 Erman in the Zeitschrift fur egyptische Sprache, xxix. i. p. 39.

1. Rib-Addu sends
2. to his lord, the king of the world,
3. the great king, the king of the universe (?),
4. (whom) the divine lady of GEBAL² has known
5. alone; to the king my lord,
6. at the feet of my lord, my Sun-god
7. seven times seven I prostrate myself.
8. This year (certain) men into the presence
9. of the king, who (is) like the god ASSUR³
10. and the Sun-god in heaven, have come;⁴
11. they have reported to him: "The sons
12. of Ebed-Asherah⁵ according to
13. their desires have taken⁶ 2 horses
14. of the king and chariots, and
15. the men whom he sent have given (them);
16. and the IONIAN⁷
________
1 The numbers are those of the Mittheilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen, pt. 2.
2 Gebal, the Byblos of the Greeks, now Jebeil, twenty miles north of Beyrut. The people of Gebal are mentioned in 1 Kings v. 18 (A. V. "stone-squarers") and Ezek. xxvii. 9. According to Philo Byblius, the "Divine Lady," or goddess of Gebal, was Baaltis.
3 Expressed in ideographs, denoting "the god of hosts."
4 Literally are.
5 Abdu-Asirta. In some instances the determinative of divinity is prefixed to the name of the goddess Asherah.
6 Read la-[ku].
7 Yivdna. The word corresponds exactly to the Hebrew Yavan, since a Hebrew yav would become ytv in Assyrian, and is the earliest notice we have of Ionian Greeks. The Ionian in question probably came from Cyprus.

17. is on a mission¹ to the country of TYRE,²
18. for eight days
19. doing this deed
20. in it." They speak words
21. of accusation before the king,
22. the Sun-god. I am thy faithful servant,
23. and the news which (the king) knows
24. and hears have I sent
25. to the king my lord. But (?)
26. they (are) dogs,³ and they have [gone]
27. into the presence of the household troops
28. of the king, the Sun-god. I sent [messages]
29. to thy father, and he [listened]
30. to his servant, and [thy father]
31. despatched] the household
32. troops. The country was not taken.

1. by Ebed-Asherah for [himself]:
2. it was⁴ the property of the
3. governors, since I fought⁵
4. before them against him,
5. and they (were) always
6. strong, and the MISIANS⁶
7. brought the straw (?) of barley⁷
8. always; they did not despise (?)
9. the officer, since I collected horses
10. and (was) strong before them,
11. since we know that both strength and
12. existence (belong) to a strong king.
13. As yet they have not marched up (the country)
_______
1 LU-KIN. The signification is made clear by No. 52, line 7, Rev.
2 ZURI.
3 "Dog" is used in these letters in the sense of "minister" or ""messenger." The idiom may be of Egyptian origin, as sab, "a judge," is represented in the hieroglyphics by the figure of a jackal or a dog.
4 Read i-ba-[sa].
5 Anazur, literally "I defend."
6 The Misi are doubtless the Mas'u or "infantry" of the Egyptian texts.
7 Sev[ti].

14. since I have despatched two men,
15. messengers, to the city of ZEMAR¹
16. and also the leader of all the men,
17. this one (here present), to bring back
18. word to the king of each one thing
19. as much as they have heard.
20. The two men by night
21. have carried (it), and by night
22. they have brought (it) back,
23. even the messengers of the king,
24. from the presence of the dogs.² If
25. the heart of the king, the Sun-god, at
26. [this] time they have engaged,
27. [this] year I shall dwell [in] my [city]
28 in thy heart
29. and the [horses?] ... and the men ....
30. The Beduin³ are marching
31. away from the city of ZEMAR
32. [and] I defend the city,

1. and I have not given it up; and the king
2. will hear the words of his servant, and will send
3. ten men of the country of MELUKHKHA⁴ and ten men of the country of EGYPT
4. to defend the city for the king,
5. the Sun-god, the lord of thy faithful servant.

1. Rib-Addu [sends to his lord,]
2. the great king, the king [of the universe (?)]
_______
1 The Zemar of Gen. x. 18, called Simyra by Strabo; now Sumra.
2 See above, note on Obv. 26.
3 Literally "the Plunderers."
4 Melukhkha was the "salt," desert, which extended between the frontier of Egypt and the confines of Palestine. Compare the Biblical name of "the Salt Sea," Gen. xiv. 3; Num. xxxiv. 12, etc.

3. (to whom) the divine lady of [GEBAL has given]
4. strength; to the king my lord,
5. at the feet of my lord, my Sun-god,
6. [seven] times seven I prostrate myself. Still
7. the king, my lord, says: "For
8. what reason art thou sending him
9. to me? "Behold me;¹ there is no
10. governor in my service
11. from the city of ZEMAR, and still
12. the face of every one (is) towards me and the two men
13. of EGYPT whom I send
14. to Pharaoh.² There is no going forth, there is no
15. sending to the king; there is no
16. man who will carry my letter³
17. to Pharaoh. Now these two men
18. will carry a letter to the king,
19. but I myself⁴ go not forth. Always
20. am I afraid and turn my face
21. towards [the king] my lord. I send ...
22 thy lord,
23. since he will go up(?) .... I will send (?)
24. on the days ..... and I send
25. to Pharaoh, and he will send
26. and will cause soldiers to come⁵ .....
27. The officer has not taken Ebed-Asherah
28. along with his property according to my orders.
29. Words of accusation do I send
30. to my lord, and thou sayest: "Wherefore
31. dost thou send words of accusation?"
32. If thou nearest my words
33. at my mouth, I will take Aziru like ....
34. Behold me, strong (is) my king!
35. Already this very year the sons of
_______
1 Or perhaps, "I say."
2 Literally "the Great House," an exact translation of the Egyptian Per-aa or Pharaoh.
3 Dubbi, literally "tablet."
4 Anna, which seems intended for annu, "this (man)," but it may be the Hebrew dnnah, "indeed."
5 Us-kara[bu].

36. Ebed-Asherah the dog reckon
37. the cities of the governors of the king for [themselves]:
38. they have smitten the cities ....
39. of Aziru, they have not ....
40. the king, to their cities; they have not ....
41. for themselves, from the city of ZE[MAR],
42. the city of ULLAZA¹ the city of SAWA ....
43. their chariots, the prince .....
44. he sends the man
45. soldiers
46. the city of ZEMAR
47. Aziru despatches

1. I am [at] the gate; the men ....
2. to the country of EGYPT
3. and he sent
4. in their hand to me.
5. Constantly I have sent this man,
6. but I do not send [messengers] to the king.
7. Now these two EGYPTIANS
8. have come forth to complain to me,
9. and I cannot venture out. If this year
10. there are no household troops, then the provinces
11. will [fall] to the Beduin, but
12. if it is the wish of the king to save² them
13. I will send my household troops to
14. Yankhame and to Biri, (saying):
15. a March along with your governors!"
16. They have occupied the country of the AMORITES; in quietude
17. they have marched through it. This have I done of myself
_______
1 Ullaza, otherwise unknown, must have been in the neighbourhood of Zemar, the Simyra of classical geography, and the modern Sumra between Tripoli and Amrlt. See Gen. x. 18. Sawa ... may be connected with the mountain of Shaua mentioned in the Travels of the Mohar.
2 Read ba-li-idh.

18. along with Yapa-Addu and along with Kha[tip].
19. And the king will send
20. all ....
21. the property which they have taken
22. from these men for the king.
23. Another man has not taken it for another.
24. We have been successful¹ for the king. Accordingly
25. the king will send a horse
26. to his servant, and I will defend the city
27. of the king. I have nothing at all
28. whatsoever; everything has been given away
29. to save my life; and as for
30. this messenger, the king shall send him in all haste, and shall furnish
31. guards to defend
32. his faithful servant and the city,
33. and (shall furnish) men of MELUKHKHA along with them
34. like the god Zi² of thy fathers.

1. A man of YARI[MUTA].³ At the gate I (stand). A ... I send [to]
2. Pharaoh for the protection of the men of the country of MILU[KHA]; but thou dost not
3. hear yet why is the king constantly sending
4. men of the guard [from] the country of MILUKHA to its defence?
5. They have not [surrendered] the city to the Beduin.
________
1 Literally "one has been successful."
2 There cannot be a reference here to the Assyrian storm-god Zu or Zi, as he was considered an enemy of the other gods, and we must therefore regard Zi as an ideograph. In this case it will mean "Life," the equivalent of the Egyptian ankh. Ankh or "Life" was one of the titles of the Pharaoh.
3 Yarimuta phonetically resembles Jarmuth (Josh. x. 3), but it lay on the sea coast, and was probably to the north of Gebal.

1. Rib-Addu says to
2. the king of the world, the great king,
3. the king of the universe (?), (to whom) the divine Lady
4. of GEBAL has given strength;
5. to the king my lord; at the feet
6. of my lord, my Sun-god seven times seven I prostrate myself.
7. Verily let the king my lord know¹ that
8. strong is the hostility of Ebed-Asherah
9. against me. Now the city which contended
10. against me .... he has taken.
11. Again, what about
12. [Ebed-A]sherah the dog? And he has come
13. [against] all the cities of the king, the Sun-god;
14. [word] to the king of the country of MITANA²
15. [and] the king of the country of the KASSE³ he has sent,⁴ since
16. he has .... and has taken the country of the king⁵ for himself.
17. [And now] again he has collected
18. all the Beduin against the city of SIGATA
19. and the city of AMBI,⁶ and has taken also
20. [the territory?] of this city, and
21. there is no place which the Beduin have not entered.
22. [Make war?] against him; seize
23. ........
24. ...... Send me 400
25. [men]
26. horses

32. [send] the household [troop]s to look after
______
1 Read li-i-di.
2 The Aram-Naharaim of the Old Testament on the eastern bank of the Euphrates, opposite Carchemish.
3 The Babylonians, who were ruled at this time by a Kassite dynasty.
4 Supir.
5 The Egyptian king.
6 This seems to be the Ammi of other tablets, the Ummah of Josh. xix. 30. But it may be the Aup of the Egyptian texts.

33. [the do]gs; and gratuitously
34. again there have been handed over
35. the country of the king and the city of ZEMAR,
36. the city of your guard,
37. to the Beduin, and thou refrainest
38. from sending the household troops
39. (and) an officer, yet (so) thou wilt destroy
40. the enemies of the king from
41. all his country, and
42. all the provinces will be attached
43. to the king. Accordingly
44. do not thou, O great lord,
45. hold aloof from
46. this message.

1. [To] Khayapa ....
2. Rib-Addu [speaks] thus:
3. At thy¹ feet I fall.
4. O AMON,² the god who (is) su[preme],³
5. thou knowest thy light (is) in
6. the countenance of the king my lord, of whom,
7. behold, thou (Khayapa) art a dog,
8. the king knows (it), and in thy own person
9. the king has sent thee
10. as a Commissioner. Wherefore
11. dost thou delay and dost not
12. speak to the king
13. that he may send
14. the household troops and
15. that they may march
16. to the city of ZEMAR? What
17. (is) Ebed-Asherah, the servant,
18. the dog ? yet he has taken
19. the country of the king for himself.
20. What (is) his origin?
21. yet (he is) strong among the Beduin, strong
_______
1 Read ka.
2 Amana.
3 Tsi-[ru].

22. (is) his power, and
23. he has despatched 50 convoys
24. of horses and 200 foot-soldiers,
25. and they are stationed in the city of SIGATA
26. in¹ his presence. Until
27. the household troops appear
28. he will not assemble all
29. the Beduin; yet
30. he has taken the city of SIGATA
31. and the city of AMBI.

1. To the king my lord, my Sun-god,
2. speaks
3. Rib-Addu thy servant thus:
4. At the feet of my lord, my Sun-god,
5. seven times seven I prostrate myself.
6. The king my lord knows
7. that Salma-salla
8. the son of Ebed-Asherah
9. has entered the city of ULLAZA,
10. in order to strengthen the cities of ARDATA,²
11. YIBILIYA, AMBI
12, 13. (and) SIGATA, all the cities, for themselves,³
14. and the king has sent
15. a force to the city of ZEMAR
16. until the king shall give counsel
17. to his country in regard to
18. the sons of Ebed-Asherah
19. the servant, the dog. The king
20. of the country of the KASSI⁴ and the king
21. of the country of MITANI⁵ are strong⁶
22. and have taken the country of the king for
________
1 Read i-na.
2 Probably Arvad is meant.
3 I.e. himself and his brothers.
4 The Babylonians.
5 Aram-Naharaim.
6 I read [da]-na-nu.

1. of thy governor, yet thou delayest
2. in granting the request³ [of]
3. thy Commissioner, and they have seized
4. the cities for themselves.
5. Now they have taken the city of ULLAZA.
6. If, therefore, thou delayest
7. until they have taken the city of ZEMAR and
8. also have slain the Commissioner
9. and the household troops
10. which (are) in ZEMAR, what
11. could one do? and I
12. could not march up
13. to ZEMAR
14. the city. The cities of AMBI,
15. SIGATA, ULLAZA
16. (and) ARVAD⁴ are hostile
17. tome. They have plotted,
18. even they, that they shall enter
19. the city of ZEMAR,
20. even these cities, (and their) ships,
21. And the sons of Ebed-Ashe[rah]
22. (are) in the field, and ....
23 and .....
24. [I?] have not marched up ...

1. ... and the city of GEBAL has acted.
2. Against the Beduin (and) against the city of ARVAD
3. I march, since its ... has joined
4. the Beduin.

1. [Rib-]Addu [the governor]
________
1 Sa-[su-nu] pa- na-nu.
2 U[la-]ku.
3 Literally favour [to].
4 Er-va-da.

2. [of the city of GEBAL] sends to
3. [his lord], the great king, the king of the world, the king
4. of the universe (?) (to whom) the divine lady of GEBAL
5. has given strength; to the king
6. my [lord]; at the feet of [my] lord, [my] Sun-god,
7. [seven times] seven I prostrate myself. Verily
8. the king my lord knows¹ that very strong (is) hostility
9. against us, since they say
10. [be]fore thee: (Still) belongs
11. the city of ZEMAR to the king! The king
12. knows that our fortress has fallen;
13. moreover the sons of Ebed-Asherah have taken it,
14. and there is no one to carry the news
15. to the king. But give counsel, since
16. thy faithful servant (am) I, and thee
17. verily do I hear. I have sent to [my] lord.
18. Prophesy (?), give counsel to the city of ZEMAR,
19. [which] like a bird which (is) in the midst of a snare
20. is placed: its nest
21. is very strong;
22. and the messengers who
23. from BIT- .... TETI [have come]
24. I have sent, and into the city of ZEMAR
25. they have entered² by night.
26. And Ya[pa]-Addu perpetually [lingers],
27. he does not advance with me.
28. The men ... have arrived;
29. they have ridden and know
30. how great (is) my faithfulness .... and
31. these Commissioners of the king
32. the king has sent to me, and
33. the king has spoken to them;
34. and thou hast charged them that they should take
35. all that the king has given to his servant:
36. but the lord knows, as well as his son, at the present time
37. the king has taken everything for himself.
_________
1 Read i-di.
2 [E]ribti-sunu.

38. Moreover all the men who
39. had attached themselves to ....
40. all of them
41. along with me, and ....

1. wherefore
2. against me; nothing at all belonged to
3. them, whether (they were) two or three: thy father
4. furnished silver and listened to
5. the words of his faithful servant, and
6. gave abundance to his servant
7. and his handmaid the city of GEBAL: thou didst determine
8. to be kindly towards me, and as a son
9. I was with thee, and
10. I was at rest. Then Aziru and
11. Yapa-Addu accepted the word of their king (?)
12. in regard to me, but they did not march up [to take]
13. anything, and they acted
14. along with me. Continually is severe sickness¹
15. upon me who fulfil all the .... justice
16. of the king from everlasting .....
17. Moreover behold I am [thy] faithful servant
18. and sickness is upon me in consequence of
19. these words. Behold I am
20. the dust of thy feet, O king!
21. Behold thy father did not
22. entrust Aziru with [his] provinces
23. as his governor, and he was zealous [for]
24. the gods and the goddesses and the divine mistress
25. of GEBAL; and [thou] didst sit
26. on the throne of the house of thy father, [and]
27. to the country of the KASI² attached themselves³
28. the sons of Ebed-Asherah, and [they]
29. took the country of the king for themselves; [together with]
________
1 Mari[ts].
2 The Babylonians.
3 Yabisu[na]. This line has been omitted by Winckler.

30. the king of the country of MITANA (were) they and the king
31. of the country of the KASI and the king of the country of the HITTITES.
32. The king sent the household
33. troops (and) Yankhamu together with
34. [the men] of the king¹ of the country of YARIMUTA
35. [and the] Commissioner of the city of KUMIDI² ....
36. his [servant], and they took

1. To [Am]an-appa my father
2. speaks
3. thus Rib-Addu thy son:
4. at the feet of my father I prostrate myself,
5. I say (and) repeat the report
6. to thee: thou hast not marched up
7. to take me³ from the hand
8. of Ebed-Asherah. All
9. the Beduin (are) with him,
10. and the governors have not
11. heard anything;
12. and they have sent to him,
13. and continually he (becomes) strong, and
14. thou repeatest the word(s) to me:
15. "Send thy man with me
16. to Pharaoh, for he has not obtained
17. (his) request;" and I have sent him
18. together with a force to thee.
19. Until the household troops come forth
_______
1 So in Sayce's copy.
2 Kumidi must be the Kamata of Thothmes III at Karnak (No. 8), which is named after Tubikhi in Northern Palestine, and shortly before Merom. It is written Qam'du by Seti I at Qurnah, where it precedes the name of Tyre, while Ramses III at Medinet Habu writes it Qam'tu, and places it between "the Spring of the Magoras," or river of Beyrout, and Shinnur (Shenir) or Hermon.
3 It may also be translated: "they have not marched up: take me."

20. I defend thy life and
21. I say to thee: "I have not
22. sent all (the men), [and]
23. Ebed-Ashe[rah] has not heard
24. about it. This I have done (and) have escaped
25. from his hand." And thou say[est]
26. to me: "Do not depart,"
27. and thou repeatest the word to me:
28. "Send a ship to
29. the country of YARIMUTA and there shall come for thee
30. silver (and) cattle from it."
31. Now the men whom thou hast given
32. to me are all fled.
33. Now give counsel¹ about thyself, if
34. thou art able, unto me. Now
35. [the king] heard that
36. I have sent my man to Pharaoh,
37. and he spoke to the man, and he stood,
38. he remained near him, and I am stricken down
39. nine times. Now firstly I have committed
40. this offence, and I have committed a second
41. offence, which has happened to me, when
42. after one month no household troops came,
43. and I left the city,
44. and departed and
45. saved my life in order to
46. perform the deed which I desired.
47. This thou didst not know.
48. Accordingly the country of the Amorites day
49. and night thou visitest.
50. Do not send the household troops
51. to AKZABU² but speak to the king
52. that he enquire without delay.

1. [Rib-]Hadad says [thus]
2. [to] the king of the world, the great king,
_______
1 Read [mi]lik.
2 Probably Ekdippa, the Achzib of Josh. xix. 29; Mic. i. 14; now Zib.

3. [the lord] of the city of GEBAL:
4. to the king, [my] lord,
5. [at the feet] of my lord, [my] Sun-god,
6. [seven times seven] do I prostrate myself.
7. I say (and) I send a report
8. to the palace. My words [thou] dost not
9. [consider] and the report [thou] dost not
10. hear. Behold, the action
11. of the city of TYRE I do not fear.
12. Again I do not see the king asking
13. for his governor, even for my brother. The king
14. does not say: "My words (are) for their life."
15. If the king asks,
16. then will we turn our faces¹ to
17. go down to thee. I have done
18. my utmost,² [and] the city of TYRE
19. is before me.
20. Consequently their governor is exalted³
21. together with my sister and her sons.
22. The daughters of my brother I have sent
23. to the city of TYRE from fear of
24. Ebed-A[sherah] .....

4. all the countries .....
5. If for [my] brother
6. the king [my lord] shall ask [and]
7. a return to life [shall grant him]
8. he will send to the king his [lord].
9. They do not attend to his words
10. or in any way to Axu
11. his god. But if for my brother
12. thou shalt ask and shalt say:
________
1 Literally "(there is) a giving of our face."
2 Literally "power."
3 I am inclined to think that the true reading must be daku, "they have killed," instead of saku, "exalted." In this case the translation would be: " Now (allu] they have killed their governor."

13. "(As for) this city (there is) no governor; the king
14. has asked about him," we will not omit¹
15. to do something. But we are afraid
16. if for the governor of the city of TYRE
17. the king shall not ask,
18. since great is his wealth. Like
19. an enemy am I (become). Again,
20. behold the palace of the city of TYRE,
21. there is no palace of any (other) governor
22. like this one; like the palace
23. [of the city] of UOARITA² is it.
24. Exceeding great is (the) wealth of the man], all of it. The king has heard concerning] it. He has sent a servant that he may] enquire, and he has left. Here] I re[main] and
25. ......
26. ......
27. ......
28. ......
29. [send?] to the governors, and

32. The Commissioner of the king ......
33. [to] the hand of the king [of] the world

1. ... the king knows (and) sends.
2. They have taken [Ebed-A]sherah. His enemy
3. [is be]fore them, and before the place .....
4. The king has ..... them. I have not sent(?) ....
_______
1 Nitebiru from ebiru, "to pass over."
2 The city of Ugarita is mentioned in another letter (No. 76, Obv. 4-6). "Since my lord has sent to his servants from the countries of Zalukhkhi (? Melukhkhi) and from the city of Ugarite they have marched." Perhaps it is the Akarith of the Egyptian texts. In the poem of Pentaur Akarith is mentioned between Anaugas (which Professor Erman has shown to be the Nukhasse of the Tel el-Amama tablets) and Mushanat (possibly the Usanat of Shalmaneser II, see Records of the Past, New Series, vol. iv. p. 71, line 93). In a later passage of the same poem it comes between Carchemish and Qadi (the Ketis of the Kilikian plain according to Professor Maspero), Anaugas following next. In a despatch from Yapa-Hadad to Yankhamu (Winckler, No. 128, it is said that "all the districts have gone after Aziru, from Gebal to Ugarit."

1. Rib-Hadad of the city of GEB[AL]
2. to his lord the king of the world,
3. the king of the universe (?),
4. (to whom) the divine mistress of GEBAL,
5. has given strength; to
6. the king my lord; at
7. the feet of my lord, my Sun-god,
8. seven times seven I prostrate myself.
9. Since they say [to the king]:
10. He has not ..... himself!
11. now them among
12 my fathers,
13. the men [whom] the king protects,
14. I have not [injured?] them and the property
15. of the king [in] their [charge]. And such an one
16. (am) I. There is no possession
17. of the king in my [hands], and
18. there are no men of the guard
19. of the king in my [province]. I
20. (am) in my own territory,¹
21. among the troops [of] my own [territory].

24. The men of the guard,
25. the men of the king, [my property]
26. have taken away as well as the pro[perty]
27. of the king in addition to it, and
28. here am I, without
29. the guard and without
30. the property of the king for
31. myself. And Pakhura²
32. has done a great (mis)-deed
33. against me: he has sent
34. men of the country of the SUTE³ and
_______
1 Read edini.
2 The Egyptian Pa-Hor.
3 In the Assyrian texts the Sute denote the Beduin, more especially those who inhabited the eastern bank of the Tigris and the western bank of the Euphrates. They correspond to the Sati of the Egyptian inscrip-

35. they have smitten the SERDANI,¹
36. and three men (out of them)
37. have not entered the country of EGYPT,
38. and for many days
39. thou askest the city concerning me;
40. and thereupon
41. thou sayest: "The city has done
42. what it should not have done, acting
43. against me out of opposition;²
44. and the king has heard
45, 46. the words of his servant and has sent
47. men (saying): "Do not act."
48. [Of how] at that time
49, 50. they acted [I sent] my report accordingly.
51. ....my life

1. .... the men before the king ....
2. ....hear me. Now .....
3. .... thus I sent to [the king]
4. .... and I will return this year (?).

1. [To the king] my lord, the Sun-god of the earth,
2. [speaks R]ib-Hadad thy servant; at the feet [of the king]
3. [my lord,] the Sun-god, seven times seven I [prostrate myself].
4. [I] declare to the king my lord [the messages]
5. which they have sent as follows to the king my lord.
6. But they have not listened to my words.
__________
tions, who were primarily the Beduin of the Asiatic deserts east of Egypt. If Sati is a word of Egyptian origin, it would denote "archers," but the fact that it is identical with the Assyrian Sute, makes this doubtful.
1 The Shairdana or Sardinians of the Egyptian monuments, a body of whom was incorporated in the Egyptian army. This passage shows that they served as mercenaries under the Pharaoh at least a century before the reign of Seti I, in whose time they have hitherto been supposed to have made their first entrance into Egypt.

7. Now three times have there fallen upon me these
8. misfortunes (?) and for two years (?)....
9. I have no corn: corn to
10. eat unto me there is not. What is to be done¹
11. for the men my allies? All
12. their sons, their daughters (and) their houses²
13. have been handed over to the land of YARIMUTA
14. in order to preserve their lives.³ Again
15. the king my lord hears the words
16. of his faithful servant and sends
17. corn in ships and preserves
18. his servant and (his) property,⁴ and he has despatched
19. 400 men (and) 30 convoys of horses
20. as a present to Suta,
21. and they will defend the city for thee.
22. Again since Yankhamu says:
23. "Thou hast given corn to Rib-Hadad,"
24. give [corn also] to him
25. [when] thou enterest [the city] of TYRE.
26. [Let] the corn, 30 men
27. [and .... convoys of horses be] his gift [like unto] my [gift].
28. And this in the case of Yapa-Hadad:
29. .... I have taken their silver,
30. and he has collected ....; ask him,
31. and he will say: "Everything (is) before thee;
32. may one bless thee before
33. the king my lord, and he will give
34. corn [this] year [to] the country of YARIMUTA."
35. [For] he did not give corn formerly in the city of ZEMAR,
36. [but now] he gives (it) again in the city of GEBAL
37. [for] the preservation of their [lives] until thou hast preserved
38. thy city. May one [bless] thee
______
1 If the copy is right, we must regard sesu as a shaphel of esu, "to make."
2 That is, "households."
3 Read Zi-su-nu.
4 Rasu, if the copy is right, but I suspect that we ought to read ali-su, "his city."

39. [before] the king my lord. The [corn?] he will send
40. this [year], and men ....
41. Yapa-Hadad ....
42. and thou wilt preserve ....

1. [O king, my] lord. There are no men in the city:
2, 3. send men of the guard [in all] haste: do not take
4 [at] my report tears
5. of water (are) to Yankhamu, and .....
6. he went to ... to the sons
7. of .... la in [the country of YA]RIMUTA.
8. The king of the country of TA[RI]ZI marched
9. as far as the city of ZEMAR and came
10. marching as far as the city of GEBAL, and no
11. support [came to] him, and he returned
12. to his own country. Now they sent as follows
13. to Pharaoh at my request:
14. they returned
15. exists, and my sons
16. the request of my servant, and he knows
17. the king;
18. [and] the king regards
19. his faithful servant; as to
20. Ebed-Ashe[rah]
21. and [they] pronounce his name in
22. [the presence] of the king, the Sun-god, since as for the governor
23. his heart (is) with my heart;
24. and he has destroyed Ebed-Asherah
25. out of the country of the AMORITES. Again after
26. the return of thy father from
27. the city of ZIDON, after those days
28, 29. the provinces went over to the Beduin constantly.
30, 31. I had nothing; the king did not hear the words of his servant.
32. He had [not] given men to defend
33. his [city]. He¹ did not assemble all
_______
1 Ebed-Asherah.

34. the Beduin, but he occupied the country of TYRE.
35, 36. ..... And at [that] time he sent troops
37. [and] destroyed [the enemy out of]
38. [the city of TY]RE, when they marched
39. and I (?)

1. enters. The woman Nu ..... sent
2. before Milku-sub .... The handmaid of the divine Mistress [of] GEB[AL]
3. the king, until the handmaid ... in ....
4. ... in the hand of his man; [the king] my god ....

1. Rib-Had[ad, the governor of the city of GEBAL,]
2. to the king, my lord, [the great king, the king of the world,]
3. beneath the feet [of the king, my lord,]
4. seven times and seven times [I prostrate myself.]
5. I send, I repeat to [the king my message,]
6. and thou dost not give attention].
7. The king, my lord, does [not] hear the words [of his servant],
8. though he sends [his] prophet¹
9. to the house of the life of Pharaoh,² but ....
10. no men of the guard come marching
11. to him. Yet they see my [position]
12. that my eyes have not been given yesterday³
13. unto me like (those of my) brother governors.
14. And thou hast honoured me with a throne for a habitation.
15. I have gone to the presence of Khamuniri,
16. and my brother is turned from me
17. in the ... of the city of GEBAL
______
1 Isip, as in line 21. We cannot read tur-sip[ri] "messenger," since the syllable ri is wanting.
2 Literally "great house" or "palace." The expression "house of life" is borrowed from Egyptian.
3 Yum'timilla.

18. in order to give this city
19. to the sons of Ebed-Asherah,
20. since my brother has seen that
21. my prophet has gone away
22. (and) that the men of the guard (are) with him
23. (and) Yan-azni; and continually
24. is he committing wrong and driving me
25. from the city. The king my lord
26. does not incline to this his deed.
27. Now I have not gone up and
28. down to the lands of EGYPT:¹
29. I am old and sickness (is) heavy
30. upon my body, but the king
31. my lord knows that the gods of the city of GEBAL
32. are strong² and very active,³
33. and I have given robes (?) to the gods.
34. Never have I entered
35. into the presence of the king my lord;
36. but now my son, the servant of the king my lord.
37. have I sent to the presence of the king my lord,
38. and the king has heard the words of his servant,
39. and the king [my] lord has given
40. the household [troop]s, and [has assisted]
41. [the city] of GEBAL,⁴ but the
42. troops of the kingdom have not [ent]ered

1. [into it]. I have sent [men]
2. into the midst of it and they have marched,
3. even the household troops of the king my lord,
4. to occupy it. Behold the son[s] of GEB[AL]
5. (are) men who love me: to the midst of the city
6. of the sons of the men of the kingdom, to the midst of it,
_______
1 Upper and Lower Egypt.
2 Qabsu. This is Dr. Winckler's reading. My copy has qadu-na, "(are) with us."
3 Kharzu, the Hebrew kharats.
4 Written Gub-ub-li-Ki.

7. the household troops come forth, and they have determined
8. after a day to capture it; but
9. the city has returned to the king my lord;
10. and my lord knows that I have confidence in him
11. since I guard the city
12. for my lord according to the direction of my heart.
13. Moreover the king my lord has not given
14. the city to the sons of Ebed-Asherah.
15. My brother is constantly hostile to the city
16. in order to give it to the sons of Ebed-Asherah.
17. The king my lord has not turned from
18. the city. If very abundant
19. (are) silver (and) gold in the midst of it for the temple of its gods,
20. abundant (is) the wealth; if they take it,
21. the king my lord, as they have done, will do
22. to his servant and will establish the city of PURUZILIM¹
23. for my habitation. Now in the presence
24. of Khamuniri I have been since
25. the city was obedient. In the city of PURUZILIM
26. the sons of Ebed-Asherah were hostile, they were afraid
27. when I went to the presence of Khamuniri.
28. As for the sons of Ebed-Asherah, since
29. they are powerful against me and there is no prince,²
30. the words of the king (are addressed) to me and a command
31. to my lord: "Behold, the city of GEBAL (is) a hostile city;
32. much property of the king (is) within it, the possessions of the city
33. (and) the men (which) I have given formerly." If the king has spoken to
34. all in the city (and) country that they should go out, there will be none to whom³
________
1 The name probably means "the city of Iron."
2 Sari.
3 Ana sasu.

35. the king can give orders for this work.
36. Now thy servant, my son, have I sent to
37. the presence of the king my lord, and do thou send him quickly,
38. O king, together with soldiers (who) shall march to the city.
39. If the king my lord shall strengthen me, and
40. shall restore me to the city and to the ...
41. as before, for the king my lord [I will defend the property]
42. of the king my lord within it, and ....

1. the household troops; and they have captured the men quickly [and]
2. the city in all haste; and they have marched to the city ....
3. since the words (are) before the king. The king my lord does not speak
4. to the [city that] it is strong for this difficult work ......
5. it is not strong before him who has acted against the countries [of the king],
6. the soldiers of the king my lord and the paths (?) of the king my lord.

1. [Rib-Hadad sends to his] lord,
2. [the great king, the king of the world, to whom the divine lady of GEBAL]
3. has given strength,
4. [to the king, my lord: at the feet of the king], my lord,
5. my [Sun-god], seven times seven I prostrate myself.
6. The king my lord knows that
7. strong (is) the hostility of Ebed-Asherah,

8. [of the city of BARRA-]BARTI:¹ all my cities
9. [have gone over to] him. The city of GEBAL and the city of [TY]RE
10. he has excited against me, and two [messages?]
11. [he has sent?], and he says to the citizens:
12. "I (am) your lord!" and the Beduin
13. have acted like the city of AMMI,
14. [and] they have done a misdeed unto [me].
15. The BARRA-BARTIYAN has left .... upon me;
16. [with?] him (are) the .... TTSU and the SERDANU.²
17. [And the king] does not know [that in] the presence
18. of Ebed-Asherah in the gate³ one has done
19. this deed against me. Now
20. [here] I stay and wait in
21. my [city]. I have not gone up at any time
22. [to Egypt, but] I send to Pharaoh⁴
23. [in order that] they may bring back word.
24. [before] the god I humble myself⁵
25. [for the preservation] of my life ....

1. for two months [they were] going
2. the household troops, and
3. ... he did not slay ....
4. my ...., and he took me ....
5. greatly, and what [could I do] against the men?
6. Now like a bird which is set in [the midst]
_________
1 As Ebed-Asherah seems to have come from the land of the Amorites, the city of Barra-barti would have been in that region. Perhaps the second part of the name is the Hebrew berith, "covenant." Compare the name of Barbartu in the North Syrian list of Ramses III (C. left, ii. 8), above, p. 42.
2 For the Serdanu or Sardinians see above, p. 67, note 1.
3 Biba seems a mistake for babi.
4 Bitu-rabu, "great house," the Egyptian Per-aa or Pharaoh.
5 Ammakh[ats].

11. [They asked] mercy
12. [for] the preservation of their lives. Now
13. I have said to them: There have marched
14. the household troops, since slaughter
15. there has been none and they have given quarter. If²
16. none come, (and) during 2 months thou dost not [send]
17. the household troops, and hast not taken
18. Abed-Asherah, though he has taken two ci[ties],
19. yet the city of ZEMAR and the
20. governors are (still) strong ....
_________
1 The Assyrian [kh]ifikari being a rare word, the Canaanitish kihibi is added to explain it. The latter is the Hebrew kel-fib (Jer. v. 27). Khukhari is one of the many words which were borrowed by Assyrian from Sumerian, being a compound of the Sumerian khu, "bird," and khar, "enclosure." It has the same form as mu'saru, "a cylinder," which, as the native scribes inform us, is a compound of the Sumerian mu, "name," and sar, "writing."
2 As[sum].

ONE of the most striking and interesting of the monuments of Assyrian art, preserved in the British Museum, is the statue numbered 849. It is a nude female figure, sadly mutilated, so much so, in fact, that little more than the trunk remains: but the subject has been treated in a style and on a scale which at once arrest the attention of the observer accustomed to the draped formality and minute detail of the Assyrian craftsmen.

The back is covered by a partly defaced inscription which is no less important historically than the figure itself artistically, for it is the sole document bequeathed to us by Assur-bel-Kala,¹ who more than a thousand years BC succeeded his father, the great Tiglath-pileser, as King of Assyria. The text is as follows:

1. ekal Assur-bel-Ka[la] .... sar kis[sati] ......
2. apil Tukulti-apil-Esarra ..... [sarru?] dan[nu] .....
_________
1 It is true that the King s name occurs on another small fragment (Layard, 73), which probably once formed part of a votive inscription; but in this case the remains are too scanty to enable us to determine with certainty either the character of the document or to whom it belonged.

3. apil Asur-ris-isi sar kis[sati sar As[surma]
4. alamgate annate ki[rib?] ...... alani
5. u arrute ina mukhkhitsi akhie .....
6. munikir sidhriia u sumiia A[num'u?] ilani
7. Martu mikhits tsiri imakhatsus

1. The palace of Assur-bel-Kala .... King of the whole (world), [King of Assyria],
2. son of Tiglathpileser ... the strong king ....
3. son of Assur-ris-isi, King of the whole (world), King of the same Assyria:
4. These images in the midst of ... the cities
5. and cursings with the crushing of the side .....
6. Whosoever alters my writing and my name the god Anu and the gods of
7. Martu with the crushing of the back shall crush him.

It will be seen that the text is so mutilated that whatever clue it may once have afforded to the meaning and purpose of the statue, lies now beyond recovery. The figure has naturally enough been called an I star, though not a vestige of her name can be traced. If it were possible to conclude, from the use of the plural in line 4, that our example formed one member of a series, we might perhaps detect in it the sole surviving trace of some forgotten exploit or scheme of Assur-bel-Kala. For we know that two centuries later Ramman-nirari III tried to introduce the worship of Nebo into Assyria, or rather to establish it there in a position of privilege; and he has left us a record of his pious purposes inscribed on two twin statues of the god. It seems, therefore, {p.78} not improbable that in a similar way Assur-bel-Kala may have sought to found or to promote the worship of some special patroness of his own, either in Assyria or in the West, and that one of her effigies unfortunately no longer recognisable has accident ally come down to us.

But there is one feature of the text which stands out, as it were, in high relief from the surrounding obscurity, and that is, the mention of the gods of Martu, or the land of the Amorites: and though it by no means necessarily follows from this that the statue is that of an Amoritish goddess, and the work of an Amoritish craftsman, still, on the other hand, there is nothing to exclude the bare possibility of such an assumption, either in the style of the figure or in its history. But however this may be, there is one result that seems certainly to follow from the appearance in this place of the gods of Martu, namely, that Assur-bel-Kala had not relaxed his hold over the regions of the West, which the prowess of his father had added to the Assyrian Empire.¹

The text originally published in the first volume of The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, plate 6, no. vi, but with so many errors as to render it unintelligible has been the subject of attempts at translation by Oppert (Expedition, i. 288) and
__________
1 [This fact would be emphasised by the rendering I prefer to give of the 4th line, where I divide the words differently from Mr. Strong, and would accordingly translate: "these images in the [countries], cities and villages I set up on pedestals(?)." In this case the images would have been specially intended for erection in Syria. Alamgate seems to be a foreign word, ED.]

{p.79} Menant (Annales, 54). An account of the monument, with an amended edition and translation of the text, will be found in The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, April I892.¹
_____
1 I have here adopted the readings alamgate (1. 4) and A[num] (1. 6) in preference to those given in the R. A. S.

SENNACHERIB, in Assyrian Sin-akh-erba, "The Moon-god has increased the brothers," ascended the throne of Assyria on the 12th day of the month Ab, in the year 705 BC, succeeding to all the rights and honours of the great kingdom which his father Sargon had left. His reign continued, with many wars and frequent difficulties, until his life was ended by assassination in 681 BC (2 Kings xix. 37). Of all his campaigns against Babylon, Elam, and other places, none is so interesting to the Biblical student as the great campaign against Phoenicia and Philistia. This campaign is treated at considerable length and with much vividness in 2 Kings xviii. 13 -xix. 36, and again in Isaiah xxxvi. i-xxxvii. 37. Sennacherib's own account of this campaign is presented in the great Taylor prism here done into English, and a comparison of this account with the Old Testament story mentioned above would seem to give the main facts about as follows, each account mutually supplementing the other. The Kings of Phoenicia and Philistia, with Hezekiah of Judah {p.81} among them, made a coalition with the Egyptians and Ethiopians to throw off the Assyrian yoke and deliver themselves from tribute. Hearing of this confederacy in some way, Sennacherib speedily gathered an army, and marched by the usual route to Syria, suddenly appearing in the northern part of the land. His coming was so unexpected that the allies had not united their forces, and the skilful Assyrian was able to attack them one by one. He sent one body of the army toward Jerusalem, which met with immediate success in overcoming a number of cities of Judah, while the King himself led the other portion of his army towards Lachish. Hezekiah, fearing the army which was already advancing with victorious banners, sent ambassadors to Lachish with great gifts, and with protestations of his fealty to Sennacherib. Sennacherib, however, sent an army against the chief city, desiring to take possession of the city a plan which did not succeed. Immediately afterwards the Assyrian army met the southern allies under Tirhakah (2 Kings xix. 9), and the battle, as may be read between the lines of Sennacherib's account, was not a decisive victory. His campaign closed suddenly and without the usual long list of spoil a lack which he attempts to supply by representing that the presents sent by Hezekiah to Lachish were sent to Nineveh.

The first of the two inscriptions here given refers to the same campaign as that which is described at length in the Taylor cylinder.

The Taylor cylinder has been previously translated into English by Talbot in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xix. p. 135 sqq., and in the Records of the Past, First Series, vol. i. p. 33 sqq.; into French by Menant, Annales, p. 214 suivv.; into German by Horning, Das sechsseitige Prisma des Sanherib in transcribirtem Grundtext und Uebersetz-ung, Leipzig, 1878; and by Bezold, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, ii. p. 80 ff. (Cf. criticism by W. Muss-Arnolt in Hebraica, vii. p. 56 sqq.) The original is a splendidly preserved prism of six sides, found by Colonel Taylor in 1830, and now in the British Museum. It is published in W. A. I. vol. i. pll. 37-42, and in autograph facsimile in Abel and Winkler's Keilschrifttexte, Berlin, 1890, pp. 17-21.

The translator's thanks are due to Professor Hilprecht, who has read this translation in manuscript, and made useful suggestions.

1. Sennacherib, the king of the world, the king of ASSYRIA,
2. sat on his throne,² and
3. the spoil of the city of LACHISH
4. marched before him.

1. Sennacherib, the great king, the powerful king,
2. the king of the world, the king of ASSYRIA, the king of the four zones,
3. the wise shepherd, the favourite of the great gods,
4. the protector of justice, the lover of righteousness,
5. he who gives help, who goes to assist the weak,
6. who frequents the sanctuaries (?),³ the perfect hero,
7. the manful warrior, the first of all princes,
8. the great, he who destroys the rebellious,
9. who destroys the enemies;
10. ASSUR, the great rock, a kingdom without rival
11. has granted me.
12. Over all who sit on sacred seats has he made my arms great,
_______
1 On a magnificent bas-relief, now in the British Museum, representing Sennacherib on his throne, receiving the spoil of the city.
2 Kussi'nimedi, a doubtful phrase. The meaning of nimedi is unknown. It has been translated "lofty," "portable," "dwelling-place," etc. In Sennacherib, iii. 76, and iv. 8, below, kussu and kussu nimedu seem to be used without distinction. Nimedu is apparently merely an epitheton ornans (so Evetts, ZA. iii. 327) with kitssu, "seat."
3 Sakhiru damqati.

13. from the upper sea of the setting sun¹
14. unto the lower sea of the rising sun
15. the whole of the black headed people² has he thrown beneath my feet
16. and rebellious princes shunned battle with me.
17. They forsook their dwellings ; like a falcon
18. which dwells in the clefts,³ they fled alone to an inaccessible place.
19. In my first campaign I accomplished the destruction of Merodach-baladan
20. king of KAR-DUNYASH,⁴ together with the troops of ELAM,
21. his allies, near KISH.
22. In the midst of that battle he left his encampment
23. and fled alone, and saved his life.
24. The chariots, horses, freight wagons, (and) mules
25. which he left in the onset of battle, my hands seized.
26. Into his palace I entered joyously and
27. opened his treasure-house. Gold, silver,
28. gold (and) silver utensils, costly stones of every kind,
29. possessions and goods, without number, a heavy spoil, his women of the palace,
30. valets de chambre (?), youths and maidens,
31. all the artisans, as many as there were,
32. the portable things of his palace, I brought forth and
33. counted as spoil. By the power of ASSUR, my lord,
34. 75 of his powerful cities, the fortresses of the land of KALDI⁵
35. and 420 smaller cities of their environs
36. I besieged, captured, and carried off their spoil.
37. The ARABIANS,⁶ ARAMAEANS⁷ (and) CHALDEANS⁸ of URUK,⁹
________
1 Lake Van and the Persian Gulf.
2 The inhabitants of Babylonia.
3 So Dr. Muss-Arnolt.
4 Babylonia.
5 In the south of Babylonia.
6 Ur-bi.
7 A-ra-mu.
8 Kal-du. See Records of the Past, New Series, vol. ii. p. 164, note 5.
9 Biblical Erech (Gen. x. 10). Modern Warka, on the left bank of the Euphrates, in Southern Babylonia.

38. NIPUR,¹ KISH,² KHARSAK-KALAMMA,² KUTU,³ and SlPPARA
39. together with the inhabitants of the city who had committed transgression,
40. I brought forth and counted as spoil. On my return march,
41. the TU'MUNA, the RIKHIKHU, the YADAQQU,
42. the UBUDU, the KIPRE, the MALAKHU,
43. the GURUMU, the UBULUM, the DAMUNU,
44. the GAMBULUM, the KHINDARU, the RU'UA,
45. the PUQUDU,⁴ the KHAMRANU, the KHAGARANU,
46. the NABATU, the LI'TAU, ARAMAEANS
47. who were rebellious, I conquered together.
48. 208,000 people, young (and) old, male and female,
49. (7200)⁵ horses (and) mules, (11,073) asses, (5230) camels,
50. (80,100) cattle, (800,600) sheep,⁶ an immense
51. spoil, I carried away to ASSYRIA.
52. In the course of my campaign, I received from Nebobel-shanati,
53. the prefect of the city KHARARATI, gold, silver,
54. tall palms (?), asses, camels, cattle
55. and sheep, a great present.
56. The men of the city KHIRIMME, a rebellious enemy,
57. I cast down with arms, I left not one alive,
58. their corpses I bound on stakes
59. and placed them round the city. That district
60. I took anew, 1 steer, 10 rams,
61. 10 measures⁷ of wine, 20 measures of dates, their first fruits,
62. for the gods of ASSYRIA, my lords, I established for ever.
________
1 Mod. Niffer, in Southern Babylonia.
2 See Delitzsch, Parodies, pp. 218, 219.
3 Cutha in 2. Kings xvii. 24, 30. Now Tel Ibrahim.
4 Biblical Pekod (Jeremiah 1. 21).
5 The numbers given in parentheses are not found in the Taylor cylinder, but appear in various duplicate fragments.
6 After "sheep" in Taylor cylinder, "without number."
7 Imeri, i.e. "donkey-loads," the original meaning of the word homer.

63. In my second campaign ASSUR, my lord, gave me confidence.
64. Against the land of the COSSEANS,¹ and the land of the YASUBIGALLAI,
65. who in former times to the kings my forefathers
66. had not submitted, I marched. Over high wooded mountains,
67. a rough country, I went on horseback.
68. I brought up the chariot of my feet, with ropes.
69. A steep place I climbed like a wild bull.
70. BlT-KlLAMZAKH, KHARDISHPI, BlT-KUBATTI
71. his cities, powerful fortresses, I besieged and captured.
72. Men, horses, mules, asses,
73. cattle and sheep from them
74. I brought forth, and counted as spoil; but their small cities,
75. without number, I destroyed, wasted, and made like fields;
76. the tents, their dwelling places, I burned with fire,
77. I reduced to ashes. I made that city BIT-KILAMZAKH
78. into a fortress, stronger than before
79. I made its walls; the people of the countries,
80. the possession of my hands,² I made to dwell therein.
81. The people of the land of the COSSEANS, and of the land of YASUBIGALLA,
82. who had fled before my arms,

1. from the mountains I made them descend,
2. in KHARDISHPI [and] BIT-KUBATTI I made them settle;
3. in the hands of my deputy, the governor of ARRAPKHA,³
4. I placed them; a tablet I caused to be prepared;
______
1 Kasshi. They lived in the mountains on the east of Babylonia.
2 Kishitti kataya. Kishitti, from kashddu, hence something that is "taken" by force, later a "possession."
3 Hence the classical name of the district of Arrapakhitis, on the Upper Zab; now Albak.

5. the victory of my hands which
6. I had gained over them I wrote upon it and
7. I set it up in the city. I turned about¹ and
8. to the land of ELLIPI² I took my way.
9. Before me Ispabara, their king, left his strong cities,
10. his treasure houses, and fled
11. away. The whole of his extensive land I wasted like a storm-wind.
12. MARUBISHTI [and] AKUDDU cities
13. of his royal house, together with 34 small cities of their environs,
14. I besieged, took, destroyed, wasted and
15. burned with fire; the inhabitants, young, old, male and female,
16. horses, mules, asses, camels,
17. oxen and sheep without number I drove away and
18. I made his land desolate, and diminished it.
19. SISIRTU and KUMMAKHLUM, powerful
20. cities, together with the small cities of their environs,
21. the land of BIT-BARRU, in its entire extent,
22. from his land I separated and to the
23. land of ASSYRIA added. The city of ILINZASH
24. I made the capital and fortress of that territory and
25. changed its former name;
26. KAR-SENNACHERIB I named it.
27. The people of the lands, the possession of my hands, I made to dwell there.
28. In the hands of my deputy, the governor of KHARKHAR,³
29. I placed them, and widened my territory. On my return
30. I received from the land of MEDIA,⁴ far away, of which land
________
1 Pa-an niri-ya tt-tir-ma, lit. "I turned my yoke."
2 [Ellipi was the country of which Ekbatana was subsequently the centre, the Media of classical antiquity. ED.]
3 [Kharkhar adjoined Ellipi on the north-east. ED.]
4 Madai. [It must be remembered that the Medes spoken of by Sennacherib did not as yet inhabit the district of which Ekbatana subsequently became the capital. Hence the title of "far off," applied to them here. ED.]

31. no one of my fathers had heard the name,
32. a heavy tribute.
33. I placed them beneath the yoke of my lordship.
34. In my third campaign I marched to the land of the HlTTITES.¹
35. Eluloeus,² king of SIDON, was overcome by the fear of the splendour
36. of my lordship and fled far away
37. to the sea and there made his abode (?).
38. GREAT SIDON, LITTLE SIDON,
39. BlT-ZITTI, SAREPTA,³ MAKHALLIBA,
40. USHU,⁴ EKDIPPA,⁵ AKKO,⁶
41. his powerful cities, fortresses, pastures
42. and cisterns, and his fortifications, the power of the arms
43. of ASSUR, my lord, overcame and cast at
44. my feet. Ethobal⁷ upon the royal throne
45. I placed over them and a tribute of my lordship,
46. yearly and unchangeable, I set upon him.
47. Menahem of the city of SAMSIMURUNA
48. Ethobal of SIDON
49. Abdili'ti of ARVAD
50. Urumilki of BYBLOS⁸
51. Mitinti of ASHDOD
52. Buduilu of BETH-AMMON
53. Kammusu-nadab of MOAB
54. Malik-rammu⁹ of EDOM,
55. all kings of the west land,
56. brought rich presents, heavy gifts with merchandise,
________
1 "The land of the Hittites" had now become a generic title, signifying Syria generally. The Hittite kingdoms at Carchemish and else where had now ceased to exist.
2 Lull.
3 Tsariptu.
4 For Ushu, see Records of the Past, New Series, vol. v. p. 88, note 2.
5 Akzibii.
6 Now Acre.
7 Tu-ba-lu.
8 Gu-ub-la-ai. See Records of the Past, New Series, vol. iii. p. 71, note 9.
9 [I should read A-rammu, the name of the god being A. See my Hibbert Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, p. 178. ED.]

57. before me, and kissed my feet.
58. And Tsidqa, the King of ASHKELON,
59. who had not submitted to my yoke, I brought out, the gods of the house of his fathers,
60. himself, his wife, his sons, his daughters, his brothers,
61. the seed of the house of his fathers, and took them to ASSYRIA.
62. Sharru-ludari, the son of Rukibti, their former king,
63. I established over the people of ASHKELON; the giving of tribute,
64. a present to my lordship, I put upon him, (and) he bears my yoke.
65. In the course of my campaign BETH-DAGON,
66. JOPPA, BENEBARQA,¹ AZURU,
67. the cities of Tsidqa, which had not quickly
68. thrown themselves at my feet, I besieged, I took, I carried away their spoil.
69. The governors, chiefs, and people of EKRON
70. who had cast Padi, their king according to Assyrian right and oath,
71. into iron chains, and had, in hostile manner, given him
72. to Hezekiah of JUDAH he shut him up in prison
73. feared in their hearts. The kings of EGYPT
74. called forth the archers, chariots (and) horses of the king of MELUKHKHI,²
75. a force without number, and came
76. to their help; before the city of ELTEKEH³
77. they arranged their battle array, appealing
78. to their weapons. With the help of ASSUR, my lord,
79. I fought with them and accomplished their defeat.
80. The chief of the chariots and the sons of the king of EGYPT
81. and the chief of the chariots of the king of MELUKHKHI my hands
82. took alive in the fight. ELTEKEH (and)
___________
1 The Beni-berak of Josh. xix. 45.
2 See above, p. 52, note 4.
3 Altaku; Josh. xix. 44 ; xxi. 23.

1. To the city of EKRON I went; the governors
2. (and) princes, who had committed a transgression, I killed and
3. bound their corpses on poles around the city.
4. The inhabitants of the city, who had committed sin and evil
5. I counted as spoil; to the rest of them
6. who had committed no sin and wrong, who had
7. no guilt, I spoke peace. Padi
8. their king, I brought forth from the
9. city of JERUSALEM;² upon the throne of lordship over them
10. I placed him. The tribute of my lordship
11. I laid upon him. But Hezekiah³
12. of JUDAH, who had not submitted to my yoke,
13. I besieged 46 of his strong cities, fortresses, and small cities
14. of their environs, without number, (and)
15. by casting down the walls (?) and advancing the engines,
16. by an assault of the light-armed soldiers, by breaches,⁴ by striking and by axes (?)
17. I took them; 200,150 men, young (and) old, male and female,
18. horses, mules, asses, camels, oxen
19. and sheep without number I brought out from them,
20. I counted them as spoil. (Hezekiah) himself I shut up like a caged bird in JERUSALEM
21. his royal city; the walls I fortified
________
1 See Gen. xxxviii. 12; Josh. xv. 10; Judg. xiv. 1, etc. The place is now called Tibneh.
2 Ursalimmu.
3 Khazaqiau.
4 Pil-shi, "hole," "breach." Professor Sayce reads Billim, and translates "mounds" (?). See Records of the Past, New Series, vol. ii. p. 168, line 53. The Rev. V. Scheil translates "hole." See Records of the Past, New Series, vol. iv. p. 77, col. v. line 1. For meaning cf. W. A. I. , vol. v. 36, line 24 sqq., where it is a syn. of shuplu.

22. against him (and) whosoever came out of the gates of the city, I turned
23. back. His cities, which I had plundered, I divided from his land
24. and gave them to Mitinti, king of ASHDOD,
25. to Padi, king of EKRON, and to Tsil-Bal,
26. king of GAZA, and (thus) diminished his territory.
27. To the former tribute, paid yearly,
28. I added the tribute of alliance of my lordship and
29. laid that upon him. Hezekiah himself
30. was overwhelmed by the fear of the brightness of my lordship;
31. the ARABIANS and his other faithful warriors
32. whom, as a defence for JERUSALEM his royal city
33. he had brought in, fell into fear.
34. With 30 talents of gold (and) 800 talents of silver, precious stones,
35. gukhli daggassi (?), large lapis lazuli,
36. couches of ivory, thrones¹ of ivory,
37. ivory, usu-wood, box wood (?), of every kind, a heavy treasure,
38. and his daughters, his women of the palace,
39. the young men and young women, to NINEVEH, the city of my lordship,
40. I caused to be brought after me, and he sent his ambassadors
41. to give tribute and to pay homage.
42. In my fourth campaign ASSUR my lord, gave me confidence.
43. I summoned my masses of troops; to the land of BIT-YAKIN²
44. I made them march. In the course of my campaign
45. I accomplished at BITTUTU the overthrow of
46. Shuzub, the Chaldean, who dwelt in the marsh land.
47. He was overcome by the fear of my battle line,
_______
1 Kussi nimedi. See above, p. 83, note 2.
2 The capital of Merodach-baladan, in the marshes in the south of Babylonia.

48. he lost heart, like a bird he fled alone,
49. his trace was seen no more. I turned about,
50. to the land of BIT-YAKIN I took the road.
51. Merodach-baladan, whose overthrow, in the course
52. of my first campaign, I had accomplished and
53. his power dispersed, feared the war cry of my powerful arms
54. and the advance of my strong battle line, and
55. the gods who ruled his land he moved in their shrines, on ships
56. he embarked them; to the city of NAGITTU, in the swamps,
57. by the sea coast, he fled like a bird. His brothers, the seed of his fathers,
58. whom he left by the sea, together with the remaining people of this land,
59. from BIT-YAKIN, marsh and meadow land,
60. I brought them out, counted them slaves. I returned and destroyed his cities;
61. I wasted them, and made them like ploughed land. Upon his confederate,
62. the king of ELAM, I poured out fury.
63. On my return march I made Asur-nadin-sum, my first born son,
64. the scion of my knees, sit upon the throne of his lord ship and
65. the broad land of SUMIR and AKKAD I made subject to him.
66. In my fifth campaign the men of TUMURRI (?),
67. SARUM, ISAMA, KIBSU, KHALBADA,
68. QUA and QANA, whose dwellings, like the nest of the eagle
69. the king of birds, were located upon the pinnacle of NlPUR (?),¹
70. the steep mountain, had not yielded to my yoke.
71. At the foot of mount NIPUR I placed my camp,
72. with my followers drawn up
_________
1 [Mount Taurus. Ed.]

73. and my unrelenting warriors,
74. I, like a strong wild ox, took the lead.
75. Clefts, ravines, mountain torrents, difficult high floods
76. in a chair¹ I crossed, places impassable for the chair
77. I went down on foot, like an ibex I climbed to the high peaks
78. against them, wherever my knees
79. had a resting-place, I sat down on a rock;
80. waters of cold streams, for my thirst, I drank.
81. Upon the peaks of wooded mountains I pursued them,
82. I accomplished their destruction; their cities I took.

1. I took away their spoil, destroyed, wasted and burned them with fire.
2. I turned about and against Maniac,
3. king of the city of UKKI, in the land of DAIE,² yet unconquered, I took the road.
4. Into the unopened path, the steep roads before
5. impassable mountains, before me
6. had no one of the former kings marched.
7. At the foot of ANARA and UPPA, powerful mountains,
8. I placed my camp, and I, upon my chair,³
9. with my unrelenting warriors,
10. entered, with weariness, into their narrow passes.
11. With difficulty I climbed the peaks of the steep mountains.
12. Maniac saw the dust of my soldiers
13. feet, forsook UKKU, his royal city
14. and fled far away. I besieged and took UKKU.
15. I took his spoil of all sorts, property and possessions;
16. the treasure of his palace I brought out
17. from it and counted as spoil and 33
18. cities of the borders of his territory I took. People, asses,
________
1 Kussi, usually = throne.
2 [In the neighbourhood of the modern Melasgherd, on the Murad Chai, in Western Armenia. ED.]
3 Kussi nimedi.

19. cattle and sheep I brought forth
20. from them. I destroyed, wasted and burned them with fire.
21. In my sixth campaign, the remaining inhabitants of BIT-YAKIN
22. who had fled before my powerful arms, like
23. wild asses (and) had moved the gods, who rule their lands,
24. in their shrines (and) had crossed over the great sea
25. of the setting sun and had set their homes in NAGITU
26. of the land of ELAM, (therefore) upon ships of the HITTITES¹ I crossed the sea.
27. NAGITU, NAGITU-DIBINA, with KILMU,
28. PILLATU and the land of KHUPAPANU, districts
29. of the land of ELAM I took. The people of BIT-YAKIN, with their gods,
30. and the people of the King of ELAM I took, and left behind no settler.
31. In ships I brought them; over to the coast
32. on this side I made them cross and take the road to ASSYRIA.
33. The cities of those districts I destroyed, wasted,
34. burned with fire and made them heaps and plough-land.
35. On my return Shuzub, of BABYLON,
36. who, through an attack on the land, had seized
37. the lordship of SUMER and AKKAD, in open battle
38. I defeated, I took him alive with my own hand,
39. in fetters and bands of iron I put him, and to ASSYRIA
40. I brought him. The king of ELAM, who had helped him
41. and marched to his aid, I overcame;
42. his power I scattered, I broke down his army.
43. In my seventh campaign ASSUR, my lord, gave me confidence.
44. To the land of ELAM I marched. BIT-KHAIRI
_________
1 That is, Syrians. See above, p. 88, note 1.

45. (and) RASA, cities of the ASSYRIAN territory
46. which, in the reign of my fathers, the ELAMITES had torn away by force,
47. in the course of my campaign I took, and seized their spoil.
48. My royal warriors I took into them.
49. To the territory of ASSYRIA I returned them and
50. gave them into the hands of the chief of KHALTSU DUR-SAMI-IRTSITI.
51. The cities of BUBI, DUNNISAMAS (?), BIT-RISIA,
52. BlT-UKLAME, DURU, DANTI-SULAI,
53. SILIPTU, BIT-ASUSI, KARMUBASA,
54. BlT-GISSI, BlT-KAPPALANI, BlT-IMBIA,
55. KHAMANU, BIT-ARRABI, BURUTU,
56. DlNTU-SA-SULAI, DlNTU-
57. SA-TUR(?)BITITIR, KHAR(?)RIASLAKI, RABAI,
58. RASU, AKKABARINA, TILUKHURI,
59. KHAMRANU, NADITU, with the cities at the entrance
60. towards BIT-BUNAKI, TIL-KHUMBI, DINTU-SA-
61. DUMEAN, BlT-UBIA, BALTILISIR,
62. TAGALLISIR, SANAKIDATI,
63. MASUTU-SAPLITU, SARKHUDERI, ALUM-SA-TARBIT,
64. BlT-AKHIDDINA, ILTEUBA, 34 powerful cities
65. and the smaller cities in their environs
66. without number, I besieged, took, and carried off their spoil,
67. I destroyed, wasted, and burned them with fire.
68. With the smoke of their burning, like a dark cloud
69. I covered the face of the broad heaven. When Kudur-Nakhundu,
70. the ELAMITE, heard of the taking of his cities, fear
71. overcame him. He made his remaining cities fortresses.
72. He left MADAKTI, his royal city, and
73. to KHAIDALA, which is among the far away mountains,
74. took his way. To MADAKTI, his royal city,
75. I ordered the march. In the month Tebet, a great cold
76. set in, the heaven poured down rain,

77. rain upon rain and snow; streams and torrents
78. from mountains I feared. I turned about and
79. took the road to NINEVEH. In those days,
80. by command of ASSUR, my lord, Kudur-Nakhundi,

1. the king of ELAM did not live three months.
2. On a day not destined (for him) he died suddenly.
3. After him Ummam-minanu, without judgment and intelligence,
4. his younger brother, set himself on his throne.
5. In my eighth campaign, after Suzub had been carried off,
6. and the people of BABYLON, evil devils, had closed their city gates,
7. their heart planned the making of a rebellion.
8. Around Suzub, the CHALDEAN, the wicked (?), the base (?)
9. who has no strength (?), a vassal under the control of the governor
10. of LAKHIRU, the fugitive (?), the deserter,
11. the bloodthirsty, they gathered and
12. marched into the marsh land and made a revolt.
13. I surrounded them with an army (?) and threatened his life.
14. On account of terror and distress he fled to ELAM.
15. As infamy and wrong were around him
16. he hastened from ELAM and entered BABYLON.
17. The BABYLONIANS illegitimately set him on
18. the throne and the lordship of SUMER and AKKAD entrusted to him.
19. The treasure-house of E-SAGGIL they opened, and the gold and silver
20. of BEL (and) ZARBANIT, which they brought from their temples,
21. they gave as a bribe to Umman-minanu, the king of ELAM, who was without
22. judgment and insight, (saying to him):

23. "Assemble thy army, gather thy forces,
24. hasten to BABYLON, help us,
25. our confidence art thou." He, the ELAMITE,
26. whose cities, in the course of my former campaign
27. against ELAM I had taken, and turned into plough-land,
28. took no thought, he received the bribe from them and
29. assembled his soldiers and forces; his chariots, (and) baggage wagons
30. he brought together, horses and mules he placed in spans.
31. The lands of PARSUAS, ANZAN, PASIRU, ELLIPI,
32. IAZAN, LAGABRA, KARZUNU,
33. DUMUQU, SULAI, SAMUNU,
34. the son of Merodach-baladan, BIT-ADINI, BIT-AMUK-KANA,
35. BlT-SILLANA, BlT-SALUDUDAKKI, LAKHIRU,
36. the PUQUDU, the GAMBULUM, the KHALATU, the RUUA,
37. the UBULUM, the MALAKHU, the RAPIQU,
38. the KHINDARU, the DAMUNU, a great confederation,
39. he called unto him. Their great throng took the
40. road to AKKAD and came to BABYLON.
41. Together with Suzub the CHALDEAN, king of BABYLON,
42. they made an alliance and united their forces,
43. like a great swarm of locusts, on the surface of the earth;
44. together, they came to do battle
45. against me. The dust of their feet was like a storm
46. by which the wide heavens are covered with
47. thick clouds. Before me in the city of KHALULI,
48. on the banks of the TIGRIS, the line of battle was drawn up.
49. Before me they stationed themselves, they brandish (?) their arms.
50. I prayed to ASSUR, SIN, SAMAS, BEL, NEBO, NERGAL,
51. ISTAR of NINEVEH, ISTAR of ARBELA, the gods of my confidence,
52. to overcome my powerful enemy.

53. My prayers they quickly heard, they came
54. to my help. Like a lion I raged and put on
55. my cuirass and with my helmet, sign of war,
56. I covered my head. Into my high war chariot
57. which wipes out the refractory, with the fury of my heart
58. I climbed quickly. The powerful bow,
59. which ASSUR had entrusted to me, I seized,
60. the javelin which destroys life I seized with my hand.
61. Against all the troops, evil enemies,
62. oppressed (?) I roared like a lion, like RAMMAN I raged.
63. At the command of ASSUR, the great lord, my lord, on flank and front
64. like the advance of a wild flood, upon the enemy, I fell.
65. With the confidence of ASSUR, and the advance of my powerful
66. line of battle I struck their front and brought about
67. their retreat. The hostile forces with arrow and lance
68. I destroyed, through the mass of their corpses I cleared my way (?).
69. Khumba-nudasa, chief
70. of the king of ELAM, a careful champion, who ruled
71. his troops, in whom he had great confidence, him, together with his chief men,
72. whose girdle dagger was embossed with gold, and whose wrists
73. were bound with double bracelets of shining gold,
74. like fat steers, laid in chains,
75. I quickly destroyed, and accomplished their defeat.
76. Their necks I cut off like lambs,
77. their precious lives I cut through like a knot;
78. like a heavy rain, their trophies and arms (?)
79. I scattered over the wide field.
80. The chargers of my chariot
81. swam in the masses of blood as in a river
82. crushing evil and bad,
83. blood and filth ran down its wheel.

84. With the corpses of their warriors, as with herbs (?)
85. I filled the field. I cut off their testicles.

1. Their pudenda I tore from them like the seed of
2. cucumbers. I cut off their hands.
3. The bracelets (?) of gold and silver, which were on their arms I took off.
4. With sharp swords I cut off their noses (?).
5. The gold and silver girdle daggers, which they carried, I took away.
6. The rest of his officers, and Nabu-sum-iskun
7. the son of Merodach-baladan, who feared
8. my line of battle, but had gone with them, in the midst
9. of the battle I seized them alive, with my hands. Their chariots,
10. with their horses, whose drivers, in the onset of battle,
11. had been killed, while they were left
12. and went up and down by themselves,
13. (these) I turned together. Until the fourth hour of the night it went on.
14. Then I stopped their slaughter. Umman-minanu,
15. king of ELAM, together with the king of BABYLON, the princes
16. of CHALDEA, who had helped them, the vehemence of my battle line, like a bull
17. overwhelmed them. They left their tents.
18. To save their lives they trampled over the bodies of
19. their soldiers and fled. Like young captured birds they lost courage.
20. With their urine they defiled their chariots
21. and let fall their excrement. To pursue them
22. I sent my chariots and horses after them.
23. Their fugitives, who had gone out to save their lives
24. wherever they were overtaken, were thrown down by arms.
25. In those days, after I had finished the palace adjoining the wall of

26. NINEVEH for a royal dwelling, and
27. to the astonishment of all peoples had adorned it;
28. the side building, for keeping in order the train,
29. for the keeping of horses, and all sorts of things
30. which the kings, my forefathers and fathers had built,
31. it had no foundation, its room was too small,
32. the workmanship was not tasteful. In the course of time, its base
33. had become weak, the part under ground had given way, and the upper part was in ruins.
34. That palace I tore down completely.
35. A great mass of building material I took out of the ground.
36. The surrounding part of the city I cut off and added
37. to it. The place of the old palace I left.
38. With earth from the river bed I filled it up.
39. The lower ground I raised 200 tipki
40. above the level. In a favourable month
41. on an auspicious day I built on this foundation according to the wisdom of my heart
42. a palace of pilu-¹ stone and cedar wood, in the style (?)
43. of the HITTITES, and a great palace in the ASSYRIAN style (?)
44. which far exceeded the former in adaptation,
45. size and artistic excellence, through the work of the
46. wise builders of my royal rule.
47. Great cedar beams from KHAMANU,²
48. a snow-capped mountain, I brought hither.
49. The doors of liari-wood I surrounded with a cover
50. of gleaming bronze, and I put in the doors.
51. With white pilu-stones, which were found in the
52. environs of BULADAI I made great bull colossi
53. and placed them by the doors on the left and
54. right. For the equipment of the black headed men, for the receiving
55. of horses, mules, calves, asses,
56. chariots, bow-strings (?), quivers,
____________
1 See Records of the Past, New Series, vol. i. p. 117, note 4.
2 Mount Amanus.

57. bows and arrows, every sort of tool for war,
58. the harness for horses and mules,
59. which have great power when yoked,
60. I made rooms, and greatly enlarged them.
61. I built that palace from foundation to roof
62. and finished it. My inscription
63. I brought into it. For future days,
64. whoever among the kings, my successors, (whom) ASSUR and ISTAR
65. shall call to the rule over the land and people
66. the prince may be, if this palace
67. becomes old and ruined, who builds it anew
68. may he preserve my inscription,
69. anoint it with oil, offer sacrifices, return it to its place;
70. then will ASSUR and ISTAR hear his prayer.
71. Whoever alters my writing and name
72. him may ASSUR, the great lord, the father of the gods, afflict like an enemy
73. and take sceptre and throne from him and destroy his rule.
74. (Dated) the month Adar of the archonate of Bel-imurani
75. prefect of CARCHEMISH.

THE following text is inscribed on a tablet of clay numbered 1285 in the Kouyunjik collection of the British Museum. It is remarkable not only as an almost perfect specimen of the later Assyrian calligraphy, but for containing a number of rare words and forms a circumstance which has not made the task of translation and explanation easier. But its chief claim upon our interest and attention lies in the fact that the unknown author displays a depth and delicacy of religious emotion not often reached in Assyrian literature, and hardly surpassed even by the great masters of the emotional style the Hebrew psalmists. On the one hand it is distinguished from the mass of anonymous compositions which we are accustomed to call hymns and penitential psalms by the absence of any traces of a magical character or purpose, while on the other its passionate and unconventional tone forms a striking contrast to the style usually adopted by Assyrian kings, who even when ascribing unto their lords glory and honour never forget their own titles, but compose monotonous {p.103} variations in strict official form upon the three themes of pride, flattery, and fear.

The text consists of a series of confessions or appeals on the part of Assurbanipal addressed not, as we might perhaps have expected, to Istar but to Nebo. These the god answers at intervals in words of consolation and encouragement. Throughout the text Assurbanipal is never called king. On the contrary, in one of his replies Nebo reminds him of his smallness and helplessness when an infant.

That these confessions and complaints may have been drawn from Assurbanipal by the stress of some political crisis is of course possible. We know of at least one such instance in his career; but the text contains absolutely no positive data such as would enable us to connect it with a definite event. The most that can be said is that it cannot be later than 626 BC.

A striking feature of the inscription is the number of unusual verb-forms. They occur in almost every line, and I suggest that they may be explained as a rhythmical device of the composer.

The text has never been published;¹ but a free translation was contributed by Prof. Oppert to the second volume of Ledrain's Histoire d'Israel (p. 486). This, however, unaccompanied as it is by any explanation of the renderings proposed, I have in most cases been unable to comprehend much less to follow.
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1 It will appear with a philological commentary in the Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists,

1. I confess to thee, NEBO, in the assembly of the great gods:¹
2. my sins, my soul is not subdued:²
3. NINEVEH, I make my prayer unto thee, warrior of the gods, his brothers:
4. the life of Assur-bani-pal for a long time, hereafter:
5. I prostrate myself at the feet of NEBO:
6. NEBO, in the whole multitude of my sins.
7. I will cause thee to live, Assur-bani-pal, even I, NEBO, to everlasting days:
8. Thy feet shall not be weary, thy hands shall not tremble:³
9. These thy lips shall not fail for praying to me:
10. Thy tongue shall not be put out from thy lips,
11. For I goodly speech will bestow upon thee:
12. I will go forward as thy head, I will make thy body⁴ to go forward in the house of E-BARBAR.
13. NEBO spake thus: Thy mouth utters good things,
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1 Cf. Psalm xxxi. 5: "I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord."
2 Perhaps we should supply ina pukhur, as in line 29, and translate: "Through the whole multitude of my sins my soul is not subdued." Cf. Psalm lxv. 3: "My misdeeds prevail against me."
3 Compare the words of Istar to Assur-bani-pal (Smith's Assur-bani-pal, p. 125): "Thy face shall not grow pale, thy feet shall not totter"; and Isaiah xl. 31: "They shall run and not be weary."
4 Lan-ka, literally "thy side." The translation of the verb is doubtful owing to the uncertainty of the phonetic value of the second character employed in writing it. Perhaps we should read amattakh, "I will magnify."

14. which have been offered in prayer to URKITTU:¹
15. Thy body which I made has been brought before me in supplication, according to her appointment in E-BARBAR:
16. The destiny which I formed has been brought before me in supplication,
17. Thus: May he have a reward in the house of the Queen of the Universe!²
18. Thy life has been brought before me in supplication thus: His life do thou prolong, [even the life] of Assur-bani-pal!
19. Bowing down in his sanctuary Assur-bani-pal made his prayer to NEBO his lord:
20. I have given myself unto thee, NEBO, thou wilt not forsake me, [even] me:
21. My life in thy presence is governed, my soul is held in the embrace of BELTIS:³
22. I have given myself unto thee, NEBO [thou] mighty one, thou wilt not forsake me, even me, in the midst of my sins.
23. There answered a breath from the presence of NEBO his lord:
24. Fear not, Assur-bani-pal, long life will I give unto thee:
25. Fair winds from thy life⁴ will I appoint:
26. My mouth speaking that which is good shall cause thy prayer to be heard in the assembly of the great gods.
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1 Urkittu can hardly be a name or title of Nebo, and must therefore be an independent divinity, who, so far as I can find, appears for the first time in this passage. The phrase in line 29, "the reed of Urkittu," is interesting when we remember that urqitu signifies "grass."
2 My rendering of this line is only tentative.
3 Cf. Psalm xxxvi. 9: "With thee is the fountain of life."
4 Perhaps we should read ina or itti instead of ultu, "from," and translate: "I will appoint fair winds (i.e. favourable circumstances) to be in," or "with thy life" (i.e. to pervade it).

27. Assur-bani-pal confessed his misdeeds: he made his prayer unto NEBO his lord:
28. What he took at the feet of the queen of NINEVEH he did not conceal in the assembly of the great gods:
29. That which with the reed of URKITTU is acquired he did not conceal¹ [even] in the whole multitude of his sins:
30. In the whole multitude of my offences thou wilt not forsake me, NEBO:
31. In the whole multitude of my woes thou wilt not for sake my soul.
32. Small wert thou, Assur-bani-pal, when I gave you over to [the care of] the Queen of NINEVEH:
33. A suckling² wert thou, Assur-bani-pal, when I satisfied thee on the lap of the Queen of NINEVEH:
34. The full streams of milk which into thy mouth are given twain thou suckest, twain thou drawest into thy mouth:
35. Thy sins, Assur-bani-pal, like ripples³ on the face of water shall they be:
36. Like sandhills (?)⁴ which on the face of the earth are piled up shall they be dispersed before thy feet:
37. Thou shalt stand, Assur-bani-pal, in the presence of the great gods: thou shalt magnify NEBO.
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1 Iluadh for ilddh, like imuat for imfit.
2 Lakil is given in W. A. I. v. 23, 33-4, as a synonym of daddn, "breast," and tsikhru, "small." Cf. Isaiah Ixvi. 11-13: "That ye may suck, and be satisfied. Ye shall be borne upon her sides, and be dandled upon her knees, as one whom his mother comforteth. "
3 Sipi, as in Arabic.
4 Burbillate. The parallelism demands some such signification as this.

IN addition to the versions of the creation-story current in ancient times in Babylonia and Assyria, translations of which have been published in this series¹ by Prof. Sayce, another version has lately come to light. This new text, unlike the others, is written in two languages (Sumerian or Akkadian and Semitic Babylonian), each line of the text being divided to admit of the Semitic translation being inserted between, giving the whole the appearance of an inscription in three columns, the middle one rather irregular and written in smaller characters. The tablet is made of baked clay, and is small and very beautifully written. Translations have been published by me in the New York Independent, the Academy (29th Nov. 1890, pp. 508, 509), and (complete and accompanied by philological notes) the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1891, pp. 393-408. Prof. F. Hommel has also published a translation in the Deutsche Rundschau for July 1891, pp.
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1 Records of the Past, New Series, vol. 1. pp. 122 and 147.

{p.108} 105-114. The tablet was found by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam at Abu-habbah (Sippara) in 1881-82, and is numbered 82-5-22, 1048. It is a text of great importance in consequence of its being written in two languages.

1. Incantation: The glorious house, the house of the gods, in a glorious place had not been made,
2. A plant had not been brought forth, a tree had not been created,
3. A brick had not been laid, a beam had not been shaped,
4. A house had not been built, a city had not been constructed,
5. A city had not been made, the foundation had not been made glorious;
6. NIFFER had not been built, E-KURA had not been constructed;
7. ERECH had not been built, E-ANA¹ had not been constructed;
8. The Abyss had not been made, ERIDU² had not been constructed.
9. (As for) the glorious house, the house of the gods, its seat had not been made,
10. The whole of the lands, the sea also.³
11. When within the sea there was a stream
12. In that day ERIDU was made, E-SAGILA was constructed,
13. E-[SAG]ILA which the god LUGAL-DU-AZAGA had founded within the abyss.
_________
1 The name of the chief temple at Erech (the modern Warka).
2 [Now Abu-Shahrein. In the earlier days of its history Eridu was on the shore of the Persian Gulf. The text refers to a sort of heavenly Eridu which corresponded to the earthly one. ED.]
3 Or, "The whole of the lands were sea" (Napkhar mdtatu tamtumma).

14. BABYLON was built, E-SAGILA¹ was completed,
15. He made the gods (and) the ANUNNAKI² together;
16. The glorious city, the seat of the joy of their hearts, supremely he had proclaimed.
17. MERODACH bound together a foundation before the waters;
18. He made dust, and poured (it) out with the flood.
19. The gods were to be caused to sit in a seat of joy of heart.
20. He made mankind.
21. (ARURU had made the seed of mankind with him).
22. He made the beasts of the field and the living creatures of the desert;
23. He made the TIGRIS and EUPHRATES, and set (them) in (their) place.
24. Well proclaimed he their name.
25. Grass, the marsh-plant, the reed, and the forest he made.
26. He made the verdure of the plain,
27. The lands, the marsh, the thicket also,
28. Oxen, the young of the steer, the cow and her calf, the sheep of the fold,
29. Meadows and forests also.
30. The goat and the gazelle he set therein (?).
31. Lord MERODACH on the sea-shore raised a bank.
32. ....... at first he made not.
33. ....... he caused to be.
34. [He caused the plant to be brought forth], he made the tree.
35 ....... he made in (its) place.
36. He laid the brick], he made the beams,
37. He constructed the house], he built the city.
38. He built the city], he made the foundation glorious.
39. He built the city NIFFER], he built E-KURA the temple.
40. [He built the city ERECH, he built E-A]NA the temple.
41. .......
_________
1 The great temple of Bel-Merodach at Babylon, which bore the same name as "E-sagila which Lugal-du-azaga had founded within the Abyss."
2 [The spirits of the earth. ED.]

1. .........
2. .........
3. May thy supreme messenger, PAP-SUKAL, counsel the gods;
4. NIN-AKHA-KUDU, daughter of EA,
5. May she make thee glorious with a glorious remedy;
6. May she make thee pure with pure fire.
7. With the glorious pure fountain of the abyss purify thou the place of thy path!
8. By the incantation of MERODACH, king of the host of heaven and earth,
9. May the abundance of the world descend into thy midst!
10. May thy command be accomplished in time to come!
11. O E-ZIDA, the glorious seat, the beloved of ANU and ISTAR art thou,
12. Mayest thou shine like heaven; mayest thou be glorious like the earth, mayest thou shine like the midst of heaven,
13. May [the evil spirit] dwell outside of thee!
14. Incantation of
15. Incantation: The star the long chariot of heaven.

The difference between this account of the Creation and that published in vol. i. p. 122, is very marked. It is short even to bareness, telling all it has to say in a few words, whereas the other version extends over several closely-written tablets, and introduces at great length the fight between Merodach and Tiamat, or Bel and the Dragon; the creation of the heavenly bodies, etc. etc. As Prof. Hommel has pointed out, the principal thing in this new {p.112} account of the Creation of the world was not merely the formation of men and animals, but rather the founding of the first seats of civilisation in Babylonia, and, it may be added, the assertion of their divine origin. And in this we may see why the story is put as the introduction to an incantation; for, judging from the fragment of the reverse, the text seems really to have referred to the dedication-festival or purification of the well-known temple E-zida (now the Birs-Nimroud), and the creation-story with which it begins probably led up to the story of the foundation of that renowned temple.

In this new account of the Creation the small number of the deities who took part in the work is noteworthy. The first god mentioned is Lugal-du-azaga, "the king of the glorious abode," who is spoken of as having founded "Eridu within the Abyss," the paradise of the gods. Lugal-du-azaga was probably one of the forms of Ea, the god of the sea and of wisdom. Merodach, the chief god of the Babylonian pantheon, appears as a matter of course, and is spoken of as having created mankind, animals, plants, and the renowned sites wherein Babylonian civilisation had its origin. In the creation of mankind Merodach seems to have been aided by a goddess named Aruru, who was worshipped at Sippara and at Aruru, twin cities of the province of Agade or Akkad. Aruru is probably the same as Istar, who was worshipped at Sippara, and is possibly identical with a goddess named Gala-Aruru, "the {p.113} great one (of) Aruru" or "Great Aruru," who is explained as "Istar the star," in the list of gods numbered K. 2109.

Among the parallels with the Biblical account may be quoted lines 25-29 of the obverse, where the creation of plants, lands, meadows, and forests is spoken of (cf. Gen. i. 11, 12); and lines 22 and 28-30, which describe the creation of living things (cf. Gen. i. 24). "He made mankind" (line 20) corresponds with the words "And God created man" in Gen. i. 26, 27.

On the other hand, there are some remarkable differences. There is no true description of chaos, the making of day and night is not mentioned, nor the setting of the heavenly bodies to give light (this may, however, have been given on a lost portion) and to indicate the seasons. The text is also silent concerning fishes, sea-monsters, and birds; and the days of the creation are also absent, as in the version translated in vol. i. It is nevertheless not impossible that we may have, in the divine Eridu, a reflection of the garden of Eden, though there is no mention of the placing of man therein, nor the tree of life, nor the tree of knowledge.¹ The Tigris and the Euphrates
_______
1 Prof. Hommel has pointed out, however, that the ideograph which, denotes Eridu seems to be a representation of a tree, and it is worthy of note that the divine Eridu, that within the Abyss, seems to be spoken of as a tree or vine in W. A. I. iv. 15, rev., 11. 52, 53, where it says that "Eridu is the dark vine, growing in a glorious place" (such is a literal translation of the Akkadian text; the Assyrian has: "Eridu grew (as) a dark vine, it was made to grow in a glorious place," the translator having taken e, a kind of demonstrative suffix, or lengthening, for c, "to grow"). This tree is described as being in the likeness of bright crystal or marble, and planted in the Abyss, and the path of Ea or Ae (god of the sea, rivers,

{p.114} are mentioned not in connection with the watering of the garden of Eden, but simply as a record of the creation, by Merodach, of these two great waterways which were the life of the Mesopotamian plain.

The story, as it has come down to us, ends with the description of the building of those cities which, at the beginning, are said not to have existed, and gives the honour of their origination to Merodach, the principal god worshipped by the Babylonians.
_______
and of deep wisdom) is said to have filled Eridu with fertility. Eridu, situated within the Abyss, the abode of the god of wisdom, may therefore be regarded as a type of the tree of knowledge mentioned in Gen. ii. 9.

WE now have evidence that the cuneiform system of writing was once employed throughout the greater part of the civilised world of the East. The Persians under Darius formed an alphabet out of it, which became the key to the modern decipherment of the cuneiform texts. It had originally been the invention of the primitive Sumerian population of Chaldea, who spoke an agglutinative language, and from whom it was borrowed by the Semitic Babylonians and Assyrians. In Elam it was used to express the agglutinative dialects of Shushan and Mai-Amir, and in the ninth century before our era it was adopted by the kings of Ararat, who reigned at Van, and whose language seems to have been related to that of the Georgians of to-day. A seal found near Herat in 1842 shows that even as far east as Bak-tria the cuneiform characters were employed to represent the language of the country, and the inscription of Anu-banini, King of Lulubi, discovered by Sir Henry Rawlinson at Ser-i-pul and lately copied by Mr. de Morgan, tells us that here also the {p.116} ancient language of the inhabitants had been embodied in the characters of the cuneiform script. We have learnt from the tablets of Tel el-Amarna that in the century before the Exodus the same system of writing was the common medium of literary intercourse among the various nations who lived between the Tigris and the frontiers of Egypt. Among the correspondence found at Tel el-Amarna is a long letter in the language of Mitanni, the Aram-Naharaim of Scripture, the characters in which it is written being those of the cuneiform syllabary, and the extent to which the syllabary was studied and known in Canaan at the time removes our astonishment at finding that it has been used to express the Phoenician language on two seals now in the collection of M. de Clercq.

The cuneiform system of writing and the Assyrian language had penetrated even to the north-west, to the neighbourhood of the modern Kaisariyeh. The discovery of the cuneiform inscriptions of Kappadokia is due to the sagacity of Mr. Pinches. In 1882 he pointed out the existence of two tablets, one in the British Museum, the other in the Louvre, which were written in a peculiar form of cuneiform script and apparently in an unknown language. They had been obtained from an Armenian dealer in antiquities at Constantinople, and the occurrence of the word ku-din-a, "mules," in the one in the British Museum made Mr. Pinches connect it with a tablet from Nineveh in which mention was made of {p.117} the transport of these animals from Kusa in Kappadokia (Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Nov. 1881). The following summer Prof. W. M. Ramsay bought five more tablets of a similar character at Kaisariyeh, upon which I published an article in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology (Nov. 1883). As, however, I was unable to identify correctly a large number of the characters, I was also unable to decipher the texts, and the conclusions I drew in regard to the language of them were incorrect.

The tablets obtained by Prof. Ramsay are now in the British Museum. Other tablets have since been purchased by Mr. Golenischeff, the University of Philadelphia, and myself, and it is now known that they are found in a place three or four hours distant from Kaisariyeh.

Mr. Golenischeff's collection is a large one, and a comparison of his tablets one with another has opened up the way to their decipherment. Thus he has discovered that the character wrongly identified by Mr. Pinches and myself with the ideograph of "woman" is really the ideograph which means "in the presence of," and that consequently the words which follow it must be the names of witnesses to a deed. He generously placed both his tablets and his discoveries at my disposal three years ago, and I was accordingly able to announce to the Oriental Congress at Stockholm that I could translate some of the tablets, and was further in a position to deter- {p.118} mine the age to which they belong and the nature of the dialect in which they are written (Academy, Sept. 7, 1889, p. 157). Last winter Mr. Golenischeff published copies of twenty-four tablets belonging to his collection, together with a full and interesting introduction to them, and a list of the characters found in them, under the title: "Vingt-quatre Tablettes cappadociennes de la Collection W. Golenischeff" (St. Petersburg, 1891). In this work he has determined the values of most of the characters, and pointed out the signification of many words.

The tablets are written in an Assyrian dialect. On the phonetic side the dialect displays the peculiarities of the Tel el-Amarna letters from Northern Syria, changing t into d, k into g, p into b. Like them it also employs the old Babylonian mimmation, and substitutes z for ts. But in certain respects its phonology is peculiar, yutir, for instance, appearing as yutair, and itur as idudr. The vocabulary is mainly Assyrian, but it contains some Aramaic forms, like the proper name Garia, "the stranger," and the plural in -a (which, however, occurs in only two of the tablets known to me), as well as words which we have hitherto regarded as specifically Hebrew. Among these is aparne, "a chariot" or "litter," which throws light on the appiryon of Canticles iii. 9 the only passage in Semitic literature where it has been otherwise found and proves that the word is not of Greek origin, as has sometimes been asserted; ati, "substance" or "pro- {p.119} perty"; adunu, "lord"; and urubatum, "a pledge," the Hebrew crabhon. But besides these Semitic words, the dialect further presents us with a considerable number of words which have no Semitic etymology, and must therefore have been borrowed from the language of the country from which the tablets come. That the speakers of the dialect were mixed with a foreign population is clear from the evidence of the tablets themselves, as the epithet garum, or "stranger," is often attached in them to a name which is usually non-Semitic in character. Thus we read at the beginning of one tablet (G. No. 19): "The mother of the stranger Ganis to the stranger Burus, Khati-zadinniat, says." A duplicate of a contract is also sometimes mentioned as being "written according to the language of the foreigner." It would seem, accordingly, that the tablets belong to an Assyrian colony which was established in a city of Kappadokia in the midst of a foreign population. Here the usages and customs of Assyria were maintained, such as the use of the Assyrian language and syllabary, the yearly appointment of officers called limmi, or "eponyms," after whom time was reckoned, and the employment of proper names, of which the name of Assur formed an element. It was inevitable, however, that the colonists should in course of time become affected by the foreign influences around them, and hence it was that the purity of their pronunciation was lost, and that their language became filled with foreign words. We know from {p.120} the Assyrian inscriptions that colonies had been planted in the countries north of Assyria by the Assyrian kings at an early period. Thus Assur-natsir-pal informs us that Shalmaneser I, about 1300 BC, had settled "Assyrian colonists" near the sources of the Tigris,¹ and that other Assyrian colonists were established in the city of Tuskhan not far from Mount Masius.²

The age of the Kappadokian tablets is, I believe, as early as that of the Tel el-Amarna tablets. We find in both the same archaic formulae, and the same use of an ideograph by the side of the phonetically-written word which it denotes. As I have already stated, the dialect of the tablets is distinguished by the phonetic peculiarities which belong to the letters from Northern Syria in the Tel el-Amarna collection, and the forms of the characters are similar in the two classes of documents. The employment of the mimmation also points to an early date. That Assyria was already in close relations with Khani-rabbat or Melitene in the fifteenth century BC we have learnt from the Tel el-Amarna correspondence,³ and the place where the tablets are found may easily have been included within the kingdom of Khani-rabbat. It may be added that one of the tablets belonging to Mr. Golenischeff bears the impress of a seal, upon which are figures in the Hittite style of art as well as the remains of a Hittite character.
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1 Records, of the Past, New Series, vol. ii, p. 145.
2 Ibid. vol. ii, p. 147. See also p. 160, note i.
3 Ibid. vol. iii, p. 62.

The tablets relate for the most part to the loan of money, or the deposit of various objects in the hands of certain persons, and they contain a number of technical terms, the meaning of which is not as yet clear. One of these terms is khamustu, "a fifth," of which we also find the plural khamsatu, "fifths." A "fifth" was generally deducted from the sum of money lent out at interest, though who was the official to whom it was paid, and why it was paid, are questions to which at present I can return no answer. Besides the limmu, or yearly eponym, whose title is always written limum, we find mention of the durdanu, in Assyrian turtanu, or "Tartan" (G. xx. 21); of a Rab-zikitum, or Chief Judge; of a Rabgimelti, or Chief Magistrate; of a Rab-aladinnim; and of a Rubaum, or "prince."

Most of the deities mentioned in the tablets are Assyrian. Thus we find the names of Assur, Anu, Istar, Bel, Nebo, Nana or Nani, Samas, and Zu. Zu, indeed, who occupies only a subordinate place in the Assyrian pantheon, seems to have been a favourite in Kappadokia, if we may judge from the number of proper names into which his name enters. Thus we have Ena-Zuim, "the eye of Zu," and Zu-galia, "Zu is my priest." Another deity was Babu, "the gate," who appears to have been of Aramaic origin. At all events the name is not found in the lists of the Assyrian divinities, while, according to Damascius,¹ the goddess Babia was worshipped at
________
1 Vita Isidori, 76.

{p.122} Damascus. The Aramaic name Bur-Addi, corresponding to the Hebrew Ben-Hadad, occurs in one of the tablets (G. ix. 1 1 ), and we meet also with that of Bar-Sibala (G. xviii. 2). Among the Semitic deities mentioned in the tablets, but not worshipped in Assyria, is Basku, "the serpent." Besides the Semitic deities there are, as might be expected, others of foreign origin. One of these is Tarku, whom I had long since maintained to be a Hittite god; a second is Khati, "the Hittite" (?), whose name enters into that of a woman called Khatizadinniat.

The introduction of Assyrian deities into Kappadokia explains the proper names met with in the Greek inscriptions of Kappadokia and Kilikia, which are obviously derived from the names of Assyrian gods. Thus we have Nanas from Nana, Nineis from Nin, Nenaris from Nannaru. As Nineps is one of the Kilikian names which have thus been handed down to us, it seems probable that the name of the Assyrian god Uras, which is often represented by the two characters Nin and ip, was really pronounced Nin-ip.

In place of the name of a particular deity we very often have merely the word il or el, "god." In fact, the simple il or el seems to recur more frequently than even the name of Assur. We find, for instance, Iqib-il (perhaps "Jacob is god") by the side of Iqib-Istar and Egib-mekhra, Ilu-rabu ("God is great"), Ilu-nada ("God has appointed"), {p.123} Asuma-il,¹ Erada-il, Anakh-ili, Sulaba-il, Nur-ki-ili, and El-Anima (perhaps "a god is Arm," like Nanibelim, "Nana is lord "). This preference for the simple il which is also written el may be due to its substitution for the name of some foreign divinity, but it may also indicate the existence among the colonists of a tendency towards monotheism.

The names of several months are mentioned in the tablets. One is Kuzallu (G. iii. 12), which, according to a lexical tablet ( W. A. I. v. 43, 14), was a name of the month Sivan. As the great cylinder inscription of Tiglath-pileser I is dated in this month, its name may be regarded as a witness in favour of the early date of the Kappadokian tablet. Another month is Kur-sarani or Akhsaranim (G. iv. 7; x. 8), while a third is arkhu-sa-zarati, "the month of sowing" (G. vi. 12, 13), and a fourth is lyyar-Qamarta (G. ix. 9). Here the word Qamarta seems to be the native name of the Assyrian Iyyar or April, the whole name signifying "the month of the bull Qamarta." A fifth month was that of Napisti-Zuim, the month of "the life of the god Zu " (G. xi. 9).

In the references the letter G. denotes the inscriptions published by Mr. Golenischeff. As the texts are here translated for the first time, while many of the characters have not been previously identified, I have given my readings pretty freely in the notes.
___________
1 The word Asuma seems to mean share "in an inheritance." See note 6 on No. iv. below. But as it would also correspond to the name of the Hamathite god Ashima (2 Kings xvii. 30), Asuma-il may signify "Asuma is god."

One maneh of refined² silver Kura transferred;³ Iqib-il has (it). He has lent (it);⁴ the fifth⁵ belongs to Bil-akh-Asur the son of Gadidi.⁶ The month Akh-saranim, the yearly eponym being Ilu-rabu. After 11 fifths he shall pay the capital, but he has not yet paid the one shekel and a half which he registers (as interest) each month upon the maneh. The witnesses are Ilu-nada, Amur-Asur (and) Banaga.

Two manehs (and) 10 shekels of silver Asuma-il has transferred; Zaki[m]-il has (them). After two months he shall repay (them). And he registers⁸ the sum (for interest) as 6 manehs, but he has not yet paid (anything). The manehs (belong) to himself alone.⁹ Half a maneh of
______
1 G. No. 4.
2 Zarubam, the Assyrian tsarpit, Hebrew tsaraph.
3 Izir. Mr. Golenischeff reads igir. If this is correct the root will be the same as that of garu, "a stranger."
4 Isdu. I suppose the word to be from the same root as sadudt, which must signify "a loan" in G. 1, where I read: vi. siklu gd spi sadudt Asitr-tdar abil Gi mil-l star irabbe ina ba ... u gamarum Ili-[bani] i-su, and translate: "Six shekels of silver, the loan of Asur-ta ar, the son of Gimil-Istar, bring in interest at .... and Ili-bani has (them)." In G. 14, 34, however, isdu seems to mean "he has taken."
5 Khamustim. The "fifth" seems to mean an instalment of interest here.
6 The reading of this name is not certain.
7 G. No. 5.
8 Yusakur.
9 Edi-su.

{p.125} silver of the property¹ he registers on a duplicate,² and the six remain (?). The witnesses are Barruwa the son of Nabate, Arzana-mil(?)ku his brother, (and) Anina.

[Twenty] manehs of silver Garia, Asa'su and Mer-esu the prince⁴ have given as a pledge⁵ to Iqib-il. For the 20 manehs of silver Supuna his brother⁶ asks, and the Rab-aladinnim who is the Chief Judge⁷ has effected the transfer by hand⁸ in the month Napisti-Zuim, the yearly eponym being Suma. Ten manehs of silver at harvest-time⁹ he shall pay;¹⁰ manehs of silver at the second 10 harvest he shall pay, and the amount,¹¹ namely, the 20 manehs of Garia, Asa'su and Mer-esu, Supuna his brother shall repay to the brothers; and as for the 20 manehs of silver, they shall weigh¹² them, even the silver, on the head of Garia his brother. The witnesses are the man¹³ who binds¹⁴ their houses and their cities, the Rabgimeltim¹⁵ (and) Kumri of DINKISA.
_______
I Or of "the deposit" (isati) which he "holds" (isu).
2 Gibil from qabalu. Other passages show that it cannot mean "beforehand."
3 G. No. 11.
4 Perhaps "princes," since in No. 5 j'manaiim is the plural manehs.
5 Urubatim.
6 Akh-su, "his brother," is perhaps part of the proper name Supuna-akh-su.
7 Rab-zikitim, "chief of the laws."
8 This I imagine to be the meaning of the phrase gatatim isdu, where gatatim seems to be a derivative from gatu, "hand," rather than its plural. If, however, the latter is its true explanation, the phrase may perhaps signify "has taken the hands." For isdu see note 4 to No. 1 above.
9 Kharibim, Heb. khoreph,
10 Saniutim.
11 Anam. The ideograph of "silver " is added to the word to indicate its signification. Comp. the Hebrew on (Hos. xii. 9).
12 Or "pay," isakulu.
13 Nesu.
14 Raki's, used technically of binding by contract.
15 "The chief of rewards" or "punishments," that is, the Chief Magistrate.

To the daughter of [her] father say thus: My daughter is good, and as for me, we have listened to thy letter² which Samas-tabba'i has brought me,³ and I answer thy letter thus: I also send an answer⁴ as follows: As regards the manehs, behold (they are) the interest on the property of our seed;⁵ three of them for a nasbutim are fixed; two-thirds is thy property. I have seen Samas-tabba'i asking for a share in the inheritance,⁶ whom thou hast sent to me,⁷ saying: Behold all the inheritance!⁸ And iba'si have not been given. But let thy orders⁹ go, (for) iba'si have not been given. To the presence of our brother take it, and he will arrange everything. And the law of thy god¹⁰ ... thy seat ... the letter do not give.

To Amur-Samas and Aladinim. To Aladinim say thus: They have numbered¹² the tablet before ASSUR, and I and Padu have devoted¹³ one maneh and a half of silver (written) on thy tablet in garus;¹⁴ and that it never become (private) property¹⁵ they have bound¹⁶ a shekel of silver in a case (?).¹⁷ I have given thy tablet [to Amur-]Samas; he has taken the .... "Amur-Samas, thy brother, (is) our
_______
1 G. No. 15.
2 Nasberta-ga.
3 Ublani.
4 Al[td]par belam.
5 Sadu ziri-ni. But it is also possible to read sa dugiri-ni, "which thou hast transferred to me."
6 Asume rasaum. Asume must have the same root as the Assyrian nsmanu, "baggage." Compare the name of the Hamathite god Ashima (2 Kings xvii. 30).
7 Tastanabarani.
8 Rasiti.
9 Tirti, the Hebrew tordh.
10 Tirti ila-ga.
11 G. No. 1 6.
12 Manu.
13 Nikhrimu, the Hebrew kharam. The word is not met with in the Assyrian inscriptions.
14 This seems to be a word borrowed from the language of Kappadokia, as it can hardly represent an Assyrian ina kani-su, "in its establishing," "in perpetuity."
15 Ana a NU tisam. The ideograph NU is written by the side of its phonetic representative a. Tisu is a derivative from isn, "to possess."
16 Rak suni.
17 Asiki; perhaps related to the Hebrew khashak.

{p.127} brother," behold the words of the tablet, which do thou give to Amur-Samas; and also thy tablet (is) evidence¹ for the silver above-mentioned,² the (private) property, (and) the shekel of silver belonging to thy tablet. And the rest (?)³ of the (private) property among the seed of my father and among my own seed Amur-Samas shall never take; and also I add (?) to the silver the (private) property (described) on thy tablet (and) the deed which I will never violate.⁴

To Iqib-il say thus: Isma-Asur my little one⁶ has lent⁷ the burnat,⁸ our property;⁹ they have not brought (it) back; (and) the agur, thy property, they have not brought back; and behold I did not give him¹⁰ (any thing) in the whole of what is sent (?),¹¹ ..... and thou sendest to me Qama-Asur: he does not make small the eye;¹² thy orders thou hast taught him,¹³ and thou hast not taken the 6 manehs of silver which Sulaba-il gave me. One maneh of silver which (is) in the keeping (?)¹⁴ of Sulaba-il.

To Khanu[ni]-Nabim, Iqib-il and Asur-rnalik say thus: My father, my lord, the master¹⁶ left^l7 a tablet (of legitimacy) to myself at my birth,¹⁸ and now¹⁹ I hear a letter²⁰ about "the ox of a foreigner"; and I do not
_______
1 Li[wa], as in line 25. It is the Assyrian KM, "a papyrus-roll," "a deed."
2 Elata.
3 Siaba; the word occurs again in G. 18, 6.
4 Usamrits.
5 G. No. 17.
6 Z,ukharu. See W. A. I. ii. 36, 53.
7 Isdu,
8 The determinative shows that some kind of clothing is intended.
9 Ati, Hebrew eth.
10 Ladin-su.
11 Sabarim; sabartim occurs in G. 13, 3.
12 Izakhur ena.
13 Tirti-ga durda-su.
14 Khur sianim.
15 G. No. 14.
16 Adunu, Hebrew adon.
17 Efarim, Hebrew yether.
18 Ina baniti.
19 Inume, the inuma of the Tel el-Amarna tablets.
20 Literally "a tablet."

{p.128} send¹ to the city saying: At the [second?] gate the sheep I have ..., I have slaughtered (?);² [to] the city thou dost not send³ [saying:] say:⁴ for the prey (?), O my son, thou shalt go⁵ until that day⁶ (whereon) one .... the master .... and I went to my father until that day (whereon) I he[ar] that [letter] speaking of "the ox of a stranger"; the sheep ..... and I have gone a long way⁷ and [to] the midst of the [mo]untain I ascended, and thus I am; and the elders have sent, (saying that) I should go, by the hand of Eriti. I have gone a long way to the cities [which] thou gavest me: the tablet about the 4 oxen ... until I shall cause (them) to be given. [And now] [af]ter travelling a long way and bringing (them) I hear that as regards my property (which) Ganis has taken⁸ he will restore (it) to me.

Eighteen and a half shekels of refined silver Dadia the son of Nani-belim has transferred; Asur-malik the son of Ena-Zuim the son of Zu-galia has (them). After five months he shall repay them, but he has not yet paid one shekel of the same. He shall register a duplicate during the month. (Dated) the month Kuzalli, the yearly eponym being Asur-imedi the sailor.¹⁰ The witnesses are Ena-Asur the son of Erati (and) Garia the son of Gimil-Belim.

Fourteen shekels of silver Birati has transferred, Asur-rabu holds (them). They have taken the fifth of Asur-malik and Enna-Zuim. After ten fifths he shall repay the money; but he has not yet paid (it). He shall register a
________
1 Asiprim for astiprim.
2 Sakhtaku.
3 Tasibir.
4 [Kt]e-ma.
5 Ana salati mart talak.
6 Adi yumem anim.
7 [Ma]rkita, from araku. But the word may mean " refuge."
8 Isdu.
9 G. No. 3.
10 Malakhum.
11 G. No. 6.

{p.129} duplicate according to the language of the foreigner.¹ (Dated) the month of sowing,² the yearly eponym being Sagati-Asur. He has made the copy the same day that he arranges the partnership.³ In his kurumeti,⁴ he writes the sum of silver. Witnessed by Asur-rabu (and) Id(?)-sa-Asur.

On two manehs of silver, which Istar-nama has given on mortgage⁶ to Asur-rabu, they have taken half a maneh of silver as the fifth of Asur-bel-amatim. The silver and its voucher (?)⁷ Erada-il has taken;⁸ Ili-bani has weighed it, and Asur-rabu returns (it)⁹ to Ili-bani, Erada-il keeps¹⁰ it. The witnesses are Asur-malik, Gullaba (and) ....

One maneh of unrefined (V)¹² silver, in the presence of the brother of Ganis, Sarkhunu has transferred; Anakhili holds (it). They have taken the fifth of Asur-malik the son of Zu-galia. (Dated) the month Akh-sarani. After a month he shall repay [the money]. The witnesses are Dumana the foreigner, Dubduba, (and) Rakima(?)-ibri. His house, his furniture¹³ and his gurru I inspect.¹⁴
_________
1 Kima amat garim gibil yuzakur. The statement is important.
2 Arkhi sa zaratim.
3 Nad a suwa LAL wa yume-su kharanam itaraiz. The ideograph LAL is added to its phonetic equivalent suwa. In the Babylonian contract-tablets kharran is used in the sense of a "partnership."
4 This word seems to mean "an account-book" in this passage. In Assyrian kurumatu seems to mean "food."
5 G. No. 8.
6 Khabuluni, the Hebrew khabhal.
7 Gibati, apparently the Assyrian qibati or qibiti, from qabu, "to speak."
8 Elki.
9 Or "gives it up" (iduar).
10 Yubakh, Assyrian pakhu, "to close."
11 G. No. 10.
12 I imagine this to be the signification of the word likki, which would thus correspond to the Hebrew lakh.
13 Asat.
14 Adagal. I suspect that gurru is the Assyrian kiru, the "garden" or "plantation" attached to a house.

Thirteen and a ner² shekels of silver, thy share, I have given on mortgage and Zu-takhziz has given judgment; the breast (and) head Izmetas (?) has struck (?) saying: "I have paid³ the 15 shekels of silver that they may not be given back:⁴ I have weighed the rest,⁵ fifteen shekels, for Sakima the son of my brother. The payment⁶ of 20 manehs, even the manehs (inscribed on) the tablet, (and) the additional sum⁷ which is repeated on its enclosure, I have given." The manehs he has taken for thee saying: ASUR has appointed that to Mar-ki-Asur the grandson (?)⁸ of Asur-ki-naram and (to) Samas-tabba'i it should be said;⁹ to Mar-ki-Asur it should be said: "The 33 manehs he has taken we have certified, ¹⁰ and I, thy ...., have entered into the house of Abu-salim u the son of Asur-emuki, and Sakima ....¹¹ manehs of silver. The rest¹² of the silver and [gold? belongs to] Sakima, the son of the brethren. To the place of his sakhut we have ascended."

Twenty mules for a chariot¹⁴ in good condition, 10 mules the offspring¹⁵ of a mule in good condition, 10 (mules) of Ku'su, linen¹⁶ in good condition for the clothing of royalty, (and) the rest (?) ¹⁷ of the mules of the country in good condition, belonging to El-ugar, all the mules they
______
1 The second tablet brought from Kaisariyeh by Professor Ramsay and published by me in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Nov. 1883, pp. 21, 22. The transliteration there given by me will have to be corrected in many points.
2 I have no idea what division of the shekel is signified by the ner.
3 Etiru.
4 Ana sa la duar.
5 Akhata.
6 Literally "weighing."
7 Gadum.
8 TUR-TUR-ZI.
9 Kibi-ma.
10 Literally "we know," nidi.
11 Absalom.
12 Akhata.
13 The British Museum tablet published by Mr. Pinches in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Nov. 1881.
14 Or "litter," aparne, the appiryon of Cant. iii. 9.
15 Nawa, perhaps Hebrew na, Arabic na'a.
16 Kite.
17 Siti.

{p.131} shall value to El-ugar, in all¹ 80 mules in good condition shall be valued to El-ugar. For a receipt (?) the purchasers² ask him,³ and one-third of a maneh (and) five shekels in silver to El-ugar are paid.

Four manehs of refined silver Salsu(?)⁵ -tida the son of Khiti-ili has lent⁶ to Tarku⁷ -zar(?)bam; the fifth belongs to Asur-imedi and Asur-rabu. After 4 years he shall pay⁸ manehs of silver. Karmadu (is) limnu. Sagati-sudua has taken it, namely the silver; for his .... days Tarku-zar(?)ba shall have full possession of the whole, and Salsu(?)-tida shall deliver to him the whole of it entirely, and Eratim has taken the place⁹ of Salsu(?)-tida who is absent.¹⁰ Witnessed by Lalim and Kinanim.
________
1 Mirtu, from amaru, "to be full."
2 Literally "askers," saelu.
3 Yusasluas.
4 A tablet in my own collection.
5 The determinative of a deity followed by the numeral 3. This god "Three" reminds us of the numeral "3" which occurs in the Hittite inscriptions apparently in the sense of "Hittite."
6 Isdu.
7 The name Tarku is preceded by the determinative of divinity.
8 Igasudu.
9 Abit, literally "declaration."
10 Rukum.

THE KINGS OF EGYPT
BY THE EDITOR
According to MANETHO (as quoted by JULIUS AFRICANUS).

(The excerpts of Africanus are known only from George the Synkellos and Eusebius, Chron. i. 19, 20.)

DYNASTY XI―16 Thebans for 43 years, of whom Ammenemes reigned 16 years
(after the 16 Thebans according to Eus.)

End of Manetho's first book, the kings of the first eleven Dynasties reigning altogether 2300 years and 70 days (really 2287 years and 70 days).

After the overthrow of Timaios, the last king of the I4th Dynasty, a period of anarchy.

[The statements of Josephus are confused, and the order ought to be: 15, 1 8, 19 (identical with 16), 20 (identical with 17).]

ACCORDING TO THE MONUMENTS
(Kings whose place is uncertain are not mentioned in the following list.)

______
1 The inscription of Sheri, the prophet of Send the oldest dated monument we possess makes Per-ab-sen the successor of Send.

1.	Userkaf	........	........	Ouserkheres
2.	Sahu-Ra	Sahu-Ra	........	Sephres
3.	Keka	........	........	........
4.	Ncfer-f-Ra	Nefer-ar-ka-Ra	........	Nepherkheres
5.	........	Shepses-ka-Ra	........	Sisires
6.	........	Kha-nefer-Ra	........	Kheres
7.	Ra - n - user (An)		....... 11 years	Rathoures
8.	Men-kau-Hor	Men-ka-Hor	Men-ka-Hor,	Menkheres
			8 years
9.	Tat-ka-Ra	Tat-ka-Ra	Tat, 28 years	Tankheres
10.	Unas	Unas	Unas, 30 years	Ounos
DYNASTY VI
1.	Teta	Teta	... 6 years 21 days	Othoes
2.	User-ka-Ra	........	........	........
3.	Meri-Ra (Pepi I.)	Pepi (Meri-Ra)	... 20 years	Phios
4.	Mer-en-Ra	........	... 4 years	Methousouphis
	(Sokar-m-saf I.)	........	........	........
5.	Nefer-ka-Ra	........	... 9 (4) years	Phiops
	(Pepi II)	........	........	........
6.	(Mer-en-Ra Sokar-m-saf II)	........	Mer-en-Ra, 1 year, 1 month	Menthe-Souphis
7.	........	........	........	Nitokris
			1. Nit-aker (a queen)
			2. Nefer-ka, 2 yrs. 1 m. 1 day
			3. Nefrus, 4 yrs. 2 m. 1 day
			4. Ab-en-RaL, 2 yrs. 1 m. 1 day
			5. ....
			6. Ab-en-Ra II
			7. Hanti
			8. Pest-sat-en- Sopd
			9. Paitasu
			10. Serhlinib (according to Lauth)
{p.144}
DYNASTIES VII, VIII., IX, X
1.	Mer-em-Ra Zaf-em-Saf	........	... 6 years	........
2.	Nuter-ka-Ra	........	........	........
3.	Men-ka-Ra	........	........	........
4.	Nefer-ka-Ra	........	Nefer-ka-Ra	........
5.	........	........	Khrati	........
6.	........	........	Se .....	........
7.	........	........	........	........
8.	........	........	Ur ....	........
9.	........	........	Set ....	........
10.	........	........	Ha ....	........
11.	........	........	........	........
12.	[Nefer-ka-Ra?]	........	[Nefer-ka?-]Ra	........
13.	Nefer-ka-Ra Nebi	........	[Nefer-ka?-]Ra	........
14.	Tat-ka-Ra Shema	........	[Tat-ka?-]Ra	........
15.	Nefer-ka-Ra Khnotu	........	[Nefer-ka?-]Ra	........
16.	Men-en-Hor	........	(And 3 others destroyed¹)
17.	Snefer-ka	........	(Sum of years of the l0th Dynasty: 355 years 10 days)
18.	Ra-n-ka	........	........	........
19.	Nefer-ka-Ra Terel	........	........	........
20.	Nefer-ka-Hor	........	........	........
21.	Nefer-ka-Ra Pepi-seneb	........	........	........
22.	Snefer-ka-Ra Annu	........	........	........
23.	[Nefer-]kau-Ra I	........	........	........
24.	Nefer-kau-Ra II	........	........	........
25.	Nefer-kau-Hor	........	........	........
26.	Nefer-ar-ka-Ra	........	........	........
DYNASTY XI. According to LIEBLEIN and PETRIE
	Karnak	Other Monuments
	........	User-n-Ra
	........	Neb-nem-Ra
	........	Ana
	Antef I	Seshes-Hor-ap-maa-Ra Antuf Aa
	Mentu-hetep I	Neb-hetep Mentu-hetep I
		Queen Khnum-nefer-het Mentu-hetep I

_______
1 An inscription I have discovered at Sehel shows that one of these was Nefer-hepu-Ra. Mr. Griffith has made it clear that Ka-meri-Ra, mentioned in a tomb at Assiout, was a king of the l0th Dynasty.

{p.145}
	Antef II	Uah Ankh [Ter ?-]seshes-ap-maa-Ra Antef Aa (his son)
	Antef III	Seshes-herher-maa-Ra Antef (brother)
		Nuter-nefer Neb-taui-Ra Mentu-hetep II
	Antef IV	Nub-kheper-Ra Antauf (more than 50 years)
		Neb-kher-Ra Mentu-hetep III. (more than 46 years)
	Ra-Neb	Queen Aah
		Antef V. (son)
	S-ankh-ka-Ra	S-ankh-ka-Ra¹
DYNASTY XII
1.	Amen-em-hat I alone (20 years)	........	S-hetep-ab-Ra	Ammenemes
	With Usertesen I (10 years)	........	........	........
2.	Usertesen I Kheper-ka-Ra alone (32 years)		... 48 years	Sesonkhosis
	With Amen-em-hat (3 years)	........	........	........
3.	Amen-em-hat II Nub-Kau-Ra alone (29 years)	........	........	Ammanemes
	With Usertesen II (6 years)	........	........	........
4.	Usertesen II Kha-kheper-Ra (13 years)	........	... 19 years	Sesostris
5.	Usertesen III Kha-kau-Ra (26 years)	........	.... 3 years	Lakhares
6.	Amen-em-hat III. Ra-n-Mat (42 years)	........	........	........
7.	Amen-em-hat IV Ma-khru-Ra	........	........	Ammeres
8.	Sebek-nefru-Ra (a queen)	........	Ma -khru-Ra, 9 years, 3 months 17 days	Ammenemes
			Sebek-nefru-Ra, 3 years, 10 months 24 days	Skemiophris
			(Sum of years of I2th Dynasty: 213 years,1 month 17 days.)

________
1 The Turin Papyrus gives the last four reigns of the Dynasty as follows:

{p.146}
DYNASTY XIII. According to the TURIN PAPYRUS (Brugsch)
1.	Sebek-hetep I. Ra-khu-taui (son of Sebek-nefru-Ra), I year, 3 months 24 days	47.	Mer-kheper-Ra
2.	Sekhem-ka-Ra, 6 years	48.	Mer-ka-[Ra]
3.	Ra Amen-em-hat I	49-	53. Destroyed
4.	S-hetep-ab-Ra I	54.	... mes
5.	Aufni, 2 years	55.	Ra ..... mat Aba
6.	S-ankh-ab-Ra, I year	56.	.. Uben-Ra I
7.	S-men-ka-Ra	57-	60. Destroyed
8.	S-hetep-ab-Ra II	61.	Nahasi-[Ra]
9.	... ka-Ra	62.	Kha-khru-Ra
10,	11. Destroyed	63.	Neb-f-autu-Ra, 2 years 5 months 15 days
12.	Netem-ab-Ra	64.	S-heb-Ra, 3 years
13.	Ra Sebek-hetep II	65.	Mer-tefa-Ra, 3 years
14.	Ran-[sen]eb	66.	Sut-ka-Ra
15.	Autu-ab-Ra I	67.	Neb-tefa-Ra
16.	Setef ...... Ra	68.	Uben-Ra II
17.	Ra Sekhem-khu-taui (Sebek-hetep III)	69.	70. Destroyed
18.	Ra-user ......	71.	....... tefa-Ra
19.	S-menkh-ka-Ra Mermesha	72.	..... Uben-Ra III
20.	... ka-Ra	73.	Autu-ab-Ra II
21.	... user-ser	74.	Har-ab-Ra
22.	Ra Sekhem-[khu- tani] (Sebek-hetep IV)	75.	Neb-sen-Ra
23.	Kha-seshesh-Ra Nefer-hetep son of Ha-ankh-f	76-	79. Destroyed
24.	Ra-si-Hathor	80.	S-kheper-n-Ra
25.	Kha-nefer-Ra (Sebek-hetep V)	81.	Tat-khru-Ra
26.	(?Kha-ka-Ra)	82.	S-ankh-[ka-]Ra
27.	Kha-ankh-Ra (Sebek-hetep VI)	83.	Nefer-tum-Ra
28.	Kha-hetep-Ra (Sebek-hetep VII), 4 years 8 months 29 days	84.	Sekhem ...... Ra
29.	Uab-Ra Aa-ab, 10 years 8 months 28 days	85.	Ka ...... Ra
30.	Mer-nefer-Ra Ai, 23 years 8 months 18 days	86.	Nefer-ab-Ra
31.	Mer-hetep-Ra, 2 years 2 months 9 days	87.	Ra-a ......
32.	S-ankh-nef-Ra Utu, 3 years 2 months	88.	Ra-kha ....., 2 years
33.	Mer-sekhem-Ra Anran, 3 years 1 month	89.	Nut-ka-Ra, 2 years
34.	Sut-ka-Ra Ura, 5 years, months 8 days	90.	S-men ..... Ra
35.	Anemen ... ro	91-	111. Destroyed
36-	46. Destroyed
{p.147}
112.	Ra-sekhem .....	117.	Ra-neb-aten
113.	Ra-sekhem .....	118.	Ra-s-ment .....
114.	Ra-sekhem-us ....	119.	Ra-user-aten
115.	Ra-sesen .....	120.	Ka-sekhem .....
116.	Ra-neb-ari
From 30 to 40 more names are destroyed.
[DYNASTY XIII. According to the TABLET of KARNAK
1.	.... ka	6. Kha-seshesh-Ra
2.	Sut-n-Ra	7. Kha-nefer-Ra
3.	S-ankh-ab-Ra	8. Kha-ka-Ra
4.	Ra-sekhem-khu-taui	9. Kha-ankh-Ra
5.	Ra-sekhem-sut-taui	10. Kha-hetep-Ra]
DYNASTY XIV. According to the TURIN PAPYRUS
1.	.......	... 10. Hor .....
2.	Ab-nu II	..... ka
3.	Setep-n-mau	12. .......
4.	Pan-n-set-setep	13. .... Hapi ......
5.	Pah-as(?)	14. ka-Mentu(?)
6.	Ser-hem-t	15. ka-beb-nu .....
7.	Af ......	l6. ....., 3 years
8.	Seti .......	17. ....- kheti
9.	Nun ......	18. ..... n-neb-erget
The remaining names are destroyed.
DYNASTIES XV and XVI
1.	(Set) Shalati (Salatis)	Khaian User-nub- Ra (Yanias?)
2.	Bnan (Bnon)	Apepi I. Ra-aa-user (geometrical papyrus written in his 33rd year)
Apepi II. Ra-aa-ab-taui
DYNASTY XVII
Skenen-Ra Taa I. (contemporary with Apepi II
Skenen-Ra Taa II. Aa
Skenen-Ra Taa III. Ken
Uat-kheper-Ra Kames and his wife Aah-hetep
{p.148}
DYNASTY XVIII

Egypt divided between several princes, including Tef-nekht (Tnephakhtos), father of Bak-n-ran-f. It is overrun by Piankhi the Ethiopian, while Usarkon III. reigns at Bubastis. The son and successor of Piankhi is Mi-Amen- Nut.

The Assyrian conquest and division of Egypt into 20 satrapies BC 672-660. Taharka and his successor Rud-Amen (Assyrian Urdamanu) make vain efforts to recover it. In Manetho the period is represented by Stephinates (Setep-n-Nit), Nekhepsos and Nekhao, the latter of whom is called in the Assyrian inscriptions Niku, the father of Psammetikhos, and vassal-king of Memphis and Sais.

PREFACE	v
I. HISTORICAL INSCRIPTIONS OF RAMESES III. By Professor AUGUST EISENLOHR	1
II. THE LISTS OF THE PLACES IN NORTHERN SYRIA AND PALESTINE CONQUERED BY RAMSES II AND RAMSES III. By the EDITOR	19
III. LETTERS FROM PHOENICIA TO THE KING OF EGYPT IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY B.C. By the EDITOR	46
IV.THE INSCRIPTION OF ASSUR-BEL-KALA. By S. ARTHUR STRONG	76
V. INSCRIPTIONS OF SENNACHERIB. By Professor ROBERT W. ROGERS	80
VI. A PRAYER OF ASSURBANIPAL. By S. ARTHUR STRONG	102
VII. THE NON-SEMITIC VERSION OF THE CREATION-STORY. By THEO. G. PINCHES	107
VIII. THE CUNEIFORM TABLETS OF KAPPADOKIA. By the EDITOR	115
IX. THE KINGS OF EGYPT. BY THE EDITOR	132

א	a, '	ל	l
ב	b	מ	m
ג	g	נ	n
ד	d	ס	's, s
ה	h	ע	e
ו	u, v	פ	p
ז	z	צ	ts
ח	kh	ק	q
ט	dh	ר	r
י	i, y	ש	s, sh
ך	k	ת	th

			Regnal Years
1.	Menes	..........	62
2.	Athothis his son	..........	57
3.	Kenkenes his son	..........	31
4.	Ouenephes his son	..........	23
5.	Ousaphaidos his son (Ousaphaes, Eus.)	..........	20
6.	Miebidos his son (Niebaes, Ens.)	..........	26
7.	Semempses his son	..........	18
8.	Bienakhes his son (Oubienthes or Vibesthes, Eus.)	..........	26
	Sum	..........	253
	(Eus.	..........	252)
	(Really	..........	263)

			Regnal Years
1.	Boethos (Bokhos, Eus.)	..........	38
2.	Kaiekhos (Khoos or Kekhous, Eus.)	..........	39
3.	Binothris (Biophis, Eus.)	..........	47
4.	Tlas (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	17
5.	Sethenes (unnamed by Etts.)	..........	41
6.	Khaires (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	17
7.	Nepherkheres (the 7th successor of Biophis, Eus.)	..........	25
8.	Sesokhris	..........	48
9.	Kheneres (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	30
	Sum	..........	302
	(Eus.	..........	297)

			Regnal Years
1.	Nekherophes (Nekherokhis, Eus.)	..........	28
2.	Tosorthros (Sethorthos, Eus.)	..........	29
3.	Tyreis (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	7
4.	Mesokhris (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	17
5.	Souphis (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	16
6.	Tosertasis (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	19
7.	Akhes (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	42
8.	Sephouris (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	3
9.	Kerpheres (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	26
	Sum	..........	214
	(Eus.	..........	197)

			Regnal Years
1.	Soris (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	29
2.	Souphis I. (3rd king of the Dynasty, Eus.)	..........	63
3.	Souphis II. (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	66
4.	Menkheres (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	63
5.	Ratoises (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	25
6.	Bikheres (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	22
7.	Seberkheres (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	7
8.	Thamphthis (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	9
	Sum	..........	277
	(Eus.	..........	448)
	(Really	..........	284)

			Regnal Years
1.	Sesonkhosis son of Ammenemes	..........	46
2.	Ammanemes	..........	38
3.	Sesostris	..........	48
4.	Lakhares (Lamaris or Lampares, Eus.) the builder of the Labyrinth	..........	8
5.	Ameres (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	8
6.	Amenemes (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	8
7.	Skemiophris his sister (unnamed by Eus.)	..........	4
	(Eus. makes the total of the three last reigns 42 years. )
	Sum	..........	160
	(So Eus.; really	..........	245)

			Regnal Years
1.	Saites	..........	19
2.	Bnon	..........	44
3.	Pakhnan	..........	61
4.	Staan	..........	50
5.	Arkles	..........	49
6.	Aphobis	..........	61
	Sum	..........	24

			Regnal Years
1.	Amosis	..........	25
2.	Khebros (Khebron, Eus.)	..........	13
3.	Amenophthis (Amenophis for 21 years, Eus.)	..........	24
4.	Amensis (omitted by Eus.)	..........	22
5.	Misaphris (Miphris for 12 years, Eus.)	..........	13
6.	Misphragmouthosis	..........	26
7.	Touthmosis	..........	9
8.	Amenophis (Memnon)	..........	31
9.	Horos (Oros, Eus.)	..........	37
10.	Akherres (Akhenkherses for 16 or 12 years, Eus.)	..........	32
11.	Rathos (omitted by Eus.)	..........	6
12.	Khebres (Akherres for 8 years, Eus.)	..........	12
13.	Akherres (Kherres for 15 years, Eus.)	..........	12
14.	Armesses (Armais Danaos, Eus.)	..........	5
15.	Ramesses (for 68 years, Eus.)	..........	1
16.	Amenophis (for 40 years, Eus.)	..........	19
	Sum	..........	263
	(Eus.	..........	348)
	(Really	..........	287)

1.	Sethos (for 55 years, Eus. )	..........	51
2.	Rapsakes (Rampses for 66 years, Eus.)	..........	61
{p.137}
3.	Ammenephthes (Amenephthis for 8 years, Eus.)	..........	20
4.	Harnesses (omitted by Eus.)	..........	60
5.	Amenemes (for 26 years. Eus.)	..........	5
6.	Thouoris or Polybos	..........	7
	Sum	..........	209
	(Eus.	..........	194)
	(Really	..........	204)

Nekhepsos	..........	19
Psammouthis	..........	13
...................	..........	4
Kertos	..........	l6
Amenses or Amenemes	..........	26
Okhuras	..........	14
Rhampsis	..........	45
Sum	..........	137

			Regnal Years
1.	Smendes	..........	26
2.	Psousennes (for 41 years, Eus.)	..........	46
3.	Nephelkheres (Nepherkheres, Eus.)	..........	4
4.	Amenophthis	..........	9
5.	Osokhor	..........	6
6.	Psinakhes	..........	9
7.	Psousennes (for 35 years, Eus.)	..........	14
	Sum	..........	130
	(Eus.	..........	13)
	(Really	..........	114)

1.	Sesonkhis (Sesonkhosis, Eus.)	..........	21
2.	Osorthon	..........	15
{p.138}
3, 4, 5,	Unnamed (omitted by Eus.)		25
6.	Takelothis		13
7, 8, 9,	Unnamed (omitted by Eus.)	..........	42
	Sum	..........	120
	(Eus.	..........	44)
	(Really	..........	116)

			Regnal Years
1.	Petoubates (Petoubastes for 25 years, Eus.)	..........	40
2.	Osorkho Herakles (Osorthon for 9 years, Eus.)	..........	8
3.	Psammos	..........	10
4.	Zet (omitted by Eus.)	..........	31
	Sum	..........	89
	(Eus.	..........	44)

1.	Sabakon (for 12 years, Eus.)	..........	8
2.	Sebikhos his son (for 12 years, Eus.)	..........	14
3.	Tearkos (Tarakos for 20 years, Eus.)	..........	18
	Sum	..........	40
	(Eus.	..........	44)

1.	Nepherites I. or Nekherites	6	0
2.	Akhoris	13	0
3.	Psammouthes	1	0
	(Eus.: Mouthis inserted here	1	0)
4.	Nepherites II	0	4
	Sum	20	4
	(Eus.	21	4)

		Regnal Years	Months
1.	Salatis at Memphis	13	0
2.	Beon	44	0
3.	Apakhnas	36	7
4.	Apophis	61	0
5.	Yanias (or Annas)	50	1
6.	Assis	49	2

		Manetho
1.	Neb-pehuti-Ra Aahmes (more than 22 years) and wife Nefert -ari-Aahmes	Amosis
2.	Ser-ka-Ra Amen-hetep I (20 years 7 months); his mother at first regent	Amenophis I
3.	Aa-kheper-ka-Ra Tehuti-mes I. and wife Aahmes Meri-Amen
4.	Aa-kheper-n-Ra Tehuti-mes II. (more than 9 years) and wife (sister) Hashepsu Ma-ka-Ra	.........
5.	Khnum Amen Hashepsu Ma-ka-Ra, queen, 16 years	Amensis
6.	Ra-men-kheper Tehuti-mes III, 57 years II months 1 day (BC 1503, March 20th-i449, Feb. 14th)	Misaphris
7.	Aa-khepru-Ra Amen-hetep II	Misphragmuthosis
8.	Men-khepru-Ra Tehuti-mes IV. and wife Mut-em-ua	Touthmosis
9.	Neb-ma-Ra Amen-hetep III. (more than 35 years) and wife Teie	Amenophis II
10.	Nefer-khepru-Ra Amen-hetep IV. Khu-n-Aten 1 (more than i2 years), and wife Nefri-Thi	Horos
11.	Sa a-nekht and wife Meri-Akherres	Aten
12.	Tut -ankh- Amen Khepru - neb - Ra and wife Ankh-nes-Amen	Rathotis
13.	Aten-Ra-nefer-nefru-mer-Aten	?
14.	Ai Kheper-khepru-ar-ma-Ra and wife Thi (probably reigned only south of Girgeh)	?
15.	Hor-em-hib Mi-Amen Ser-khepru-Ra (more than 3 years)	Armais
DYNASTY XIX
1.	Men-pehuti-Ra Ramessu I. (more than 2 years)	Ramesses
2.	Ma-men-Ra Seti I Mer-n-Ptah I and wife Tua	Sethos
3.	User-ma-Ra Setep-n-Ra Ramessu II. Mi-Amen (BC 1348-1281 2)	Rampses
4.	Mer-n-PtahILHetep-hi-maBa-n-RaMi-Amen	Ammenephthes
5.	User-khepru-Ra Seti II. Mer-n-Ptah III.	Sethos Ramesses
6.	Amen-mesu Hik-An Mer-kha-Ra Setep-n-Ra	Amenemes
7.	Khu-n-RaSetep-n-RaMer-n-PtahlV.Si-Pthah and wife Ta-user	Thuoris
1 Called Khuri(ya) in one of the Tel el-Amarna letters. Hence the Horos of Manetho.
2 The date has been fixed astronomically by Dr. Mahler.
{p.149}
DYNASTY XX
1.	Set-nekht Merer Mi- Amen (recovered the kingdom from the Phoenician Arisu)
2.	Ramessu III Hik-An (more than 32 years)
3.	Ramessu IV Hik-Ma Mi-Amen
4.	Ramessu V. Amen-hi-khepesh-f Mi-Amen
5.	Ramessu Meri-Tum (in Northern Egypt)
"	Ramessu VI. Neb-ma-Ra Mi-Amen Amen-hi-khepesh-f
6.	Ramessu VII. At- Amen User-ma- Ra Mi-Amen
7.	Ramessu VIII. Set-hi-khepesh-f Mi-Amen User-ma-Ra Khu-n-Amen
8.	Ramessu IX. Si-Pthah Se-kha-n-Ra Mi-Amen
9.	Ramessu X. Nefer-ka-Ra Mi-Amen Setep-n-Ra (more than 10 years)
10.	Ramessu XL User-ma-Ra Mi-Amen Setep-n-Ra
11.	Ramessu XII. Men-ma-Ra Mi-Amun Setep-n-Pthah Khamus (more than 27 years)

DYNASTY XXII
		Manetho
1.	Shashank I. Mi- Amen Hat-kheper-Ra Setep-n-Ra (more than 21 years)	Sesonkhis
2.	Usarkon I. Mi-Amen Sekhem-kheper-Ra (married daughter of Pi-seb-kha-n)	Osorthon
3.	Takelet I. Mi-Amen Si-Ast Hat-Ra Setep-n-Amen
4.	Usarkon II. Mi-Amen Si-Bast User-ma-Ra (more than 23 years)
5.	Shashank II. Mi-Amen Sekhem-kheper-Ra
6.	Takelet II. Mi-Amen Si-Ast Hat-kheper-Ra (more than 15 years)	Takelothis
7.	Shashank III. Mi-Amen Si-Bast User-ma-Ra (52 years)
8.	Pimai Mi-Amen User-ma-Ra Setep-n-Amen
9.	Shashank IV. Aa-kheper-Ra (more than 37 years)
DYNASTY XXIII
1.	Se-her-ab-Ra Petu-si-Bast	Petoubastes
2.	Usarkon III. Mi-Amen Aa-kheper-Ra Setep-n-Amen	Osorkho
3.	P-si-Mut User-Ra Setep-n-Ptah Psammos
4.	.....	Zet

		Regnal Years	Months
1.	Stephinates (Stephinathis the 2nd king, Eus.)	7	0
2.	Nekhepsos (the 3rd, Eus.)	6	0
3.	Nekhao (for 6 years, Eus.)	8	0
4.	Psammetikhos (for 44 or 45 years, Eus.)	54	0
{p.139}
5.	Nekhao	6	0
6.	Psammouthis (Psammouthis II or Psammatikhos for 17 years, Eus.)	6	0
7.	Ouaphris (for 25 years, Eus.)	19	0
8.	Aniosis (for 42 years, Eus.)	44	0
9.	Psammekherites (omitted by Eus.)	0	6
	Sum	150	6
	(Eus.	167	0)

1.	Kambyses in the 5th year of his reign (for 3 years, Eus.)	6	0
2.	Dareios son of Hystaspes	36	0
3.	Xerxes	21	0
4.	Artabanos (omitted by Eus.)	0	7
5.	Artaxerxes	41	0
6.	Xerxes II	0	2
7.	Sogdianos	0	7
8.	Dareios son of Xerxes	19	0
	Sum	124	4
	(Eus.	120	4)

		Regnal Years	Months
1.	Nektanebes I (for 10 years, Eus,)	18	0
2.	Teos	2	0
3.	Nektanebes II. (for 8 years, Eus.)	18	0
	Sum	38	0
	(Eus.	20	0)

1.	Okhos in his 20th year (for 6 years, Eus.)	2	0
2.	Arsês (for 4 years, Eus.)	3	0
3.	Dareios (for 6 years, Eus.)	4	0
	Sum	9	0
	(Eus.	16	0)

1.	Tethmosis	25	4
2.	Khebron his son	13	0
3.	Amenophis I	20	7
{p.141}
4.	Amesses his sister	21	9
5.	Mephres	12	9
6.	Mephramouthosis	25	10
7.	Thmosis	9	8
8.	Amenophis II	30	10
9.	Oros	36	5
10.	Akenkhres his daughter	12	1
11.	Rathotis her brother	9	0
12.	Akenkheres I	12	5
13.	Akenkheres II	12	3
14.	Armais	4	1
15.	Ramesses	1	4
16.	Armesses Miamoun	60	2
17.	Amenophis III	19	6
18.	Sethosis Aiguptos, Ramesses (or Hermeus) Danaos	59	0
19.	Rhampses his son	66	0
20.	Amenophis his son	?
21.	Sethos Ramesses his son	?

	Abydos	Saqqarah	Turin Papyrus	Manetho
1.	Meni	........	Meni	Menes
2.	Teta	........	Atet	Athothis
3.	Atota	........	........	Kenkenes
4.	Ata	........	........	Ouenephes I
5.	Hesep (or Sapti)	........	........	Ousaphaidos
6.	Merba	Merbaipen	........	Miebidos
7.	Semen-Ptah(?)	........	........	Semempses
8.	Kabeh	Kabeliu (Behuka)	........	Bienekhes
{p.142}
DYNASTY II
1.	Butau	........	........	Boethos
2.	Kakau	Kakau	........	Kaiekhos
3.	Bainuteru	Bainuter	........	Binothris
4.	Utnas	Utnas	........	Tlas
5.	Send¹	........	Send	Sethenes
6.	........	........	Aakar	Khaires
7.	Tata I	........	........	........
8.	........	Nefer-ka-Ra	........	Nepherkheres
9.	........	Sekeri Nefer-ka	Nefer-ka Seker	Sesokhris
			[4?] 8 years 3 months 4 days
10.	........	Tefa	Hu-tefa, [3?] o	Kheneres
			yrs. 8 m. 4 d.
11.	........	Bubui	Bubu, 27 years	........
			2 months I day
DYNASTY III
1.	Neb-ka	........	Neb-ka, 19 years	........
2.	Ser-bes	Ser	Sera, 19 years 1	Nekherophes
			month
3.	Tata II	Ser-Teta	Ser-Teta	Tosorthros
4.	Set-es	........	........	Tureis
5.	........	Neb-ka- Ra	........	Mesokhris
6.	........	Nefer-ka-Ra	........	Souphis
7.	........	........	........	Tosertasis
8.	........	Huni	Hu[ni]	Akhes
9.	Snefru	........	Snefru	Sephouris
10.	........	........	........	Kerpheres
DYNASTY IV
1.	........	........		Soris
2.	Khufuf	Khufu (Kheops)		Souphis I
3.	Ra-tatf	Ra-tatf	........	........
4.	Khafra	Khafra (Khephren)	........	Souphis II
5.	Men-ka-Ra	........	........	Menkheres
6.	........	........	........	Ratoises
7.	........	........	........	Bikheres
8.	Shepseskaf	........	........	Seberkheres
9.	........	........	........	Thamphthis

1.	Shabaka Nefer-ka-Ra, son of Kashet, defeated by Sargon BC 720 (more than 12 years)	Sabakon
2.	Shabataka Tat-ka-Ra	Sebikhos
3.	Taharka Nefer-tum-khu-Ra (Tirhakah), 26 years	Tearkos

		Manetho
1.	Fsamtik I. Uah-ab-Ra and wife Mehet-Usekh, BC 664-610	Psammetikhos
2.	Nekau Nem-ab-Ra and wife Mi-Mut Nit-aker, BC 610-594	Nekhao
3.	Psamtik II. Nefer-ab-Ra and wife Nit-aker, BC 594-589	Psammouthis
4.	Uah-ab-Ra Haa-ab-Ra and wife Aah-hetep, BC 589-570	Ouaphris
5.	Aah-mes Si-Nit Khnum-ab-Ra and wife Thent-kheta, BC 570-526	Amosis
6.	Psamtik III. Ankh-ka-n-Ra, BC 526-525	Psammekherites

		Manetho
1.	Kambathet Sem-taui Mestu-Ra, BC 525-519	Kambyses
2.	Ntariush I. Settu-Ra, BC 521-485	Dareios I
3.	Khabbash Senen Tanen Setep-n-Ptah, B.C. 485	........
4.	Khsherish, B.C. 484	Xerxes I
5.	.......	Artabanos
6.	Artakhsharsha, BC 465-425	Artaxerxes
7.	......	Xerxes II
8.	.......	Sogdianos
9.	Ntariush Mi-Amen-Ra	Dareios II

1.	Nef-a-rutl. Ba-n-Ra Mi-nuteru (more than 4 years)	Nepherites I
2.	Hakori Ra-Khnum-ma Setep-n-Khnum, 13 years	Akhoris
3.	P-si-Mut Usir-Ptah-setep-n-Ra, I year	Psammouthes
4.	Hor-neb-kha, I year	Mouthes
5.	Nef-a-rut II., 1 year	Nepherites II

1.	Nekht-Hor-hib Ra-snetem-ab Setep-n-Anher, son of Nef-a-rut I, 9 years	Nektanebes I
2.	Tihu, 1 year	Teos
3.	Nekht-neb-f Ra-kheper-ka 18 years	Nektanebes II