ANCIENT EGYPT THE LIGHT OF THE WORLD

[1] [Source.
But see also Bleek, A Brief Account of Bushman Folklore and Other Texts, p. 6. 'The most prominent of the mythological figures is that of the Mantis, around which a great circle of myths has been formed. Besides his own proper name (tkággen) he possesses several others, and so also does his wife, whose most usual name is, however, Ihunntujattjattun (Ihunn means the "Dasse," Hyrax ...). Their adopted daughter, the Porcupine (whose real father is a monster named Ilkhivui-hemm, the All-devourer, with whom she does not live for fear of being herself eaten), is married to Ikwannmana, and has by him a son, the Ichneumon, who plays an important part in Bushman mythology, particularly in advising and assisting his grandfather, the Mantis, and in chiding him for his misdeeds. The same mythological figure, tkággen, is also the most prominent one in the mythology of the Bushmen of the Drakensbergen, as related to Mr. J. L. Orpen.'.]

[2] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 442. 'In dealing with the wanderings of the fourth group of the Achilpa people reference was made to some dancing women called Unthippa who were met at a place called Yapilpa. The women were Oruncha, that is what is usually translated "devil" women, which implies that they were of an evil nature, always ready to annoy human beings, and endowed with special superhuman powers of various kinds. As explained, however, in the case of the Oruncha men the word "devil" must not be taken in the sense of their being at all the equivalents of malicious creatures whose one object was to work ill to men and women; they are more mischievous than malicious, and in this instance the term “uncanny” more nearly expresses the idea associated with them.
These women were supposed to have sprung into existence far out in the Aldorla ilunga, that is the west country, and as they journeyed they danced all the way along carrying shields and spear-throwers until they passed right through the country of the Arunta people. When they started they were half women and half men, but before they had proceeded very far on their journey their organs became modified and they were as other women.']

[4] [Ibid., p. 381. 'When the old men return to their camps and the newly-made Urliara go out into the bush, one or more ordinary dancing festivals take place. A special one associated with this period is a woman's dance. At night the men and women all assemble in the main camp. A few, perhaps six or eight of the men, are painted with bands of ochre, and the dance opens with these men, one after the other, coming out of the darkness into the light of the camp fire behind which a group of men and women are seated, beating time with sticks and boomerangs on the ground and singing a corrobboree song. As each man approaches the fire he looks about him as if in search of some one, and then, after a short time, sits down amongst the audience. After the men have separately gone through this short performance a number of young women, who have been waiting out of sight of the fire, come near. Each one is decorated with a double horse-shoe-shaped band of white pipe-clay which extends across the front of each thigh and the base of the abdomen. A flexible stick is held behind the neck and one end grasped by each hand. Standing in a group the women sway slightly from side to side, quivering in a most remarkable fashion, as they do so, the muscles of the thighs and of the base of the abdomen. The object of the decoration and movement is evident, and at this period of the ceremonies a general interchange, and also a lending of, women takes place, and visiting natives are provided with temporary wives, though on this occasion in the Arunta tribe the woman allotted to any man must be one to whom he is unawa, that is, who is lawfully eligible to him as a wife. This woman's dance, which is of the most monotonous description possible goes on night after night for perhaps two or three weeks, at the end of which time another dance is commenced. By the time that this is over, or perhaps earlier still, for there is no fixed time, the final ceremonies commence in connection with the newly-made Urliara. Each of them has to bring in an offering of food to his ab-moara man. Under ordinary circumstances such a food-offering is called chaurilia, but this particular one is called ertwa-kirra, that is, man's meat. When the present has been made, the ab-moara man either performs, or else requests some one else to perform, a sacred ceremony which belongs to himself. These ceremonies are of the nature of those already described, and the description of one or two will suffice to illustrate the nature of them all. A Panunga man of the lizard totem brought in a wallaby as ertwa-kirra to his ab-moara, who was a Purula man of the emu totem.']

[7] [Uganda Protectorate, vol. 2, 779. 'The Acholi in their dances imitate beasts somewhat elaborately. They generally sing and dance at the same time, and the men carry small drums under the arm, which they tap with the fingers.']

[9] [Smith, 'Myths of the Iroquois,' ARSBE, 2 (1880-81), 116. 'Private dances are held by the medicine men; in which are introduced the Tai-nai-kwa-ai, or eagle dance; the Tai-wa-nu-ta-ai-ki, or dark dance, performed in the dark; the Tai-hi-tu-wi, or pantomime dance; and the Tai-na-tainuu-ni, or witches' dance. On the death of a medicine man a special dance is held by his fraternity, and, during the giving of certain medicines, medicine tunes are chanted. No dances are held upon the death of private individuals, but at the expiration of ten days a dead feast is celebrated and the property of the deceased is distributed by gambling or otherwise. Occasionally speeches are made, but no singing or dancing is indulged in, except during a condolence council, when deceased chiefs are mourned and others chosen in their places.']

[10] [Catlin, Letters, vol. 1, pp. 126-7. 'They have other dances and songs which are not so mystified, but which are sung and understood by every person in the tribe, being sung in their own language, with much poetry in them, and perfectly metred, but without rhyme. On these subjects I shall take another occasion to say more; and will for the present turn your attention to the style and modes in which some of these curious transactions are conducted.
My ears have been almost continually ringing since I came here, with the din of yelping and beating of the drums; but I have for several days past been peculiarly engrossed, and my senses almost confounded with the stamping, and grunting, and bellowing of the buffalo dance, which closed a few days since at sunrise (thank Heaven), and which I must needs describe to you.
Buffaloes, it is known, are a sort of roaming creatures, congregating occasionally in huge masses, and strolling away about the country from east to west, or from north to south, or just where their whims or strange fancies may lead them; and the Mandans are sometimes, by this means, most unceremoniously left without any thing to eat; and being a small tribe, and unwilling to risk their lives by going far from home in the face of their more powerful enemies, are oftentimes left almost in a state of starvation. In any emergency of this kind, every man musters and brings out of his lodge his mask (the skin of a buffalo's head with the horns on), which he is obliged to keep in readiness for this occasion; and then commences the buffalo dance, of which I have above spoken, which is held for the purpose of making "buffalo come" (as they term it), of inducing the buffalo herds to change the direction of their wanderings, and bend their course towards the Mandan village, and graze about on the beautiful hills and bluffs in its vicinity, where the Mandans can shoot them down and cook them as they want them for food.'
See also NG 1:73.]

[16] [Napier, Folk-lore of West Scotland, p. 66. 'The wake in the Highlands during last century was a very common affair. Captain Burt, in his letters from Scotland, 1723, says that when a person dies the neighbours gather in the evening in the house where the dead lies, with bagpipe, and spend the evening in dancing—the nearest relative to the corpse leading off the dance. Whisky and other refreshments are provided, and this is continued every night until the funeral.
Pennant, in his tour through the Highlands, 1772, says that, at a death, the friends of the deceased meet with bagpipe or fiddle, when the nearest of kin leads off a melancholy ball, dancing and wailing at the same time, which continue till daybreak, and is continued nightly till the interment. This custom is to frighten off or protect the corpse from the attack of wild beasts, and evil spirits from carrying it away.']

[19] [Chateaubriand, Voyage en Amérique, p. 142. 'One of the most common stratagems is to counterfeit the cries of animals. Young men disperse themselves in the copses, imitating the braying of stags, the lowing of buffaloes, and the yelping of foxes. The Savages are accustomed to this trick; but such is their passion for the chase, and so perfect the imitation of the voices of the animals, that they are very frequently caught by this lure.' (Or Travels in America and Italy, vol. 1, p. 31.)]

[20] [Cushing, 'Zuni Fetiches,' ARBAE, 2, 32. 'The ceremonials last throughout the latter two-thirds of a night. Each member on entering approaches the altar, and with prayer-meal in hand addresses a long prayer to the assembly of fetiches, at the close of which he scatters the prayer-meal over them, breathes on and from his hand, and takes his place in the council. An opening prayer-chant, lasting from one to three hours, is then sung at intervals, in which various members dance to the sound of the constant rattles, imitating at the close of each stanza the cries of the beasts represented by the fetiches.'
See also note 147 below.]

[21] [Life with the Esquimaux, p. 328. 'From the polar bear, too, the Innuits learn much. The manner of approaching the seal which is on the ice by its hole basking in the sunshine is from him. The bear lies down and crawls by hitches toward the seal, "talking" to it, as the Innuits say, till he is within striking distance, then he pounces upon it with a single jump. The natives say that if they could "talk" as well as the bear, they could catch many more seals.
The procedure of the bear is as follows: He proceeds very cautiously toward the black speck far off on the ice, which he knows to be a seal. "When still a long way from it, he throws himself down on his side, and hitches himself along toward his game. The seal meanwhile is taking its naps of about ten seconds each, ultimately raising its head and surveying the entire horizon before composing itself again to brief slumber. As soon as it raises its head the bear "talks" keeping perfectly still. The seal, if it sees anything, sees but the head, which it takes for that of another seal. It sleeps again. Again the bear hitches himself along, and once more the seal looks around, only to be "talked" to again, and again deceived. Thus the pursuit goes on till the seal is caught, or till it makes its escape, which it seldom does.']

[26] [Frazer, Totemism, p. 95. 'Origin of Totemism.—No satisfactory explanation of the origin of totemism has yet been given. Mr Herbert Spencer finds the origin of totemism in a "misinterpretation of nicknames": savages first named themselves after natural objects; and then, confusing these objects with their ancestors of the same names, reverenced them as they already reverenced their ancestors. The objection to this view is that it attributes to verbal misunderstandings far more influence than, in spite of the so-called comparative mythology, they ever seem to have exercised. Sir John Lubbock also thinks that totemism arose from the habit of naming persons and families after animals; but in dropping the intermediate links of ancestor-worship and verbal misunderstanding, he has stripped the theory of all that lent it even an air of plausibility.
Lastly, it may be observed that, considering the far-reaching effects produced on the fauna and flora of a district by the preservation or extinction of a single species of animals or plants, it appears probable that the tendency of totemism to preserve certain species of plants and animals must have largely influenced the organic life of the countries where it has prevailed.']

[28] [The Patriarchal Theory, pp. vi-vii. 'As the theory of the Origin of Exogamy took shape, and the facts connected with it reduced themselves to form in his mind, the conclusion was reached that the system conveniently called "Totemism" from which his essay on the "Worship of Animals and Plants" took its departure must have been established in rude societies prior to the origin of Exogamy. This carried back the origin of Totemism to a state of man in which no idea of incest existed. From that condition my brother hoped to be able to trace the progress of Totemism necessarily a progress upwards in connection with kinship and with Exogamy. It may here be said that he had for a time a hypothesis as to the origin of Totemism, but that he afterwards came to see that there were conclusive reasons against it. At last, as far as I know, he had none which should be easily intelligible to anyone who knows the subject and knows what, on his view, was involved in Totemism. To show its prevalence, to establish some leading points in its history, to exhibit it in connection with kinship and with Exogamy, and to make out its connection with worship appeared to him
to be the matters primarily important.
It may be said that evidence of Totemism associated with Exogamy was generally found in all rude societies acknowledging kinship through women only; that the same association was found also, and almost as generally, in rude societies which know kinship through males; while his original essay had tended to show that the worship of plants and animals in more advanced societies acknowledging kinship through males was lineally descended from Totemism.
The general conclusion from these and allied facts taken as a whole, appeared to be that it was possible to demonstrate that, Totemism preceding Exogamy, the latter must have arisen in societies acknowledging no kinship save through women; that all other facts bearing on rude society may be interpreted as evidence of a gradual progress from the condition of which Totemism and female kinship are the mark; and that thus it was possible to exhibit the history of human society as that of an evolution moving with very various rapidity among different populations, but always beginning with a condition in which the idea of incest did not exist, and always tending upwards from that condition.']

[29] [Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, vol. 1, p. 29. '... but there is no reason for thinking that the animal worship of the Egyptians was descended from a system of totems or fetishes, as Mr. J. F. M'Lennan believed.―See the Fortnightly Review, 1869-70.']

[30] [History of the Ojebway Indians. See e.g., p. 138. 'AMUSEMENTS, ETC. OF THEIR TOODAIMS.
Their belief concerning their divisions into tribes is, that many years ago the Great Spirit gave his red children their toodaims, or tribes, in order that they might never forget that they were all related to each other, and that in time of distress or war they were bound to help each other. When an Indian, in travelling, meets with a strange band of Indians, all he has to do is to seek for those bearing the same emblem as his tribe; and having made it known that he belongs to their toodaim, he is sure to be treated as a relative.' From Frazer, Totemism, p. 1. 'A totem is a class of material objects which a savage regards with superstitious respect, believing that there exists between him and every member of the class an intimate and altogether special relation. The name is derived from an Ojibway (Chippeway) word totem, the correct spelling of which is somewhat uncertain. It was first introduced into literature, so far as appears, by J. Long, an Indian interpreter of last century, who spelt it totam. (Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter, p. 86, London, 1791) The form toodaim is given by the Rev. Peter Jones, himself an Ojibway; (History of the Ojebway Indians, London, 1861, p. 138) dodaim by Warren ("History of the Ojibways," in Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, vol. v. (St Paul, Minn., 1885) p. 34) and (as an alternative pronunciation to totem) by Morgan; (Ancient Society, p. 165) and ododam by Francis Assikinack, an Ottawa Indian. (See Academy, 27th Sept. 1884, p. 203) According to the abbe Thavenet (In J. A. Cuoq's Lexique de la langue Algonquine (Montreal, 1886), p. 312. Thavenet admits that the Indians use ote in the sense, of "mark" (limited apparently to a family mark), but argues that the word must mean family or tribe.) the word is properly ote, in the sense of "family or tribe," possessive otem, and with the personal pronoun nind otem "my tribe," kit otem "thy tribe."']

[34] [Nind, 'Description of the Natives of King George's Sound (Swan River colony) and Adjoining Country,' JRGS, 1, 42-3. 'With respect to the divisions and subdivisions of tribes, there exists so much intricacy, that it will be long before it can be understood. The classes Erniung and Tem are universal near the Sound; but the distinctions are general, not tribual. Another division, almost as general, is into Moncalon and Tomdirrup; yet there are a few who are neither. These can scarcely be distinguished as tribes, and are very much intermingled. The Moncalon, however, is more prevalent to the eastward of our establishment, and the Tomdirrup to the westward. They intermarry and have each again their subdivisional distinctions, some of which are peculiar, and some general; of these are the Opperheip, Cambien, Mahnur, &c.']

[36] [Johnston, Uganda Protectorate, vol. 2, p. 688. 'The Banyoro are divided into many clans, which would appear to have totems as sacred symbols or ancestral emblems like the similar clans in Uganda. This institution, however, like so many other customs connected with the Banyoro, has lately been much defaced and obscured by the appalling depopulation of the country consequent on civil wars and foreign invasions. The animals or plants chosen as totems are much the same as in Uganda, varying, however, with the existence or non-existence of the symbols in the Hora and fauna of Unyoro. There is probably a greater preponderance of antelopes as totems compared with what occurs in Uganda. It is unlawful by custom for a Munyoro to kill or eat the totem of his clan. Thus, if the hartebeest should be the totem of a clan or family, members of this clan must not kill or eat the hartebeest. I have never been able to ascertain either from Banyoro or Kaganda that their forefathers at any time believed the clan to be actually descended from the object chosen as a totem. The matter remains very obscure. It may be remotely connected with ancestor-worship, which is certainly the foundation of such religious beliefs as are held by the Banyoro, as by most other Negro races.'
Ibid., vol. 2, 692. 'Allusion has already been made in connection with Unyoro to the fact that the people of Unyoro and Uganda are divided into clans which have as their totems—these totems being sacred or heraldic objects—beasts, birds, reptiles, fishes, insects, or vegetables which in some way or other are identified with the original founders of the clan. In Uganda proper and its southern province of Buddu there are twenty-nine clans with the following totems:—

No. Luganda designation.	English equivalent.
1. Nsenene	Grasshopper.
2. Mamba	Lung-fish (Protopterus).
3. Fumbi	Lycaon dog (Cape hunting dog).
4. Njovu	Elephant.
5. Nonge	Otter.
6. Ngo	Leopard.
7. Mporogoma	Lion.
8. Butiko	Mushroom.
9. Musvi	Ground-rat, an octodont rodent (Thvyonomys swinderenianus).
10. Enkima	White-nosed monkey (Cercopithecus peturista).
11. Mvubu	Hippopotamus.
12. Kobe	A creeping plant with a fruit like a chestnut or potato.
13. Mpen	An oribi antelope.
14. Ntalaganya	Cephalophus antelope.
15. Ngabi	Bushbuck
16. Mbogo	Buffalo
17. Nyonyi	Widow-bird (Vidua, Penthtria, Chera, etc.).
18. Mbwa	Dog.
19. Kasimba	Serval cat.
20. Lukindo	Wild date palm.
21. Kibe	Jackal.
22. Enkedye	Small fish like whitebait fry.
23. Endiga	Sheep.
24. Jilali	Crowned crane (Buddu only).
25. Slonibe	Ox (Buddu only).
26. Lugavwe	Manis (the scaly ant-eater).
27. Engeye	Colobus monkey.
28. Katumvuma	A small flowering bush or shrub.
29. Mpindi	Haricot beans.

The word for "clan" in the singular is "kiku,' and in the plural "bika." The name for "totem" is "muziro." "Muziro"' means something tabooed, "something I avoid for medical or other reasons." "Muziro'' is a fair translation of the American Indian word now adopted into English—"totem." The most numerous, and at present the most fashionable, clan is that of the "Mamba," or lung-fish (Protopteriis).']

[37] [The Native Tribes of Central Australia, London, 1899—see full text here.]

[38] [Ibid., pp. 8-9. 'If now we take the Arunta tribe as an example, we find that the natives are distributed in a large number of small local groups, each of which occupies, and is supposed to possess, a given area of country, the boundaries of which are well known to the natives. In speaking of themselves, the natives will refer to these local groups by the name of the locality which each of them inhabits. Thus, for example, the natives living at Idracowra, as the white men call it, will be called ertwa Iturkawura opmira, which means men of the Iturkawura camp; those living at Henbury on the Finke will be called ertwa Waingakama opmira, which means men of the Waingakama (Henbury) camp. Often also a number of separate groups occupying a larger district will be spoken of collectively by one name, as, for example, the groups living along the Finke River are often spoken of as Larapinta men, from the native name of the river. In addition to this the natives speak of different divisions of the tribe according to the direction of the country which they occupy. Thus the east side is called Iknura ambianya, the west side Aldorla ambianya, the south-west Antikera ambianya, the north side Yirira ambianya, the south-east side Urlewa ambianya. Ertwa iknura ambianya is applied to men living on the east, and so on.
Still further examination of each local group reveals the fact that it is composed largely, but not entirely, of individuals who describe themselves by the name of some one animal or plant. Thus there will be one area which belongs to a group of men who call themselves kangaroo men, another belonging to emu men, another to Hakea flower men, and so on, almost every animal and plant which is found in the country having its representative amongst the human inhabitants.']

[39] ['In his Vocabulary of the Dialects of South-Western Australia, Sir George Grey, when giving the meaning of certain of the native names for totems, says, in regard to the Ballaroke, a small opossum, “Some natives say that the Ballaroke family derived their name from having in former times subsisted principally on this little animal”; and again of the Nag-karm totem, he says, “From subsisting principally in former times on this fish, the Nagarnook family are said to have obtained their name.”' From Spencer and Gillen, op. cit., p. 209.]

[40] ['Description of the Natives of King George's Sound (Swan River colony) and Adjoining Country,' JRGS, 1, 43. 'What I, however, consider more correctly as tribes, are those which have a general name and a general district, although they may consist of Tomdirrup or Moncalon, separate or commingled. These are, I believe, in some measure named by the kind of game or food found most abundant in the district. The inhabitants of the Sound and its immediate vicinity are called Meananger, probably derived from mearn, the red root above mentioned and anger, to eat. It is in this district that the mearn is the most abundantly found; but distant tribes will not eat the mearn, and complain much of the brushy nature of the country—that it scratches their legs. Kangaroos of the larger sort are scarce here, but the small brush kangaroo is plentiful, and grass-trees and Banskia are abundant, as is also, in the proper season, fish.']

[41] [Maspero, Dawn of Civilisation, Eng. tr., p. 523. 'The Hermopolitan princes dated at least from the time of the VIth dynasty, and they had passed safely through the troublous times which followed the death of Papi II. A branch of their family possessed the nome of the Hare, while another governed that of the Gazelle.']

[43] [Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 203. 'The totem of any man is regarded, just as it is elsewhere, as the same thing as himself; as a native once said to us when we were discussing the matter with him, "that one," pointing to his photograph which we had taken, "is just the same as me; so is a kangaroo" (his totem). That they claim a special connection with, almost in certain respects a right to, their totemic animal or plant may be seen from the fact that, for example, in the witchetty grub totem, while the members of the latter do not eat it, or, at least, only sparingly themselves, the members of the local group who do not belong to the totem must not eat it out of camp like ordinary food, but must bring it into camp and cook it there, else the men of the totem would be angry and the supply of grubs would fail. We may, in fact say, that each totemic group is supposed to have a direct control over the numbers of the animal or plant the name of which it bears, and further that, in theory at least, they have the first right to the animal or plant. That this is so, and that it is well recognised, will be seen from the following facts.
    The first is concerned with a curious, but suggestive use of a Churinga. In the possession of a man of the Akakia or plum tree totem, we found a stone Churinga, roughly circular in shape and about 8 cm. in diameter, wrapped up carefully in fur string, so as not to be seen by women as he carried it about with him. It was a Churinga, which had been specially made for him by a man who was Ikuntera or father-in-law to him. The man belonged to the euro totem, and the Churinga in question was marked with a design belonging to the same, a series of concentric circles in the middle of each side representing the intestines of the animal, while two groups of semi-circles indicated, one of them a male, and the other a female euro. The Churinga had been sung over or charmed by the euro man and then given by him to the plum tree man for the purpose of assisting the latter to hunt the animal.
    The second is a series of equally suggestive ceremonies, which are connected with the close of the Intichiuma performance in various local totem groups.
    After the performance of Intichiuma, the grub is, amongst the Witchetty grubs, tabu to the members of the totem, by whom it must, on no account, be eaten until it is abundant and fully grown; any infringement of this rule is supposed to result in an undoing of the effect of the ceremony, and the grub supply would, as a consequence, be very small. The men of the Purula and Kumara classes, and those of the Panunga and Bulthara, who are not members of the totem, and did not take part in the ceremony, may eat it at any time, but it must always be brought into camp to be cooked. It must, on no account be eaten like other food, out in the bush, or the men of the totem would be angry and the grub would vanish. When, after Intichiuma, the grub becomes plentiful and fully grown, the witchetty grub men, women and children go out daily and collect large supplies, which they bring into camp and cook, so that it becomes dry and brittle, and then they store it away in pitchis and pieces of bark. At the same time, those who do not belong to the totem, are out collecting.']

[44] [Ibid., p. 202. 'The people of the emu totem very rarely eat the eggs, unless very hungry and short of food, in which case they would eat, but not too abundantly. If an emu man found a nest of eggs, and was very hungry, he might cook one, but he would take the remainder in to camp and distribute them. If he were not very hungry all the eggs would be distributed. The flesh of the bird may be eaten sparingly, but only a very little of the fat; the eggs and fat are more ekirinja or tabu than the meat. The same principle holds good through all the totems, a carpet snake man will eat sparingly of a poor snake, but he will scarcely touch the reptile if it be fat..']

[45] [Ibid., pp. 205-7. 'In the Irriakura totem (the Irriakura is the bulb of a Cyperaceous plant) the members of the totem do not, after Intichiuma, eat the totem for some time. Those who do not belong to the totem bring a quantity in to the Ungunja, where it is handed over to the Alatunja and other men of the totem, who rub some of the tubers between their hands, thus getting rid of the husks, and then, putting the tubers in their mouths, blow them out again in all directions. After this the Irriakura people may eat sparingly.
    In the Idnimita totem (the Idnimita is the grub of a large longicorn beetle) the grub must not, after Intichiuma, be eaten by the members of the totem until it becomes plentiful, after which those men who do not belong to the totem collect it and bring it into the Ungunja, where the store is placed before the Alatunja and men of the totem, who then eat some of the smaller ones and hand back the remainder to the men who do not belong to the totem. After this the men of the totem may eat sparingly of the grub.
    In the Bandicoot totem the animal is not eaten, after Intichiuma, until it is plentiful. When it is, those who do not belong to the totem go out in search of one which, when caught, is brought into the Ungunja, and there they put some of the fat from the animal into the mouths of the bandicoot men, and also rub it over their own bodies. After this the bandicoot men may eat a little of the animal.
    It will be seen from what has now been described that at the present day the totemic animal or plant, as the case may be, is almost, but not quite, tabu or, as the Arunta people call it, ekirinja to the members of the totem. At the same time, though a man will tell you that his totem is the same thing as himself, he does not mean to imply by that what Grey says with regard to the totems of the natives whom he studied, and who always killed with reluctance an animal belonging to their totem under the belief "that some one individual of the species is their nearest friend, to kill whom would be a great crime, and to be carefully avoided."
    The members of each totem claim to have the power of increasing the number of the animal or plant, and in this respect the tradition connected with Undiara, the great centre of the kangaroo totem, just as the Emily gap is the great centre of the Witchetty grub totem, is of especial interest. In the Alcheringa, as we have already described, a special kangaroo was killed by kangaroo men and its body brought to Undiara and deposited in the cave close by the water hole. The rocky ledge arose to mark the spot, and into this entered its spirit part and also the spirit parts of many other kangaroo animals (not men) who came subsequently and, as the natives say, went down into the earth here. The rock is in fact the Nanja stone of the kangaroo animals, and to them this particular rock has just the same relationship as the water hole close by has to the men. The one is full of spirit kangaroo animals just as the other is full of spirit men and women. The purpose of the Intichiuma ceremony at the present day, so say the natives, is by means of pouring out the blood of kangaroo men upon the rock, to drive out in all directions the spirits of the kangaroo animals and so to increase the number of the animals. The spirit kangaroo enters the kangaroo animal in just the same way in which the spirit kangaroo man enters the kangaroo woman.']

[46] [Ibid., p. 210. 'The curious agreement between this and what we have just described as occurring in the Arunta tribe is of considerable interest. In the latter, the belief in the origin of the members of any totem from the animal or plant whose name they bear is universal and is regarded as a satisfactory reason for the totemic name. It may be that in the traditions dealing with the eating of the totem, we have nothing more than another attempt to explain the origin of the totem name. Judging, however, from the curious traditions of the Arunta tribe, taken in conjunction with the ceremonies of Intichiuma, this does not seem to be so probable as that they point back to a past time when the restrictions with regard to the eating were very different from those now in force. It is quite possible that the curious ceremony in which the members of any local group bring in to the men's camp stores of the totemic animal or plant and place them before the members of the totem, thus clearly recognising that it is these men who have the first right of eating it, as well as the remarkable custom according to which one man will actually assist another to catch and kill his—i.e., the former's—totemic animal, may be surviving relics of a custom according to which, in past times, the members of a totem not only theoretically had, but actually practised, the right of eating their totem.']

[47] [Bastian, Der Mensch in der Geschichte, vol. 3, p. 293. 'Um das königliche Blut rein zu halten, pflegten die Könige am Cap Gonzalves und Gaboon ihre erwachsene Tochter, die Königin den ältesten Sohn zu heirathen, und im alten Egypten wurde der König, nach einer auch der griechischen Mythologie wohlbekannten Sitte, seiner Schwester vermahlt, wie bei den Incas in Peru.'
Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Wales Fort in Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean, p. 136. This is incorrect. This page does not mention any marriage practices or anything else relevant.]

[48] [Hieroglyphica, bk. 1. 56. 'To symbolize an unjust and ungrateful man, they depict TWO CLAWS OF AN HIPPOPOTAMUS TURNED DOWNWARDS. For this animal when arrived at its prime of life contends in fight against his father, to try which is the stronger of the two, and should the father give way he assigns him a place of residence, permitting him to live, and consorts himself with his own mother; but if his father should not permit him to hold intercourse with his mother, he kills him, being the stronger and more vigorous of the two. And they make use of the lowest parts of the hippopotamus, the two claws, that men seeing this, and understanding the story of it, may be more inclined to kindness.']

[49] [Histories, bk. 2, 64. 'The natives give the subjoined account of this festival. They say that the mother of the god Mars once dwelt in the temple. Brought up at a distance from his parent, when he grew to man's estate he conceived a wish to visit her. Accordingly he came, but the attendants, who had never seen him before, refused him entrance, and succeeded in keeping him out. So he went to another city and collected a body of men, with whose aid he handled the attendants very roughly, and forced his way in to his mother. Hence they say arose the custom of a fight with sticks in honour of Mars at this festival. The Egyptians first made it a point of religion to have no converse with women in the sacred places, and not to enter them without washing, after such converse. Almost all other nations, except the Greeks and the Egyptians, act differently, regarding man as in this matter under no other law than the brutes. Many animals, they say, and various kinds of birds, may be seen to couple in the temples and the sacred precincts, which would certainly not happen if the gods were displeased at it. Such are the arguments by which they defend their practice, but I nevertheless can by no means approve of it. In these points the Egyptians are specially careful, as they are indeed in everything which concerns their sacred edifices.' Tr., Rawlinson.
'The Egyptians were the first who made it a point of religion not to lie with women in temples, nor to enter into temples after going away from women without first bathing: for almost all other men except the Egyptians and the Hellenes lie with women in temples and enter into a temple after going away from women without bathing, since they hold that there is no difference in this respect between men and beasts: for they say that they see beasts and the various kinds of birds coupling together both in the temples and in the sacred enclosures of the gods; if then this were not pleasing to the god, the beasts would not do so.' Tr., Macauley.]

[50] [Rev. 17:4. 'And the woman was arrayed in purple and scarlet colour, and decked with gold and precious stones and pearls, having a golden cup in her hand full of abominations and filthiness of her fornication.']

[53] [Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 407. 'An old Kumara man of the same totem lived with these women, but was out hunting at the time. His name was Arungurpa, and he was the husband of the Purula woman. The women had neither Nurtunja nor quabara undattha. Passing on, the Achilpa camped at Arapera, a big stone hill to the east of Bond Springs, where they stopped for some time making Engwura and performing Ariltha. Here they found a Purula woman of the Achilpa totem whose name was Ariltha-mariltha, and who has a descendant now living. She had a large Nurtunja which was erected and stood so high that it was seen by the Achilpa from a long way off. The woman showed her quabara undattha, and they afterwards performed Atna ariltha-kuma upon her, and then all of them had intercourse with her.']

[55] [Kaffir Folk-lore? Poss. fable 3 or fable 5. See notes to both of these.]

[56] [Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 389. 'The same tradition relates that, after having performed their mission, the Ungambikula transformed themselves into little lizards called Amunga-quiniaquinia, a word derived from amunga a fly and quiniaquinia to snap up quickly. There is no reason given for this, and in no other tradition do we meet with either the Ungambikula or the special kind of lizard into which they changed.']

[57] [Bent, The Ruined Cities of Mashonaland, p. 305. 'The women here had a distinct tattoo mark of their own—namely, the lizard pattern, which we have seen on the dollasses or divining-tablets—done in dots on their stomachs. Some of the men, too, have the same device tattooed on them on their chests and backs. This is the third distinctive tattoo mark we have seen in Mashonaland—namely, the furrow pattern around Zimbabwe, the dots in squares in Gambidji's country, and here the lizard pattern, all of which are raised marks on the skin made by the insertion of some drug. They are evidently connected with some charm, but what the nature of it is I was never able to discover.']

[60] [Du Chaillu, Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa, p. 308. '"It is roondah for me," he replied. And then, in answer to my question, explained that the meat of the Bos brachicheros was forbidden to his family, and was an abomination to them, for the reason that many generations ago one of their women gave birth to a calf instead of a child.
I laughed; but the king replied very soberly that he could show me a woman of another family whose grandmother had given birth to a crocodile—for which reason the crocodile was roondah to that family ... Some dare not taste crocodile, hippopotamus, some monkey, some boa, some wild pig, and all from this same belief. They will literally suffer the pangs of starvation rather than break through this prejudice; and they very firmly believe that if one of a family should eat of such forbidden food, the women of the same family would surely miscarry and give birth to monstrosities in the shape of the animal which is roondah, or else die of an awful disease.']

[61] [Bourke, Snake-dance of the Moquis, p. 177. '"The chief of those who lived there thought he would take a trip down the big river to see where it went to. He made himself a boat of a hollow cottonwood log, took some provisions and started down. The stream carried him to the seashore where he found those shells. When he arrived on the beach he saw on top of a cliff a number of houses, in which lived many men and women. They had white under their eyes, and below that a white mark. That night he took unto himself a one of the women as his wife. Shortly after his return to his home the woman gave birth to snakes, and this was the origin of the snake family (gens or clan) which manages this dance. When she gave birth to snakes they bit a number of the children of the Moquis. The Moquis then moved in a body to their present villages, and they have this dance to conciliate the snakes, so they won't bite their children."'
On the following page Bourke gives his own tentative hypothesis for this peculiar dance. 'My own suspicion is that one of the minor objects of the snake-dance has been the perpetuation in dramatic form of the legend of the origin and growth of the Moqui family. For example, the salt-water, and, seas-shells seen in the Estufas may have symbolised their emergence from the ocean (their landing upon our western coast), while their huddling together and smoking in company with the crawling reptiles in all probability conserved the tradition of a prehistoric life in caves infested with snakes.']

[68] [New, Life and Wanderings, p. 122. 'The greatest funeral ceremonies held by the Wanika are those which they get up on the death of hyaenas. They regard that animal, with the most singular superstition. They look upon it as one of their ancestors, or in some way associated with their origin
and destiny. The death of the hyaena is the occasion of universal mourning. The "mahanga" (wake) held over a chief is as nothing compared to that over the hyaena. One tribe only laments the former, but all tribes unite to give importance to the obsequies of the latter. We have hitherto endeavoured in vain to ascertain the origin of this peculiar custom, and to read its significance; the Wanika cannot explain it themselves. To all your questions the only reply you can get is, "It is our "ada," (custom).']

[69] [Livingstone, Narrative of an Expedition to the Zambesi, p. 39 'These hippopotamus hunters form a separate people, called Akombwi, or Mapodzo, and rarely―the women it is said never―intermarry with any other tribe. The reason for their keeping aloof from certain of the natives on the Zambesi is obvious enough, some having as great an abhorrence of hippopotamus meat as Mahomedans have of swine's flesh. Our pilot, Scissors, was one of this class; he would not even cook his food in a pot which had contained hippopotamus meat, preferring to go hungry till he could find another.']

[70] [Histories, bk. 4. 9-10. 'Thus say the Scythians about themselves and about the region above them; but the Hellenes who dwell about the Pontus say as follows: Heracles driving the cattle of Geryones came to this land, then desert, which the Scythians now inhabit; and Geryones, says the tale, dwelt away from the region of the Pontus, living in the island called by the Hellenes Erytheia, near Gadeira which is outside the Pillars of Heracles by the Ocean. As to the Ocean, they say indeed that it flows round the whole earth beginning from the place of the sunrising, but they do not prove this by facts. From thence Heracles came to the land now called Scythia; and as a storm came upon him together with icy cold, he drew over him his lion's skin and went to sleep. Meanwhile the mares harnessed in his chariot disappeared by a miraculous chance, as they were feeding.
Then when Heracles woke he sought for them; and having gone over the whole land, at last he came to the region which is called Hylaia; and there he found in a cave a kind of twofold creature formed by the union of a maiden and a serpent, whose upper parts from the buttocks upwards were those of a woman, but her lower parts were those of a snake. Having seen her and marvelled at her, he asked her then whether she had seen any mares straying anywhere; and she said that she had them herself and would not give them up until he lay with her; and Heracles lay with her on condition of receiving them. She then tried to put off the giving back of the mares, desiring to have Heracles with her as long as possible, while he on the other hand desired to get the mares and depart; and at last she gave them back and said: "These mares when they came hither I saved for thee, and thou didst give me reward for saving them; for I have by thee three sons. Tell me then, what must I do with these when they shall be grown to manhood, whether I shall settle them here, for over this land I have power alone, or send them away to thee?" She thus asked of him, and he, they say, replied: "When thou seest that the boys are grown to men, do this and thou shalt not fail of doing right: whichsoever of them thou seest able to stretch this bow as I do now, and to be girded with this girdle, him cause to be the settler of this land; but whosoever of them fails in the deeds which I enjoin, send him forth out of the land: and if thou shalt do thus, thou wilt both have delight thyself and perform that which has been enjoined to thee."' Tr., Macauley.]

[72] [Ellis, The Tshi-speaking People, p. 213. 'In Coomassie, vultures are considered birds sacred to the royal family, and must not be molested, any infringement of this law being punished with death. As far as I have been able to ascertain, it does not appear that the vulture is sacred to the royal family in the same way that the leopard is to the Leopard family; but rather that these birds have been despotically declared to be sacred, either through the caprice of a ruler, or on account of their value as scavengers. It is these loathsome birds that devour the corpses of persons sacrificed, which are always dragged to a swampy spot outside the town, called, from the number of vultures that are always seen perched, gorged, upon the surrounding trees, or fighting over their foul repast below, Ekpatteh'sini, "The place of vultures." There was originally a hollow at this spot, but it has long since become filled with human remains.']

[73] [Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 388. 'At this time there dwelt in the Alkira aldorla, that is the western sky, two beings of whom it is said that they were Ungambikula, a word which means "out of nothing," or "self-existing." From their elevated dwelling-place they could see, far away to the east, a number of Inapertwa creatures, that is rudimentary human beings or incomplete men, whom it was their mission to make into men and women.
In those days there were no men and women, and the Inapertwa were of various shapes and dwelt in groups along by the shores of the salt water. They had no distinct limbs or organs of sight, hearing or smell, and did not eat food, and presented the appearance of human beings all doubled up into a rounded mass in which just the outline of the different parts of the body could be vaguely seen.']

[74] ['Ungambikula, transforming Inapertwa into men and women.' See above note.]

[76] [Ibid., p. 389. 'These Inapertwa creatures were in reality stages in the transformation of various animals and plants into human beings, and thus they were naturally, when made into human beings, intimately associated with the particular animal or plant, as the case may be, of which they were the transformations—in other words, each individual of necessity belonged to a totem the name of which was of course that of the animal or plant of which he or she was a transformation. This tradition of the Ungambikula only refers to a certain number of totems, or rather to a certain number of local groups of individuals belonging to particular totems; in the case of others such as, for example, the Udnirringita or witchetty grub totem, there is no tradition relating to the Inapertwa stage. The Ungambikula made into men Inapertwa who belonged to the following totems:—Akakia or plum tree, Inguitchika or grass seed, Echunpa or large lizard, Erliwatchera or small lizard, Atninpirichira or Alexandra parakeet, and Untania or small rat. In the case of all except the first they also performed the rite of Lartna or circumcision by means of a fire-stick.']

[77] [Gill, Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, p. 6. 'That narrow strip of territory constituting the very bottom of Avaiki, and which is designated Te-enua-te-ki, or The-mute-land. Do what you may to the attached mother and daughter, you cannot provoke an angry reply; for the only language known in The-mute-land is that of signs such as nods, elevated eye-brows, grimaces, and smiles.']

[81] [Horapollo, Hieroglyphica, bk. 1. 11. 'To denote a mother, or vision, or boundary, or foreknowledge, or a year, or heaven, or one that is compassionate, or Athena [Neith], or Hera [Saté], or two drachmas, they delineate it a mother, because in this race of creatures there is no male. Gignuntur autem hunc in modum. Cum amore concipiendi vultur exarserit, vulvam ad Boream aperiens, ab eo velut comprimitur per dies quinque, during which time she partakes neither of food nor drink, being intent upon procreation. There are also other kinds of birds which conceive by the wind, but their eggs are of use only for food, and not for procreation; but the eggs of the vultures that are impregnated by the wind possess a vital principle. The vulture is used also as a symbol of vision, because it sees more keenly than all other creatures; and by looking towards the west when the sun is in the east, and towards the east when the god is in the west, it procures its necessary food from afar. And it signifies a boundary [landmark?] because, when a battle is to be fought, it points out the spot on which it will take place, by betaking itself thither seven days beforehand:—and foreknowledge, both from the circumstance last mentioned, and because it looks towards that army which is about to have the greater number killed, and be defeated, reckoning on its food from their slain: and on this account the ancient kings were accustomed to send forth observers to ascertain towards which part of the battle the vultures were looking, to be thereby apprized which army was to be overcome. And it symbolizes a year, because the 365 days of the year, in which the annual period is completed, are exactly apportioned by the habits of this creature; for it remains pregnant 120 days, and during an equal number it brings up its young, and during the remaining 120 it gives its attention to itself, neither conceiving nor bringing up its young, but preparing itself for another conception; and the remaining five days of the year, as I have said before, it devotes to another impregnation by the wind. It symbolises also a compassionate person, which appears to some to be the furthest from its nature, inasmuch as it is a creature that preys upon all things; but they were induced to use it as a symbol for this, because in the 120 days, during which it brings up its offspring, it flies to no great distance, but is solely engaged about its young and their sustenance; and if during this period it should be without food to give its young, it opens its own thigh, and suffers its offspring to partake of the blood, that they may not perish from want of nourishment:—and Athena [Neith], and Hera [Saté], because among the Egyptians Athena [Neith] is regarded as presiding over the upper hemisphere, and Hera [Saté] over the lower; whence also they think it absurd to designate the heaven in the masculine, but represent it in the feminine inasmuch as the generation of the sun and moon and the rest of the stars, is perfected in it, which is the peculiar property of a female. And the race of vultures, as I said before, is a race of females alone, and on this account the Egyptians over any female hieroglyph place the vulture as a mark of royalty [maternity?]. And hence, not to prolong my discourse by mentioning each individually, when the Egyptians would designate any goddess who is a mother, they delineate a vulture, for it is the mother of a female progeny. And they denote by it heaven, (for it does not suit them to say [Greek], as I said before,) because its generation is from thence [by the wind]:—and two drachmas, because among the Egyptians the unit [of money] is the two drachmas, and the unit is the origin of every number, therefore when they would denote two drachmas, they with good reason depict a vulture, inasmuch as like unity it seems to be mother and generation.'
See also BB 1:142 for other refs to this chapter.]

[83] [Pierret, Pantheon Egyptien, p. 28. 'La déesse qui n'est, en somme, qu'un aspect de la double illumination du dieu, est nommée au duel comme lui: "Je suis ta double sœur, dit Isis à Osiris."—"Ra se joint à sa double mére." Un Ptolémée se dit "aimé de la double mére divine."']

[84] [Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 74. 'It will be seen from the table that, as compared with the Urabunna tribe, marriage appears to be very much more restricted, because a man may only marry a woman who belongs to one of eight divisions into which the whole is divided. In the Arunta tribe, however, as will be described in the chapter dealing with the totems, there is, unlike most Australian tribes, no restriction whatever, so far as the totems are concerned. It may therefore be, perhaps, a matter of doubt as to how far the totems of the Arunta are the exact equivalents of those yet described as existing amongst other Australian tribes.']

[85] [Raffles, History of Java, vol. 1, p. 328. 'The Kalangs of Java are also endogamous, and when a man asks a girl in marriage he must prove his descent from their peculiar stock.' From Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, p. 149.]

[86] [Dawson, Australian Aborigines, p. 28. 'So strictly are the laws of marriage carried out, that, should any signs of affection and courtship be observed between those of "one flesh," the brothers, or male relatives of the woman beat her severely; the man is brought before the chief, and accused of an intention to fall into the same flesh, and is severely reprimanded by the tribe. If he persists, and runs away with the object of his affections, they beat and 'cut his head all over;' and if the woman was a consenting party she is half killed. If she dies in consequence of her punishment, her death is avenged by the man's receiving an additional beating from her relatives. No other vengeance is taken, as her punishment is legal. A child born under such conditions is taken from the parents, and handed over to the care of its grandmother, who is compelled to rear it as no one else will adopt it.']

[88] [Forsyth, Highlands of Central India, p. 137. 'Most of them, however, whether from motives of policy or of superstition, still concede something to their semi-aboriginal descent; worshipping perhaps in secret the tribal deities, and, in cases, placing at certain festivals the flesh of cows, abhorred of Hinduism, to their lips, wrapped in a thin covering of cloth. Many of them also require to be installed on their succession to the chiefship by a ceremony which includes the touching of their foreheads with a drop of blood drawn from the body of a pure aborigine of the tribe they belong to.']

[94] [Dawson, Australian Aborigines, p. 67. 'There is not the slightest doubt that the eating of human flesh is practised by the aborigines, but only as a mark of affectionate respect, in solemn service of mourning for the dead. The flesh of enemies is never eaten, nor of members of other tribes. The bodies of relatives of either sex, who have lost their lives by violence, are alone partaken of; and even then only if the body is not mangled, or unhealthy, or in poor condition, or in a putrid state. The boy is divided among the adult relatives—with the exception of nursing or pregnant women—and the flesh of every part is roasted and eaten but the vitals and intestines, which are burned with the bones. If the body be much contused, or if it have been pierced by more than three spears, it is considered too much mangled to be eaten. The body of a woman who has had children is not eaten. When a child over four or five years of age is killed accidentally, or by one spear wound only, all the relatives eat of it except the brothers and sisters. The flesh of a healthy, fat, young woman, is considered the best; and the palms of the hands are considered the most delicate portions.']

[95] [Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, p. 211. 'Indeed, I do not remember a single instance in which a savage is recorded as having shown any symptoms of remorse; and almost the only case I can call to mind, in which a man belonging to one of the lower races has accounted for an act, by saying explicitly that it was right, was when Mr. Hunt asked a young Fijian why he had killed his mother.' Abbreviated, from Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, pp. 377-8.]

[96] [Réclus, Primitive Folk, p. 249. 'The Brahmins and Mussulmans consider it a crime in the nomad Birhors that they are maneaters ; but we do not reproach them for it, as their cannibalism is inspired by filial piety. The parents, in articulo mortis, beg as a favour that their corpses may not be left upon the road or in the forest, but may find a refuge in the stomachs of their children. These cannot refuse, but they make no unseemly haste to enjoy the funeral banquet.']

[98] [Histories, bk. 4. 26. 'The Issedonians are said to have these customs: when a man's father is dead, all the relations bring cattle to the house, and then having slain them and cut up the flesh, they cut up also the dead body of the father of their entertainer, and mixing all the flesh together they set forth a banquet. His skull however they strip of the flesh and clean it out and then gild it over, and after that they deal with it as a sacred thing and perform for the dead man great sacrifices every year. This each son does for his father, just as the Hellenes keep the day of memorial for the dead. In other respects however this race also is said to live righteously, and their women have equal rights with the men.' Tr. Macauley.]

[99] [Matt. 26:27. 'And he took the cup, and gave thanks, and gave it to them, saying, Drink ye all of it.']

[101] [Theophrastus, in Porphyry, De Abstentia, 2, 29, cited in EBR 9, vol. 21, pp. 137-9. 'Piacular Sacrifice.
Among all primitive peoples there are certain offences against piety (especially bloodshed within the kin) which are regarded as properly inexpiable; the offender must die or become an outlaw. Where the god of the kin appears as vindicator of this law he demands the life of the culprit; if the kinsmen refuse this they share the guilt. Thus the execution of a criminal assumes the character of a religious action. If now it appears in any way that the god is offended and refuses to help his people, it is concluded that a crime has been committed and not expiated. This neglect must be repaired, and, if the true culprit cannot be found or cannot be spared, the worshippers as a whole bear the guilt until they or the guilty man himself find a substitute. The idea of substitution is widespread through all early religions, and is found in honorific as well as in piacular rites ; the Romans, for example, substituted models in wax or dough for victims that could not be procured according to the ritual, or else feigned that a sheep was a stag and the like. In all such cases the idea is that the substitute shall imitate as closely as is possible or convenient the victim whose place it supplies; and so in piacular ceremonies the god may indeed accept one life for another, or certain select lives to atone for the guilt of a whole community, but these lives ought to be of the guilty kin, just as in blood-revenge the death of any kinsman of the manslayer satisfies justice. Hence such rites as the Semitic sacrifices of children by their fathers (see MOLOCH), the sacrifice of Iphigeneia and similar cases among the Greeks, or the offering up of boys to the goddess Mania at Rome profamiliarium sospitate (Macrob., i. 7, 34). In the oldest Semitic cases it is only under extreme manifestations of divine wrath that such offerings are made (comp. Porph., De Abst., ii. 56), and so it was probably among other races also; but under the pressure of long-continued calamity, or other circumstances which made men doubtful of the steady favour of the gods, piacular offerings might easily become more frequent and ultimately assume a stated character, and be made at regular intervals by way of precaution without waiting for an actual outbreak of divine anger. Thus the Carthaginians, as Theophrastus relates, annually sprinkled their altars with "a tribesman's blood" (Porph., De Abst., ii. 28). But in advanced societies the tendency is to modify the horrors of the ritual either by accepting an effusion of blood without actually slaying the victim, e.g., in the flagellation of the Spartan lads at the altar of Artemis Orthia (Paus., iii. 16, 7; comp. Eurip., Ipli. Taw., 1470 sq.; 1 Kings xviii. 28), or by a further extension of the doctrine of substitution; the Romans, for example, substituted puppets for the human sacrifices to Mania, and cast rush dolls into the Tiber at the yearly atoning sacrifice on the Sublician bridge. More usually, however, the life of an animal is accepted by the god in place of a human life. This explanation of the origin of piacular animal sacrifices has often been disputed, mainly on dogmatic grounds and in connexion with the Hebrew sin-offerings; but it is quite clearly brought out wherever we have an ancient account of the origin of such a rite (e.g., for the Hebrews, Gen. xxii. 13; the Phoenicians, Porph., De Abst., iv. 15; the Greeks and many others, ibid., ii. 54 sq.; the Romans, Ovid, Fasti, vi. 162). Among the Egyptians the victim was marked with a seal bearing the image of a man bound, and kneeling with a sword at his throat (Plut., Is. et Os., chap, xxxi.) And often we find a ceremonial laying of the sin to be expiated on the head of the victim (Herod., ii. 39; Lev. iv. 4 compared with xiv. 21).
In such piacular rites the god demands only the life of the victim, which is sometimes indicated by a special ritual with the blood (as among the Hebrews the blood of the sin-offering was applied to the horns of the altar, or to the mercy-seat within the vail), and there is no sacrificial meal. Thus among the Greeks the carcase of the victim was buried or cast into the sea, and among the Hebrews the most important sin-offerings were burnt not on the altar but outside the camp (city), as was also the case with the children sacrificed to "Moloch." Sometimes, however, the sacrifice is a holocaust on the altar (2 Kings iii. 27), or the flesh is consumed by the priests. The latter was the case with certain Roman piacula, and with those Hebrew sin-offerings in which the blood was not brought within the vail (Lev. vi. 25 sq.}. Here the sacrificial flesh is seemingly a gift accepted by the deity and assigned by him to the priests, so that the distinction between a honorific and a piacular sacrifice is partly obliterated. But this is not hard to understand; for just as a blood-rite takes the place of blood-revenge in human justice, so an offence against the gods may in certain cases be redeemed by a fine (e.g., Herod., ii., 65) or a sacrificial gift. This seems to be the original meaning of the Hebrew ashdm (trespass-offering), which was a kind of atonement made partly in money (Lev. v. 15 sq.), but accompanied (at least in later times) by a sacrifice which differed from the sin-offering, inasmuch as the ritual did not involve any exceptional use of the blood. The ordinary sin-offerings in which the priests ate the flesh may be a compound of the ashdm and the properly piacular substitution of life for life. The two kinds of atonement are mixed up also in Micah vi. 6 sq., and ultimately all bloody sacrifices, especially the whole burnt-offering (which in early times was very rare but is prominent in the ritual of the second temple), are held to have an atoning efficacy (Lev. i. 4, xvii. 11). There is, however, another and mystical sense sometimes associated with the eating of sin-offerings, as we shall see presently.
The most curious developments of piacular sacrifice take place in the worship of deities of totem type. Here the natural substitute for the death of a criminal of the tribe is an animal of the kind with which the worshippers and their god alike cyant kindred; an animal, that is, which must not be offered in a sacrificial feast, and which indeed it is impious to kill. Thus Hecate was invoked as a dog (Porph., De Abst., iii. 17), and dogs were her piacular sacrifices (Plut., Qu. Horn., iii.). And in like manner in Egypt the piacular sacrifice of the cow-goddess Isis-Hathor was a bull, and the sacrifice was accompanied by lamentations as at the funeral of a kinsman (Herod., ii. 39, 40). This lamentation at a piacular sacrifice is met with in other cases, e.g., at the Argean festival at Rome (Marquardt, Rom. Staatsverw., iii. 192), and is parallel to the marks of indignation which in various atoning rituals it is proper to display towards the priest who performs the sacrifice. At Tenedos, for example, the priest was attacked with stones who sacrificed to Bacchus a bull-calf, the affinity of which with man was indicated by the mother-cow being treated like a woman in childbed and the victim itself wearing the cothurnus. As the cothurnus was proper to Bacchus, who also was often addressed in worship and represented in images as a bull, the victim here is of the same race with the god (Ael., H. N., xii. 34; Plut., Qu. Gr., xxxv.) as well as with the worshippers. In such rites a double meaning was suggested: the victim was an animal kindred to the sacrificers, so that his death was strictly speaking a murder, for which, in the Attic Diipolia, the sacrificial axe cast away by the priest was tried and condemned (Paus., i. 24, 4), but it was also a sacred animal sharing the nature of the god, who thus in a sense died for his people. The last point comes out clearly in the annual sacrifice at Thebes, where a ram was slain and the ram-god Amen clothed in his skin. The worshippers then bewailed the ram and buried him in a sacred coffin (Herod., ii. 42). Thus the piacular sacrifice in such cases is merged in the class of offerings which may be called sacramental or mystical.

That the mysteries of races like the Greeks and Egyptians are sprung from the same circle of ideas with the totem mysteries of savage tribes has been suggested in MYTHOLOGY, vol. xvii. p. 151, with which the reader may compare Mr Lang's book on Custom and Myth; and examples of sacramental sacrifices have been adduced in the same article (p. 150) and in MEXICO, vol. xvi. p. 212. In Mexico the worshippers ate sacramentally paste idols of the god, or slew and feasted on a human victim who was feigned to be a representative of the deity. The Mexican gods are unquestionably developed out of totems, and these sacraments are on one line with the totem mysteries of the ruder Indian tribes in which once a year the sacred animal is eaten, body and blood. Now according to Julian (Orat., v. p. 175) the mystical sacrifices of the cities of the Roman empire were in like manner offered once or twice a year and consisted of such victims as the dog of Hecate, which might not be ordinarily eaten or used to furnish forth the tables of the gods. The general agreement with the American mysteries is therefore complete, and in many cases the resemblance extends to details which leave no doubt of the totem origin of the ritual. The mystic sacrifices seem always to have had an atoning efficacy; their special feature is that the victim is not simply slain and burned or cast away but that the worshippers partake of the body and blood of the sacred animal, and that so his life passes as it were into their lives and knits them to the deity in living communion. Thus in the orgiastic cult of the bull-Bacchus the worshippers tore the bull to pieces and devoured the raw flesh. These orgies are connected on the one hand with older practices, in which the victim was human (Orpheus legend, Dionysus), and on the other hand with the myth of the murder of the god by his kinsmen the Titans, who made a meal of his flesh (Clem. Al., Coh. ad Gentes, p. 12). Similar legends of fratricide occur in connexion with other orgies (the Corybantes; see Clement, ut supra); and all these various elements can only be reduced to unity by referring their origin to those totem habits of thought in which the god has not yet been differentiated from the plurality of sacred animals and the tribesmen are of one kin with their totem, so that the sacrifice of a fellow-tribesman and the sacrifice of the totem animal are equally fratricides, and the death of the animal is the death of the mysterious protector of the totem kin. In the Diipolia at Athens we have seen that the slaughter of the sacred bull was viewed as a murder, but "the dead was raised again in the same sacrifice," as the mystic text had it: the skin was sewed up and stuffed and all tasted the sacrificial flesh, so that the life of the victim was renewed in the lives of those who ate of it." (Theophr., in Porph., De Abst., ii. 29 sq.).
    Mystic sacrifices of this sacramental type prevailed also among the heathen Semites, and are alluded to in Isa. lxv. 4 sq., lxvi. 3, 17; Zech. ix. 7; Lev. xix. 26, fcc., 2 from which passages we gather that the victim was eaten with the blood. This feature reappears elsewhere, as in the piacular swine-offerings of the Fratres Arvales at Rome, and possesses a special significance inasmuch as common blood means in antiquity a share in common life. In the Old Testament the heathen mysteries seem to appear as ceremonies of initiation by which a man was introduced into a new worship, i.e., primarily made of one blood with a new religious kinship, and they therefore come into prominence just at the time when in the 7th century B.C. political convulsions had shaken men's faith in their old gods and led them to seek on all sides for new and stronger protectors. The Greek mysteries too create a close bond between the mystic, and the chief ethical significance of the Eleusinia was that they were open to all Hellenes and so represented a brotherhood wider than the political limits of individual states. But originally the initiation must have been introduction into a particular social community; Theophrastus's legend of the origin of the Diipolia is expressly connected with the adoption of the house of Sopatrus into the position of Athenian citizens. From this point of view the sacramental rites of mystical sacrifice are a form of blood-covenant, and serve the same purpose as the mixing of blood or tasting of each other's blood by which in ancient times two men or two clans created a sacred covenant bond. In all the forms of blood-covenant, whether a sacrifice is offered or the veins of the parties opened and their own blood used, the idea is the same: the bond created is a bond of kindred, because one blood is now in the veins of all who have shared the ceremony.
    The details in which this kind of symbolism may be carried out are of course very various, but where there is a covenant sacrifice we usually find that the parties eat and drink together (Gen. xxxi. 54), and that the sacrificial blood, if not actually tasted, is at least touched by both parties (Xen., Anab., ii. 2, 9), or sprinkled on both and on the altar or image of the deity who presides over the contract (Exod., xxiv. 6, 7). A peculiar form which meets us in various places is to cut the animal in twain and make those who swear pass between the parts (Gen. xiii. 9 sq.; Jer. xxxiv. 18 sq.; Pint., Qu. Rom., iii., &c.). This is generally taken as a formula of imprecation, as if the parties prayed that he who proved unfaithful might be similarly cut in twain; but, as the case cited from Plutarch shows that the victim chosen was a mystic one, it is more likely that the original sense was that the worshippers were taken within the mystic life.
    Even the highest forms of sacrificial worship present much that is repulsive to modern ideas, and in particular it requires an effort to reconcile our imagination to the bloody ritual which is prominent in almost every religion which has a strong sense of sin. But we must not forget that from the beginning this ritual expressed, however crudely, certain ideas which lie at the very root of true religion, the fellowship of the worshippers with one another in their fellowship with the deity, and the consecration of the bonds of kinship as the type of all right ethical relation between man and man. And the piacular forms, though these were particularly liable to distortions disgraceful to man and dishonouring to the godhead, yet contained from the first germs of eternal truths, not only expressing the idea of divine justice, but mingling it with a feeling of divine and human pity. The dreadful sacrifice is performed not with savage joy but with awful sorrow, and in the mystic sacrifices the deity himself suffers with and for the sins of his people and lives again in their new life. (W. K. S.).']

[104] [Réclus, Primitive Folk, pp. 311-31. 'The goddess was warned to hold herself in readiness, the feast was preparing.
    The three first days were spent in orgies, which we are told were indescribable, and in which women sometimes figured in the accoutrement of men, armed as warriors. It was necessary to thrill the torpid senses of the great spouse of the Sun-God, to stir her sleeping fecundity, to excite her desires by naively lascivious spectacles. There was an uproar of singing and shouting, a confused noise of tambourines and bagpipes, answered by the echoes from hill to hill. The young folks jigged and frolicked about, and whilst they danced, the girls scraped the ground with their heels, and pressed it with caressing fingers "Awake, awake, Earth, our friend!" Thus at the festivals of seed-time, did the Latins invoke Ops Consiva, whilst scratching the earth with their nails. Each has made himself as fine as possible, has bedaubed himself with red. The copper glitters, the iron jingles. The hunters strut about in their bear or tiger skins, or feathered like a cock of the jungle or a pheasant of the woods, whilst the zealous of both sexes shake their brooms and plumed thyrses to simulate flights of peacocks. The miserable heroine has been thoroughly washed, and has been made to fast, that she may be as pure within as without; she is dressed in new clothing. In solemn procession she is conducted from door to door, then led away into the dark forest, the abode of the Goddess. Beneath the green, leafy garlands, the priest binds her with cords to a flower-bedecked May-pole, thirty or forty feet high, surmounted by a peacock's head.
    Here the peacock, king of the agricultural feast, evidently represents the Sun, as many suns as golden eyes upon the fan. The throne whereon the Great Mogul was seated was in the shape of a peacock spreading his glittering gems:
    "May the happy days of Delhi return! Bless the seat which thy peacock lights up with his jewels!"
    The royal seat of Burmah represents a peacock, and also a hare, a symbol betokening the two-fold solar and lunar descent; the standard of the dynasty bears a peacock flying upon a silver field. A Garro sorcerer took part in no religious rite before he had shod himself with sandals and stuck peacock feathers in his hair. The Khonds swear by the quills of this bird, also by the tiger and the termite. The elephant is another symbol of the Sun, in his character of spouse of Demeter ; and before the elephant women bow themselves, they smear his temples with vermilion, and make their children step in his foot-prints. Therefore it is not surprising that the image of the king of the forest should often adorn the sacrificial stake. It sometimes happens that a second pole is set up in honour of the Goddess, who is then represented by three stones, in middle of which a copper peacock is buried.
    Let us return to the victim. She has been crowned with flowers, anointed with oil and melted butter, and painted with yellow saffron, the colour of the spirits of light and of heaven. And now the people fall down and worship her. They worship her as another Tari. For in the truly orthodox conception of sacrifice, the consecrated offering, be it man, woman, or virgin, lamb or heifer, cock or dove, represents the deity himself. It was for this that the Mexicans 'dressed it in all the pomp of the vestments and attributes of the Immortal it was to personify. The execution of wretched slaves, of detestable malefactors, was pitiful and mean; but glorious was the immolation of God or Goddess, and how marvellous the virtue of their blood outpoured!
    Tari, says the Khond legend, had intended to submit each time to the sacrifice in her own person. She wished to do like the great King Vikramajit, who (more zealous than the worshipful Saint Denis or even the blessed Saint Oriel) cut off his own head every evening, and carried it as an offering to the Devas. But the worshippers of the Goddess saw some difficulty in this system, and assured her that it would suffice if she caused herself to be slain by proxy. Tari was graciously pleased to yield to the reasons given. She accepted the theory, which has since had the force of a dogma, that the gods ask nothing better than to be immolated for the benefit of mankind, but they have often other things in hand, and at the crucial moment may not be disposed to come up to the scratch. If they do not intervene in person, they will intervene by deputy, become incarnate in meriahs or mediators. The meriah will be the plenipotentiary of the god, the agent of his power, his other self.
    On this principle, the Khonds and their like set up their victim as a divinity, flatter her, laud her beauty, sing her praise, dance around her. At nightfall they rush forward to touch her; the unhappy creature brings good luck! In the twinkling of an eye, she is stripped of her raiment, which is torn to pieces amongst those who contend for it. They scent their hands in her hair, scrape off her cosmetics; entreat some spittle, which they will carefully spread over their faces. Thereupon the multitude withdraws, leaving the new Goddess firmly fastened to the stake, her throne, her column of glory; they leave her alone, hungry, trembling, naked, in the chill of night, amid the terrors of the forest, to await the horrible tragedy of the morrow. What a vigil! The new daughter of the Gods is deemed to be in intimate converse with great Tari, who has become her mother and patron. The immense solitude, the frightful silence, broken only by the mewing of the tiger, the yells of wild beasts, the mysterious voices of the forest uttering words unknown, what have these to say to the poor child? What answer has she to give to the eternal constellations, gazing down upon her with their steady eyes, to the twinkling stars that sign to her: To-morrow thou shalt be one of us?
    In the morning, the whole village returns to make an end. Music, uproar; fifes, gongs, little bells; deafening shrieks and screams. They intoxicate themselves with noise and tumult, like the Bacchantes of old ; as at the Mysteries of Eleusis, "they eat of the tambourine, they drink of the cymbal." For there are things to which men could never make up their minds, had they not drowned reason in drunkenness, and deadened every tender feeling in riotous excitement; did not each mean to say: "It is not my fault!" Then the crowd alone is responsible; that is, no one. The axiom, "the whole is the sum of its parts," does not apply to multitudes.
    Be this as it may, the people surround the poor girl, pity her, remind one another that only yesterday she was treated as a pet, a playmate in every amusement; they recall the words, the smart replies, the touching traits of the sufferer who is struggling in her bonds: "See how she cries! Shall you have the courage to kill her How merry she was, how she loved to sing, how fond she was of laughing! You know that she was your boy's sweetheart? She thought she should bring you a grandson." More than one honest paterfamilias, who would be in despair if the unfortunate girl should escape, weeps, is moved to pity, as much or more than the rest; he thereby is enabled to shed some exquisitely sweet tears, and cause other kindly souls to shed them also, and, what is far more, to make the meriah sob, which is a good omen! We are not told that the victim bound to the stake was ever delivered. The dramatic instinct is in-born in us, the coarsest and most brutal feel now and again the need to pity; an unexceptionable proof that they are charitable and sensitive. And then it must not be forgotten that the luckless girl is already a Goddess. If she bursts into tears, the clouds will shed beneficent showers upon the fields; her breast, heaving with sighs, shaken with sobs, will communicate life to the seeds sown, fertility to the soil.
    When the emotion is at its height, the officiating priest gives the signal; the multitude grows calm, and ranges itself around in an orderly manner. The divine spirit enters into the priest and inspires him, causes him to tell of the origin of the sacred institution:
    "In the beginning was the Earth a formless mass of mud, and could not have borne the dwelling of a man, or even his weight; in this liquid and ever-moving slime neither tree nor herb took root.
    "Then God said: Spill human blood before my face! And they sacrificed a child before Him. ... Falling upon the soil, the bloody drops stiffened and consolidated it."
    This is a somewhat general belief. Several Indian Rajahs have been known to shed human blood upon the foundations of public edifices; but the illustrious Shah Djihan was content to slaughter animals upon the first stone of Delhi. Burmah rocked under foot, until Rani Attah solidified it by a sacrifice. A connected idea: Erin, the Isle of Saints, emerged from the waves every seventh year and then sunk again, until an angel threw a piece of iron on it to keep it steady. The two rocks which were to be the foundation of Tyr, floated hither and thither, until they had been sprinkled with blood: "Beneath the libations of sacred blood the wandering hills took root in the waves, and on these rocks, henceforth immovable, the sons of earth raised Tyr, the large-breasted city."'
    The Negroes also made the like discovery for themselves. The Grand Jagga had a man beheaded upon the spot which his palace was to occupy; he walked through the gushing blood towards the points of the compass, then gave the first blow with the pick-axe.
    Doubtless this belief was based upon the more or less perspicuous observation, that in zoology the formation of the skeleton generally coincides with the appearance of red blood, the agglutinous properties of which have been remarked. It was concluded that the sprinkling of blood gives consistency to mud, and also to flesh, clay of another sort. In the old days, blood cost so little! ... But let us return to our text.
    "And by the virtues of the blood shed, the seeds began to sprout, the plants to grow, the animals to propagate.
    "And God commanded that the earth should be watered with blood every new season, to keep her firm and solid. And this has been done by every generation that has preceded us.
    "One day, Tari, seated upon a stone, was eating apples. And behold as she peeled them, the goddess cut her finger, and the blood dripped upon the soil, and moistened the arid ground. And forthwith, from every tiniest drop sprang up rice-plants, and the country began to bloom."
    "Tari gazed long upon that rice, so thick, so green. She understood how great were the virtues of blood. If but a few drops had caused this plenty, what fertility would not flow from her veins wide opened! Then thought Tari to offer herself as a sacrifice. Tari came forward, and held up her brow to the knife, saying: "Behold me, I am the meriah, I come to be immolated."'
    "The Gods and men answered: 'Thou sayest well, thou doest well, O Tari Pennou! But if we immolate thee once for all, the virtue of thy sacrifice will grow weaker day by day. It will be better to sacrifice thee every year, and each time that there shall be need.
    "'For this cause, O Pennou, shall thou enter into the bodies of meriahs at the season of seed-time, or when evil spirits shall lay waste the earth, puffing forth the empoisoned winds of drought, the miasms of sterility and pestilence. Then shall thou be sacrificed for the good of all.'
    "And the thing was agreed upon between Tari, the Gods, and men. Since, O Khonds, has it been ever thus.
    "Wherefore, then, O people, do ye lament? And thou, meriah, why dost thou scream, why dost thou sob? This is no fault of thine or ours, or of the kinsfolk who sold thee. Thou hast been bought, thou hast been paid for. By our labour and the sweat of our brow have we acquired thy person, therefore have we not sinned against thee. A sacrifice is needful thou, he, she, what mailer? The lot has fallen upon thee, Fate has pronounced judgment. When fresh harvests must be borne by the weary and exhausted earth, how shall her strength be restored if not by blood? Give thine, give it as Pennou gave hers, without faltering!"
    Let us introduce a parenthesis. Whether the aborigines have borrowed this portion of their worship from the Hindoos, or whether the two religions are alike in nature and origin, it is incontestable that the Khond theory of sacrifice is identical with that developed in the Bhagavat-Gita:
    "Together with man, the Creator created sacrifice, saying: It is by virtue of sacrifice that you shall propagate yourselves. Men! sacrifice shall be your cow of plenty. By it ye shall make the Gods live, and the Gods shall make you live. And by thus causing one another to live, ye shall enjoy a happy existence. But whoso eats, without giving to the Immortals a share of the victuals which spring from them, is no better than a robber. Those who are honest and upright think first of the Gods, and afterwards of themselves. By caring for naught but the belly, men swallow down sin. There is no life but such as proceeds from food, and food is derived from the rains caused by sacrifice.'"
    Brahma is the "imperishable sacrifice"; Indra, Soma, Hari, and the other gods, became incarnate in animals to the sole end that they might be immolated. Purusha, the Universal Being, caused himself to be slain by the Immortals, and from his substance were born the birds of the air, wild and domestic animals, the offerings of butter and curds. The world, declared the Rishis, is a series of sacrifices disclosing other sacrifices. To stop them would be to suspend the life of Nature. Siva, to whom the Tipperahs of Bengal are supposed to have sacrificed as many as a thousand human victims a year, said to the Brahmins: "It is I that am the actual offering; it is I that you butcher upon my altars."
    And the Hindoo religion is in agreement with all religions that have been self-conscious. Quetzalcoatl (if space allowed, we might comment upon the multiplied and astonishing resemblances between the symbolism of Mexican sacrifices and those of the meriahs), Quetzalcoatl pricked his elbows and fingers so as to draw blood, which he offered up on his own altar. For nine days and nine nights the Scandinavian deity Odin was, in Odin's honour, hanged upon a tree shaken by the winds:
    "I know I was hanged upon the tree shaken by the winds for nine long nights. I was transfixed by a spear; I was vowed to Odin, myself to myself."
Even at the present day, the prophet Elijah, invisible upon Mount Moriah, continues to send up the smoke of holocausts as a sweet savour to the Eternal: "For were it not for the perpetual sacrifice, the world could not subsist," say the Rabbis. Philo of Byblos relates the myth of Belus the Elder offering up his son Belus the Younger. Belus sacrificing Belus became the precursor of the Eternal Jehovah. But let us resume the thread of our liturgy:
    "All living things suffer, and thou, wouldest thou be exempt from the common anguish? Know that blood is needful to give life to the world, and to the Gods; blood to sustain the whole creation and to perpetuate the species. Were not blood spilt, neither peoples nor nations nor kingdoms could remain in existence. Thy blood poured forth, O Meriah! will slake the thirst of the Earth; she will be animated with fresh vigour.
    "In thee has Pennou been born again to suffer; but thou, Goddess in thy turn, shall be born again into her glory. Then, Meriah, remember thy Khond people, remember the village where we reared thee, where we cared for thee!
    "O Tari Meriah! deliver us from the tiger, deliver us from the snake! O Pennou Meriah! grant that which our soul desireth!"
    And then each begins to explain what he has most at heart Scarcely are the invocations at an end, before the djanni seizes his hatchet and approaches the meriah. She must not die in her bonds, since she dies voluntarily, of her own free will, as they say. He loosens her from the stake, stupefies her, by making her gulp down a potion of opium and datura, then breaks her elbows and knees with the back of the hatchet.
    Though obviously the same at bottom, the ritual varied as to the details of execution. Most districts had their special methods. The divinity feasted bore divers names. Some invoked the Earth, others the Sun; and in this latter case, three men, at least, were immolated, placed in a line from east to west. Victims were stoned, beaten to death with tomahawks or heavy iron rings bought on purpose; they were strangled, they were crushed between two planks; they were drowned in a pool in the jungle, or in a trough filled with pigs' blood. A method to suit every taste. Here a large dose of some narcotic was administered to shorten suffering; there, on the contrary, the desire was to increase it, on the pretext that the more painful the sacrifice, the more efficacious it would be. Sometimes the victim was slowly roasted, a torment chosen as the most cruel of any; sometimes she was despatched by a blow to the heart, and the priest plunged a wooden image into the gaping wound, that the mannikin might be gorged with blood. Elsewhere the meriah was fastened to the stake by her hair, four men dragged her legs apart and extended her arms in a cross, and the djanni cut off her head; or else, seizing her by her four limbs, they held her in a horizontal position, her face towards the sun; the priest pronounced a short prayer, and severed her neck, which dripped into a hole, the blood flowing in streams into the Chthonic Goddess. Others made use of a more complicated process: to cause the victim to fall head foremost into the pit they suspended her over the opening by heels and neck. That she might not be strangled, she instinctively clutched the sides of the trench with her hands, and the priest with his carving knife set about slashing her ankles, thighs, and back; at the seventh stroke he cut off her head. When the thing was done, he thrust the red and sticky iron into the stake and left it there until the next sacrifice. After the third execution, the blade had deserved well of the people; they came in great pomp to unfasten it, and take it to retire upon its laurels in a temple. There was yet another method. The djanni forced the sufferer's head into a cleft bamboo, the two halves of which were drawn together with a cord by an assistant. The crowd had only been waiting for this moment; with drunken shouts and savage yells, they rushed upon the quarry, and each set to work with nails and knife; all tore off a Strip of palpitating flesh, all helped to mangle and dismember.
    The use of a cutlass, it should be observed, is already evidence of a certain mollification in manners, for many sacrificial offerings were torn to pieces; witness the living goat mangled in the mysteries of Bacchus Zagreus. Anciently it was a man who was rent into fragments upon the altar of Dionysus Omostes, Dionysus the Raw-Eater.
    Tari, worthy kinswoman of Moloch and other "gods of blood," is not the only one of her kind amongst the Khond divinities. A crowd of other genii from the air, from the earth, from under the earth, need blood, much blood. If they are not gorged with it, the soil will remain arid and unfertile; neither rain nor sun will appear in due season.
    Our ancestors the Kelts also had their meriahs; they bought slaves, treated them liberally, and when the year had run its course, led them with great pomp to the sacrifice. Each twelve months the Scythian tribe of the Albanes fattened a hetaira and killed her with spear thrusts before the altar of Artemis. When the fitting moment returned, hierodules, who had been fed with dainty meats, were sacrificed to the Syrian Goddess. "The spirits of the Earth thirst for blood," said Athenagorus. At the Thargelia.the Athenians splendidly adorned a man and woman, who had been entertained at the expense of the State, and led them forth in procession to be burnt at the confines of the open country. At the festivals of Patrae in Achaia, wild beasts were thrown upon a flaming pile; amongst the Tyrians, sheep and goats; the worship of Demeter and that of Moloch are scarcely distinguishable from each other.
    "Mos fait in populis, quos condidit ad vena Dido,
    Poscere cxde Deos veniam, ac flagrantibus aris,
    Infandum dictu, parvos imponere natos;
    Urna reduce bat tniserandos annua cams!"
    Let us pass over the horrors of Carthage, repeated at Upsala by the Scandinavians, at Riigen and Romova by the ancient Slavs. Until quite lately, the people of Ispahan celebrated the "Feast of the Camel," or "Of the Sacrifice of Abraham;" note the synonym. The high-priest of Mecca sent an adopted son of his own, mounted upon a consecrated camel. This animal was led in great pomp through the town; at a given moment the king let fly an arrow against its side. In a trice the poor beast was struck down, hewed in pieces, cut in slices, torn to bits, carried off and distributed far and near; every one wanted some of him, were it but the tiniest fragment, to put into a great pot of rice. The Ghiliaks, and also the Ai'nos, adopt a bear cub, pet and fondle it, treat it like a spoilt child, until a moment comes when they contend for pieces of its flesh. Contemporary negroes do not consider the puny results of their agriculture are over-dearly bought by impaling or decapitating young maidens magnificently decked out, being persuaded that blood is needed to attract the rain. The Red-skins profess the same dogma. Thus the Pawnees kill a captive from the Sioux, inflicting horrible torments upon him, and sprinkling the bean and pumpkin fields with his blood. The Wolves offer up a virgin to the Genius of Maize. In Mexico and Nicaragua the victim, before being slain, received more than royal honours, for it was desired that he should represent the divinity causing himself to be immolated for the good of all men. We are not told that his flesh was buried in the fields, but his heart, the fountain of blood, was the perquisite of chiefs and priests. These examples may suffice.
    Of the meriah who has been hacked and torn to pieces, the djannis leave nothing but the entrails and the head, and the latter is generally denuded of its hair. But birds and jackals have not long to pick and gnaw, for on the morrow entrails, skull, and skeleton are burnt, together with a ram. The ashes, gathered up with care and some solemnity, are given to the winds, that they may be disseminated throughout the country; in some places they are mingled with corn and seeds which it is desired to protect from the attacks of insects. These ashes 1 possess all the properties of the living flesh, all the virtues of the blood which gives to rice, wheat, and millet the faculty to maintain and sustain life. Were it not for their action, the indigo could not acquire its beautiful blue colour, the camphor would not be deposited in the stem of the camphor-tree. Were they not smeared upon the threshold, houses and granaries would be invaded by the spirits of fever, pestilence, and famine.
    The murderers contend for the remains of the victim, that they may bury them at once in their gardens, or hang them on a pole above the stream which waters their fields, for after sun-down the sacrificial flesh has lost its efficacy. The villages which have clubbed together for the sacrifice, organise relays, and perform miracles of speed. It is no matter whether a cultivator buries the whole corpse in his enclosure, or only the end of a little finger, the effect is the same. Upon this fundamental dogma djanni and Christian theology coincide. The divine flesh works by quality and not by quantity; it acts by its nature, and not by its bulk; it is not a manure to be spread by the cart-load, but a luminous point shining far and wide. Chthonism or Catholicism, the mystery is formulated in identical terms: the Supreme Being becomes incarnate, that he may communicate of his substance to the faithful who eat him. Tari transmits her fertility to the soil by the mediation of the meriah. The activity of the flesh made divine ceases at the limits of the consecrated property, and never passes those limits. The devotees of Christ are denied the ability to communicate by proxy. In the same way, when a Khond proprietor would make his furrows fruitful by means of a shred of sanctified flesh, he cannot get a friend or neighbour to supply him. The first to strike the incarnate Tari, the foremost to open those fertilising veins, to cut into the muscles which contain life, seizes upon the most delicious mouthful, the crowning slice. No cultivator but longs to be served before the others, but all dare not risk the dangerous privilege. For you must know that the first to use his knife is, as it were, magnetised by the divine contact. If he were slain immediately, his body also would communicate fertility to the fields. Consequently each village makes choice of a skilful and sturdy champion, wrapped in several folds of cloth, and thus iron-proof. Whilst he is striving to get the first bite out of the meriah, his friends keep watch that he himself receives no hurt.
    It would seem as if the Khonds must be desirous to pour blood, endowed with such precious qualities, down their own throats rather than to sprinkle it over their fields. Thus the Komis of Arracan riddle a bull, tied to a stake, with arrows, and men, women, and children suck the blood flowing from the wounds. But in the Khond race feeling has conquered logic, and they are willing to content themselves with the blood of sheep or buffaloes, butchered in the name of Tari, to cure diverse sicknesses, such as madness and demoniac possession. When they make appeal to the ordeal or judgment of God, some rice is soaked in this blood, and the perjurer who tastes it falls dead, slain by the Goddess on the spot. For a long while these bloody rites were only known to the civilised inhabitants of the surrounding country by vague rumours. It was only in 1836 that Russell, a witness of these atrocities, officially informed the Directorate of the East India Company about them. But how was the monstrous custom to be abolished?
    Originally the people of the plain had themselves offered up meriahs to the agricultural divinities; but civilisation, as it crept up the courses of the rivers, slowly drove this cruel practice before it At the beginning of the century, the Southern Khonds had already forsaken it, whilst the highlands remained unshaken in their orthodoxy. Each of the two camps hoisted the standard of one of the divine pair. The abolitionists held out for Boura, the Sun, the Supreme Creator. They declared him to be in a huff with his spouse, and indeed the whole feminine sex, who, it appeared, had brought evil and sin into the world. The conservatives, on the contrary, took the side of the Earth, the Universal Mother, and taught that the shedding of meriah blood was needful for the consolidation of the body politic, was the cause of their own tribal association, and even of the existence of foreign nations and all human society. The discussion grew warm, the rivalry became more pronounced, the southern kindred began to loathe the customs of their ancestors. He who had been present at one of these butcheries was looked upon as contaminated by the bloody effluvia; he would have endangered his life had he shown himself until seven days were past and gone. The Solarians, zealots for Boura, would not strike a spade into the ground during the five or six days preceding the full moon in December, this being the period at which the Demetrians were interring the meriah flesh. They even posted sentinels on the frontier, to hinder a foeman from soiling their land by bringing a fragment of the poisonous substance there. The Sun-God would not have pardoned this desecration of a country he had made his own; he would have avenged himself by terrible plagues. And there was a contingency no less dangerous ; the demons and inferior deities might get a taste for this food, and no longer care for any other:
"At Cattingya we have a jungle well stocked with game, in consequence of the saline efflorescence there, of which all animals are fond. Lo and behold, a rival tribe, to play us a trick, bury some carrion there. ... Ever since, there has been no venison except for the hunters of Gourdapour, whilst we from Cattingya always return empty-handed. Why? Because the demons favour those who have given them a taste for human flesh!"
    Here, too, would it have been well to say, "Let it alone, let it go?" Would it have been well to wait until the waxing civilisation, which had already suppressed meriahs in the south, should also suppress them in the north? That would have meant to wait patiently for centuries, or at least for two or three generations. The English Government, which directly intervened in so many less important matters, understood that they must here act a sovereign's part. Nothing could be easier in theory than to forbid human sacrifices, by a mandate for which good reasons were assigned. But it was very shortly recognised that before the Company could here have the last word, they would be obliged to break up the civil and political organisation, and possibly to destroy a portion of the people; in any case, to set out upon a succession of massacres and summary executions, the end of which it was difficult to foresee. The cure would have been worse than the disease. For some time the East India Council cautiously felt their way. The first systematic act, inspired by Macpherson, was the official recognition of these scattered tribes. They were made to understand that the Calcutta Administration had constituted itself their centre, and federated them under, its presidency, declaring that in future it would take cognisance of their principal affairs, their quarrels and differences. For once, the central authority showed itself as benevolent as resolute and prudent, and understood that a regulation stuck on the point of a bayonet would not suffice to suppress a religion. Troops were sent, commanded by intelligent officers and good men; such are to be found when they are sought for in earnest. Amongst these picked men we must give a first place to Macpherson and Campbell, Taylor, Russell, Ricketts, Mac Vicar, and Frye, who during the years 1848-1852 were at work in the most ill-famed districts.
    Fulfilling their truly civilising mission with tact, the expedition avoided both bustle and brutality. They requisitioned the victims designed for future sacrifice, and set them free by fifties and hundreds. Although sufficiently numerous to crush any resistance that might have been offered, the troop was careful to avoid collisions; which did not hinder it from occasionally having to show its teeth and make its way by main force. Generally, the officer summoned the caciques, and explained to them what he required and why, not letting them go until they had sworn: "May the earth refuse me her fruits, may rice choke me, may water submerge me, may the tiger devour me and my children, if I violate the engagement I take upon myself and my people to renounce the sacrifice of human beings!"
    After they had taken the oath, there was no need for further disquietude, for the Khonds are men of their word. As a precautionary measure the age, name, and number of all the children were registered, especially the poussiah progeny, serfs or slaves, who might have been substituted for the titular meriahs. The British announced that they should come in following years to make inquiries. To set the Khond consciences at rest, Campbell cheerfully agreed that the Government and all its functionaries should be declared responsible before heaven and earth for the cessation of the sacrifices; he took a solemn oath by which the wrath of all the gods and goddesses was diverted upon his own head. Only, to show himself more powerful than their Olympus, he laid hands one day upon some idols, reputed the most terrible of all, and had them trampled, as malefactors, beneath the feet of his baggage elephants.
    The last act, and by no means the easiest, was to reassure the meriahs. For some few who, pale and trembling, took refuge in his camp, dragging the end of a chain, or bearing the marks of irons on their wrists and ankles, significant foretastes of the martyrdom in preparation, there were a far greater number of victims who fled their liberators and hid themselves behind the murderers. They had been led to believe that the foreigner was reserving them for more horrible torments than immolation to Tari; reserving them to be tortured, that their blood, shed drop by drop, might bring back the water to the dried-up pools of the plains; to be devoured by the sacred tigers, which the Queen of the Indies probably kept. They could not recover from their astonishment when they were declared free to go or stay. Some were placed with young chiefs or ambitious personages, with a tacit engagement that the Government would show favour to their husbands. Those put into the missionary schools were married to Protestant converts; but it was noticed that they did not come to very much good; their instructors reproached them with being capricious and insubordinate, idle and greedy. Some have been known to take to flight and return to their own villages, declaring that it was insupportable to them to dwell with strangers, and that they preferred to be butchered by their own kindred. Is it to be believed that certain ambitious girls were vexed, and regretted the glorious chance they had had of becoming goddesses? A number of meriahs were already wives and mothers. The idea that they must forsake their families drove them to despair; but it was given out that the union of each of them with her lover should be declared a valid marriage. Directly this decision was arrived at, several, who had concealed themselves, suddenly made their appearance. The prospect of being immolated, sooner or later, terrified them less than the certainty of being immediately taken away from their surroundings and their afflictions.
    Poor creatures, who resigned themselves to a horrible death that they might enjoy love and maternity for a while! They had accepted their own sacrifice, being themselves convinced that their immolation would be really salutary, and that their blood would spring up again in blessings for the community.
    As for the djannis and patours, they were disturbed, but not convinced; they would gladly have resisted to the end, but what reply was possible to the powerful arguments of cannon and muskets ? It was sufficiently plain that Loha, the Sun, that Boura, the Lord of Hosts, were not of a stature to strive with an English colonel. Thus it became needful to yield.
    To yield or rather to come to terms. For religion, even amongst savages, never owns itself beaten. The Church shows the most pacific disposition, the most conciliatory temper, directly she encounters folks who are prepared to take a decided course; under such circumstances, she is admirable at a compromise, ingenious in finding means of accommodation with heaven. To the violent she shows the treasures of her indulgence, lets them take heaven by storm; but to those whom she suspects of weakness, her arrogance knows no bounds; to the vanquished she has never known pity.
When they saw themselves driven back by gunners and carabineers, the Khond theologians made the opportune discovery that Tari had recommended, but by no means commanded, that human victims should be brought to her, and that other offerings, apes, monkeys, or wild pigs, would suit her almost as well At the right moment, they perceived that meriah flesh is superior to other flesh relatively but not absolutely; that a man's head is worth more than a dozen bovine heads, but less than a hundred. Thus it was possible to come to an agreement.
    For a long while the immolation of a person was the supreme net of religions, the grand method of purchasing the favour of the celestial or infernal powers, so far as these two can be distinguished. But as knowledge waxed, faith waned. Pity came into play. The cultivator discovered that to obtain rain in due season, it was little matter whether he shed the blood of a child or a lamb upon the altar of the cloud-god; and henceforward he preferred to sacrifice the young of a sheep rather than his own son. He was, however, far as yet from suspecting that, blood or no blood, it would rain neither more nor less. The representatives of the deity were forced to make up their minds to the unseasonable discovery, and accept the modifications it imposed. Alas, they resigned themselves, not being able to do otherwise! Directly a priest accepted a bull, directly he allowed rams to be given in the stead of a man, fiction was substituted for reality, orthodoxy began to vanish into nothingness. Substitutions, continually growing bolder, marked the decline and measured the degeneracy of the dogma. The Gods by allowing themselves to be haggled with, found themselves diddled and tricked; their portion was pared down to a shaving. When the Hindoo Gods were still akin to Tari and Loha, meriahs, many meriahs, were sacrificed to them also; but in time the man was replaced by a horse, the horse by a bull, the bull by a ram, the ram by a kid, the kid by fowls, the fowls by flowers, many flowers. "Too many flowers!" exclaimed Calchas. Formerly a magnificent banquet was served to Porusha Medha, a hundred and twenty-five persons, not one less; men and women, boys and girls in the flower of their age. But reform supervened; and now the victims were bound as before to the stake, but afterwards, amid litanies to the immolated Narayana, the sacrificing priest brandished a knife and severed the bonds of the captives; then served the dainty-bred god with what? A meagre repast of melted butter! Thus the Persians came to present to the Genius of Fire, not the covenanted bull, but a hair, one single hair, shown from afar off. The Slavs substituted an offering of mere toys, and some scent, for butcheries of men. The Chinese, who are always ingenious, reduced paper dolls to ashes. Likewise the Romans, having engaged to furnish Tiber with a yearly feast of thirty men, supplied him with so many mannikins of osier. They had promised hinds, which they came to replace by ewes, clearly specifying that these ewes were called " hinds." Elsewhere, instead of human heads, cocoa-nuts, or heads of garlic or poppy, were stuck on spears.']

[105] [Gen. 2:7. 'And the LORD God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul.']

[106] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 416. 'Leaving here they proceeded to Poara, where they performed Ariltha and made Engwura, and where they also found a number of women of the Kakwa (hawk) totem, all of whom were Purula and some of whom were called Illapurinja. These women had a Nurtunja and sacred ceremonies which they showed to the Achilpa men. The old leader of the latter had intercourse with a great number of the women, many of the younger ones dying in consequence. The Urliara, that is the fully initiated men who had been through the Engwura, were also allowed access to them. Leaving behind several men of the Kumara and Purula classes the men, being ashamed of their excesses, started before daylight and travelled on to Irpungarthra, a water-hole on a creek running northwards. Here they camped and found a Purula woman of the Arawa totem. She had no Nurtunja but was in possession of several wooden Churinga which she hid away on the approach of the party. Here they made quabara undattha, which the woman was allowed to see, and afterwards Ariltha was performed upon some members of the party.']

[107] [Ibid., p. 315. 'The plum tree Ulpmerka men had, so says tradition, only two women amongst them, who both belonged to the bandicoot totem, and had joined the Ulmerka party after wandering alone for some time over the country. At first they were considerably alarmed at the Ulpmerka men, but the latter made a large Nurtunja, and after the women had been shown this, then, for some reason, they were no longer afraid.']

[108] [Ibid., p. 315. 'The younger woman was then gorgeously decorated with down, a small, bluntly conical Nurtunja was placed on her head, and the men then danced round her shouting, "wah! wah!" Then she was taken and laid down by the side of the large Nurtunja, which was fixed upright in the ground, and the operation of atna ariltha-kuma, the equivalent ceremony to that of pura ariltha-kuma as practised upon the men, was performed by means of a large stone knife, after which all the men had access to her.']

[109] [Ibid., p. 315. 'The two women were then taken to the camp of the Kukaitcha, who was the headman of the local Ulpmerka men, and who claimed the women as his own, but allowed the others to have access occasionally to the woman who had been operated upon as just described.']

[110] [Ibid., p. 403. 'As they journeyed on they passed Unchiperawartna, but did not see two women of the opossum totem who lived there, and then they reached a place now called Aurapuncha.']

[111] [Ibid., p. 404. 'The two parties joined forces, and when they had performed quabara undattha they left two men behind and proceeded to Urangunja, where they found two women of the Urpura totem (magpie) who had a Nurtunja and owned certain ceremonies which they showed to the men.']

[112] [Ibid., p. 436. 'Two women of the Unjiamba [Hakea] totem, named respectively Abmoara and Kuperta, sprang up at Ungwuranunga, about thirty-five miles north of Alice Springs, where they had a Nurtunja and Churinga, and dwelt alongside their Ertnatulunga.']

[113] [Ibid., p. 464. 'Near to Stuart's Hole, on the Finke River, there is a red ochre pit which has evidently been used for a long time; and tradition says that in the Alcheringa two kangaroo women came from Ilpilla, and at this spot caused blood to flow from the vulva in large quantities, and so formed the deposit of red ochre.']

[114] [Ibid., p. 149. 'Figure E. represents one side of the Churinga nanja of the elder of the two women who accompanied the Ulpmirka men of the Ukakia or plum-tree totem (Santalum sp.) in the Alcheringa, and were taken away to the north by a celebrated individual called Kukaitcha.']

[115] [Ibid., p. 122. 'The principal traditions with regard to the Unjiamba or Hakea flower totem refer to the wanderings of certain women. In one account, two women of this totem are described as coming from a place about 35 miles to the north of Alice Springs, where they had a sacred pole or Nurtunja.']

[121] [Lilith, according to rabbincal interpretations and traditions, was the first wife of Adam, and was believed to be responsible for stealing his seed and creating mutations of men and hybrids. The occult explanation is that she is a succubus, causing young men in their sleep to have erotic dreams resulting in the outer manifestation of nocturnal emissions.]

[122] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 421.'The intermarrying halves stood in the relationship of Unawa to each other, this term being a reciprocal one, while the other halves were Unkulla to each other. Thus if we take the case of a Panunga man, under the old system all Purula women were eligible to him as wives, but under the new one only half of the Purula were Unawa to him, and half were Unkulla; with the former, or rather with those of them assigned to him, he might have marital relations, but the latter were strictly forbidden to him.']

[123] [Ibid., p. 55. 'The fundamental feature in the organisation of the Central Australian, as in that of other Australian tribes, is the division of the tribe into two exogamous inter-marrying groups. These two divisions may become further broken up, but even when more than two are now present we can still recognise their former existence.']

[124] [Ibid., p. 60. 'The whole tribe is divided up into two exogamous intermarrying classes, which are respectively called Matthurie and Kirarawa, and the members of each of these again are divided into a series of totemic groups, for which the native name is Thunthunnie. A Matthurie man must marry a Kirarawa woman, and not only this, but a man of one totem must marry a woman of another totem, certain totems being confined to each of the exogamous classes. Thus a dingo marries a waterhen, a cicada a crow, an emu a rat, a wild turkey a cloud, a swan a pelican, and so on.']

[125] [Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, p. 53. 'Mr. G. F. Bridgman's native servant, before mentioned, who had travelled far and wide throughout Australia, told him that he was furnished with temporary wives by the various tribes with whom he sojourned in his travels; that his right to those women was recognized as a matter of course; and that he could always ascertain whether they belonged to the division into which he could
legally marry, "though the places were 1,000 miles apart, and the languages quite different." Many pages might be filled with, similar testimony.']

[126] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 93. 'When a girl arrives at marriageable age, which is usually about fourteen or fifteen, the man to whom she has been allotted speaks to his Unkulla men, and they, together with men who are Unkulla and Unawa to the girl, but not including her future husband, take her out into the bush and there perform the operation called Atna-ariltha-kuma (atna, vulva; kuma, cut). The operation is conducted with a stone knife and the operator who is, except in the southern Arunta, a man who is Ipmunna to the girl, carries with him one of the small wooden Churinga called Namatwinna with which before operating he touches the lips of the vulva, so as to prevent too great a loss of blood. When the operation has been performed, the Ipmunna, Unkulla and Unawa have access to her in the order named. This ceremony is often performed during the progress of an Altherta or ordinary corrobboree when, during the day time, the men habitually assemble at the corrobboree ground. When it is over the woman's head is decorated, by the Ipmunna man who operated, with head bands and tufts of Alpita, the neck with necklaces, the arms with bands of fur string, and her body is painted all over with a mixture of fat and red ochre. Thus decorated, she is taken to the camp of her special Unawa by the men who have taken part in the ceremony and who have meanwhile painted themselves with charcoal. On the day following the husband will most likely—though there is no obligation for him to do so—send her to the same men, and after that she becomes his special wife, to whom no one else has right of access; though at times a man will lend his wife to a stranger as an act of courtesy, always provided that he belongs to the right class, that is, to the same as himself. After wearing the decorations for a few days, the woman returns them to her Ipmunna man.']

[127] [Ibid., p. 627. 'In a large number of the ceremonies we meet with a very important ceremonial object which has already been referred to, and is called a Nurtunja. In certain others we meet with an equally important object, which is called a Waninga. The Nurtunja is typical of the northern, and the Waninga of the southern, part of the Arunta tribe. There are various forms of the Nurtunja, the principal ones of which are represented in the figures illustrating the Engwura ceremony. The most usual form is made of from one to twenty spears; round these, first of all, long grass stalks are bound by means of the hair-girdles of the men, and then rings of down are added, and perhaps, but not always, a few Churinga will be suspended at intervals. The top is almost always decorated with a large tuft of eagle-hawk feathers. More rarely the down, instead of being in rings, will be fixed on in long lines running parallel to the length of the Nurtunja, or, as in one case, there may be rings at intervals, and between these there will be longitudinal lines of down. Occasionally from the top end of a large Nurtunja a small second one will hang pendent; at other times the Nurtunja may be in the form of a cross or it may be T-shaped. At times, again, it may have the appearance of a torpedo resting on the head, or, finally, it may be in the form of a huge helmet firmly attached to the head, and of various shapes, according to what it is supposed to represent. This form (Fig. 61) differs from all the others in the fact that one end of the Nurtunja is actually continuous with the head-dress, instead of being, as in all other cases, a structure independent of the head-dress and affixed after the completion of this.']

[131] [Of Isis and Osiris, ch. 8. 'They likewise esteem the swine as an unhallowed animal, because it is observed to be most apt to engender in the wane of the moon, and because that such as drink its milk have a leprosy and scabbed roughness in their bodies.']

[133] [Watson and Kaye, The People of India, vol. 1, p. 2. 'Among the Sonthals, one of the aboriginal Indian tribes, the marriages take place once a year, mostly in January. For six days all the candidates for matrimony live together; after which only are the separate couples regarded as having established their right to marry.' This work is edited by Watson and Kaye, under P. M. Taylor. From Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, notes, p. 537.]

[134] [A Letter of Jeremiah (bk. 6 of Baruch):43. 'The women also with cords about them, sitting in the ways, burn bran for perfume. But if any of them, drawn by some that passeth by, lie with him, she reproacheth her fellow, that she was not thought as worthy as herself, nor her cord broken.' NEB version.]

[136] [What is Property?, p. 12. 'Property is robbery! ... What a revolution in human ideas! Proprietor and robber have been at all times expressions as contradictory as the beings whom they designate are hostile; all languages have perpetuated this opposition. On what authority, then, do you venture to attack universal consent, and give the lie to the human race? Who are you, that you should question the judgment of the nations and the ages?']

[137] [Ross, Second Voyage. 'Chastity is no Esquimaux virtue. When a certain south wind blows every woman is out on the loose. Each knows a hut where the good man is at home and the goodwife on the prowl. Thus on the spot where the human race begins does the institution of matrimony make its first appearance; adultery is a daily escapade, and on this point a husband never picks a quarrel with his better half. There is one condition however, namely, that the wife seek her pleasure with another husband, to whom the husband would willingly have lent her at the faintest hint on his part. Members of the Marital Association keep running accounts and open large credits.' Quoted in Réclus, Primitive Folk, p. 32.]

[138] [British Central Africa, p. 415. 'Apparently the A-nyanja are less "emancipated" than the other tribes of British Central Africa. Among the A-nyanja if a man commit adultery during the pregnancy of his wife and the wife or child should die in the delivery, the wife's people gather together and demand compensation, sometimes asking for the sister of the husband. Amongst the A-nyanja also the custom prevails that if a man be caught in adultery he is obliged to get another man as a substitute to cohabit with his wife before he can return to her, and he must pay his substitute for this service four yards of cloth or an equivalent present, or else the substitute can claim and carry away the wife.']

[139] [Petherick, Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa, p. 142. 'The old lady, with a due regard to the value of Austrian dollars, a milk cow, or even a couple of bullocks, as desirable additions to the already settled dowry, will then draw strongly on tradition and her imagination for circumstances corroborative of the importance of her family; and touching on the youth and beauty of the bride, will wind up with a sneer at the paltry amount of money, or cattle, offered in exchange for so much loveliness and such important family connections; taking, therefore, everything into consideration, with a due regard to the feelings of the family, she could not think of binding her daughter to a due observance of that chastity which matrimony is expected to command, for more than two days in the week.']

[141] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 96-101. 'In each tribe, again, we find at this particular time when a woman is being, so to speak, handed over to one particular man, that special individuals representing groups with which at ordinary times she may have no intercourse, have the right of access to her. In the majority of tribes, even tribal brothers are included amongst them. The individuals who are thus privileged vary from tribe to tribe, but in all cases the striking feature is that, for the time being, the existence of what can only be described as partial promiscuity can clearly be seen. By this we do not mean that marital rights are allowed to any man, but that for a time such rights are allowed to individuals to whom at other times the woman is ekirinja, or forbidden. The ceremonies in question are of the nature of those which Sir John Lubbock has described as indicative of "expiation for marriage," and it is at least very probable that the customs are to be regarded as pointing back to the former existence of an exercise of wider marital rights than those which now obtain in the various tribes. They may in fact be best described as rudimentary customs in just the same way in which we speak of rudimentary structures amongst animals and plants. Just also as the latter are regarded as representative of parts which were once functional in ancestral forms, so also may we regard these rudimentary customs as lingering relics of a former stage passed through in the development of the present social organisation of the various tribes in which they are found.
    In addition to the ceremonies which are concerned with marriage, there is another custom of somewhat the same nature, to which reference may be made here. In the eastern and north-eastern parts of the Arunta, and in the Kaitish Iliaura, and Warramunga tribes, considerable license is allowed on certain occasions, when a large number of men and women are gathered together to perform certain corrobborees. When an important one of these is held, it occupies perhaps ten days or a fortnight; and during that time the men, and especially the elder ones, but by no means exclusively these, spend the day in camp preparing decorations to be used during the evening. Every day two or three women are told off to attend at the corrobboree ground, and, with the exception of men who stand in the relation to them of actual father, brother, or sons, they are, for the time being, common property to all the men present on the corrobboree ground. In the Arunta tribe the following is exactly what takes place: a man goes to another who is actually or tribally his son-in-law, that is, one who stands to him in the relationship of Gammona, and says to the latter: "You will take my Unawa into the bush and bring in with you some undattha altherta" (down used for decorating during ordinary corrobborees). The Gammona then goes away, followed by the woman who has been previously told what to do by her husband. This woman is actually Mura to the Gammona, that is, one to whom under ordinary circumstances he may not even speak or go near, much less have anything like marital relations with. After the two have been out in the bush they return to the camp, the man carrying undattha and the woman following with green twigs, which the men will wear during the evening dance, tied round their arms and ankles. There will be perhaps two or three of these women present on each day, and to them any man present on the ground, except those already mentioned, may have access. During the day they sit near to the men watching but taking no part in the preparation of decorations. The natives say that their presence during the preparations and the sexual indulgence, which was a practice of the Alcheringa, prevents anything from going wrong with the performance; it makes it impossible for the head decorations, for example, to become loose and disordered during the performance. At evening the women are painted with red ochre by the men, and then they return to the main camp to summon the women and children to the corrobboree.
    In connection with this subject, a curious custom concerned with messengers may be noticed here. In the case of the Urabunna tribe it is usual to send as messengers, when summoning distant groups, a man and a woman, or sometimes two pairs, who are Piraungaru to each other. The men carry as evidence of their mission bunches of cockatoo feathers and nose bones. After the men have delivered their message and talked matters over with the strangers, they take the women out a short distance from the camp, where they leave them. If the members of the group which they are visiting decide to comply with their request, all men irrespective of class have access to the women; but, if it be decided not to comply with the request, then the latter are not visited. In much the same way, when a party of men intent on vengeance comes near to the strange camp of which they intend to kill some member, the use of women may be offered to them. If they be accepted, then the quarrel is at an end, as the acceptance of this favour is a sign of friendship. To accept the favour and then not to comply with the desire of the people offering it, would be a gross breach of tribal custom.
    So far, then, as the marital relations of the tribes are concerned, we find that whilst there is individual marriage, there are, in actual practice, occasions on which the relations are of a much wider nature. We have, indeed, in this respect three very distinct series of relationships. The first is the normal one, when the woman is the private property of one man, and no one without his consent can have access to her, though he may lend her privately to certain individuals who stand in one given relationship to her. The second is the wider relation in regard to particular men at the time of marriage. The third is the still wider relation which obtains on certain occasions, such as the holding of important corrobborees.
    The first of these is purely a private matter, and it is only to this that the term lending of wives can be properly applied, and to it we restrict the term in the following pages. The second and third are what we may call matters of public nature, by which we mean that the individuals concerned have no choice in the matter, and the women cannot be withheld by the men whose individual wives they either are to be, or already are.
    In the case of the women who attend the corrobboree, it is supposed to be the duty of every man at different times to send his wife to the ground, and the most striking feature in regard to it is that the first man who has access to her is the very one to whom, under normal conditions, she is most strictly tabu, that is, her Mura. This definite way of breaking through the rules of tabu appears to show that the custom has some very definite significance more than can be explained by merely referring it to a feeling of hospitality, and the fact that every man in turn is obliged by public custom to thus relinquish, for the time being, his possession of the woman who has been allotted to him, strengthens the idea. At the same time, as young and old men alike have to do so at some time or other, it is impossible to regard it as a right which is forcibly taken by strong men from weaker ones. It is a custom of ancient date which is sanctioned by public opinion, and to the performance of which neither men nor women concerned offer any opposition.
    In connection with this, it may be worth while noting that amongst the Australian natives with whom we have come in contact, the feeling of sexual jealousy is not developed to anything like the extent to which it would appear to be in many other savage tribes. For a man to have unlawful intercourse with any woman arouses a feeling which is due not so much to jealousy as to the fact that the delinquent has infringed a tribal custom. If the intercourse has been with a woman who belongs to the class from which his wife comes, then he is called atna nylkna (which, literally translated, is vulva-thief); if with one with whom it is unlawful for him to have intercourse, then he is called iturka, the most opprobrious term in the Arunta tongue. In the one case he has merely stolen property, in the other he has offended against tribal law.
    Now and again sexual jealousy as between a man and woman will come into play, but as a general rule this is a feeling which is undoubtedly subservient to that of the influence of tribal custom, so far as the latter renders it obligatory for a man to allow other men, at certain times, to have free access to his wife, or so far as it directs him to lend his wife to some other individual as a mark of personal favour to the latter.
Whilst jealousy is not unknown amongst these tribes, the point of importance in respect to the matter under discussion is that it is not strongly enough developed to prevent the occurrence of general intercourse on certain occasions, or the lending of wives at other times; it is, indeed, a factor which need not be taken into serious account in regard to the question of sexual relations amongst the Central Australian tribes. A man in these tribes may be put to death for wrongful intercourse, but at the same time this is no proof of the fact that sexual jealousy exists; it is a serious offence against tribal laws, and its punishment has no relation to the feelings of the individual.
    We may now pass on to discuss briefly the customs relating to marriage which have already been enumerated, and in so doing, as we have often to refer to the lending of wives, it must be remembered that we use this term only as applying to the private lending of a woman to some other individual by the man to whom she has been allotted, and do not refer to the custom at corrobborees which has just been dealt with, and which, as it is in reality obligatory and not optional, cannot be regarded as a lending in the same sense in which the term is used in connection with the former custom.
    In his well-known work dealing with human marriage, Westermarck has brought together, from various sources, facts relating to similar customs, and, while discussing the hypothesis of promiscuity from an adverse point of view, has endeavoured to explain them as due to various causes. These we may conveniently discuss, examining each briefly in the endeavour to ascertain whether it will or will not serve to explain the marriage customs as we find them in Australian tribes, of which those quoted above may be taken as typical examples. It must be understood that we are here simply dealing with this question so far as the evidence derived from these Australian tribes is concerned.
    The first explanation offered is that in certain instances the practice is evidently associated with phallic worship, as, for example, when in the valley of the Ganges, the virgins had to offer themselves up in the temples of Juggernaut. This implies a state of social development very different from, and much more advanced than, anything met with amongst the Australian natives, and the two customs are evidently quite distinct from one another. It is doubtful how far phallic worship can be said to exist amongst the Australian natives.']

[142] [Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, appendix H, pp. 285-7. 'THE TURRA TRIBE.
I am indebted to the Rev. W. Julius Kuhn, of the Boorkooyanna Mission, for the following important particulars.
The Turra tribe is located in York's Peninsula, South Australia. It is divided into the following classes and totems:—

WILTU (Eaglehawk),	MULTA (Seal).
Wortu = Wombat. Woldla = Wallaby. Nantu = Kangaroo.* Beruna = Iguana. Gutubaru = Wombat — snake. Mata = Bandicoot. Worra = Black Bandicoot. Gua = Crow. Gemtu = Rock Wallaby. Gari = Emu.	Worrira = Wildgoose. Worrimbril = Butterfish. Gatta worrie == Mullet. Mittaga = Schnapper. Papus = Shark. Wittata = Salmon.

    The classes are exogamous, but any totem of one class, may intermarry with any totem of the other class; the children take the father's class and totem.
    Girls are given in marriage by their parents, whose consent is essential; wives are also obtained by exchange of female relatives. If the parents refused their consent, it might be that a young man would run off with a girl. The parents would search for him for the purpose of killing him, and the penalty as to the girl, if caught, was death, which was inflicted by the parents or nearest relatives. The man was generally protected by his class division. When opinion was divided as to this, a fight might take place to decide his right to keep the girl. For instance, if a Wiltri-wortu man were to elope with a Multa-worrimbru woman, he would be protected by the Wiltu-wortu men. But a Wiltu-wortu man would not be permitted to keep a Wiltu-wortu woman as his wife. Even if he were to capture one she would be taken from him, and if she persisted in following him she would be killed. When a female was captured in war, she was the property of her captor;⁺ but the section of the tribe to which she belonged would fifjht for her recovery. Failing to do that, they would endeavour to capture a woman from the other section of the tribe, and keep her.
    Women were bound to be faithful to their husbands, also the husbands to their wives. Whoever was guilty of unfaithfulness was liable to be punished by death at the hands of the class of the offender.
    When the two sub-tribes Wiltii and Multa met for a grand corrobboree, the old men took any of the young wives of the other class for the time, and the young men of the Wiltu exchanged wives with those of the Multa, and vice versa, but only for a time, and in this the men were not confined to any particular totem. Yet at other times men did not lend their wives to brothers or friends.
    In the ceremonies of circumcision they used an instrument which makes a humming noise, but no information can be got as to its shape, as anyone showing it to an uninitiated person is liable to be punished with death, as well as the one who saw it.
    When a young man is to be circumcised, they take one of his male relatives, and, drawing blood from his arm, cause the young man to drink it. Two or three months afterwards he is circumcised, and is then free to marry. Some of the married men, after two or three months, undergo another operation. They are cut along the back, and receive the designation Willeru; after this they are not permitted to go to their wives for two years.
     In hunting, if, for instance, a man kills a kangaroo, he gives to the man on his right hand the head, tail, the lower part of the hind leg, some fat, and some liver; the second to the right receives the hinder part of the backbone and the left shoulder. The man to his left receives the right shoulder and some ribs from the right side, and the upper part of the left leg. His mother receives the ribs; his brother receives of his father's portion, and his sisters receive the flank. The kangaroo is cooked before being distributed.
    In camping, the place of the parents is to the right hand side of their son's camp; the brother's to the left side; sister-in-law to the right side, or near his father's. From whatever cardinal point the aborigines arrive, they accordingly fix their camps some distance from those already there.
    In the camp the husband sleeps at the right hand of the fire, his wife behind him, and her young children behind her.
    There are doctors among these aborigines who profess to cure disease by charms and sucking the part of the body where the person suffers. When a doctor is old, or for some reason unable to practice, his son takes his place.
    Men who profess to learn corrobboree songs and dances from departed spirits are called Gureldres; they are taught songs for the dead, which are sung to make the departed happy, who are gone to another country to live for ever, but to return no more.**
    * The word Nantu seems to have been carried from tribe to tribe into Central Australia, where it is used for "horse," just as the word "yarraraan" has also been carried there from New South Wales, having the same meaning. The Dieri or Yantruwunta word for kangaroo is Tchukuro.
    + It follows from the preceding statement that it would only be the case if she were of some class from which he might legally take a wife.
    ** The totems of the Multa class divisions are perhaps not complete, and there is seemingly some confusion as to the rules given for camping. I have, unfortunately, not received replies from the Rev. Julius Kuhn to further questions I addressed to him on these subjects, up to the time of going to press.']

[144] [Maspero, The Dawn of Civilisation, p. 106, note 3. 'His name shows him to have been in the first place an incarnation of Atumu, but he was affiliated to the god Phtah of Memphis when that god became the husband of his mothers, and preceded Imhotpu as the third personage in the oldest Memphite triad.']

[146] [Rit. ch. 8. 'I make the Eye of Horus, the splendour of the decorations in the tip of the Sun, the Father of the Gods.' Birch's tr. Cf. Renouf.]

[147] [Cushing, 'Zuñi Fetiches,' ARBAE, 2, 15-8. 'In ancient times, while yet all beings belonged to one family, Póshai-an-k'ia, the father of our sacred bands, lived with his children (disciples) in the City of the Mists, the middle place (center) of the Medicine societies of the world. There he was guarded on all sides by his six warriors, A-pi-thlan shi-wa-ni (pi-thlan=bow, shi-wa-ni=priests), the prey gods; toward the North by the Mountain Lion (Long Tail); toward the West by the Bear (Clumsy Foot); toward the South by the Badger (Black Mark Face); toward the East by the "Wolf (Hang Tail); above by the Eagle (White Cap); and below by the Mole. When he was about to go forth into the world, he divided the universe into six regions, namely, the North (Pi'sh-lan-kwinth-ua=Direction of the Swept or Barren place); the West (K'ia'-li-shi-m-kwintilh-na=Direction of the Home of the Waters); the South (A-la-ho-in-kwinthua=Direction of the Place of the Beautiful Red); the East (Te-lu-a-in-kwintdh-na=Direction of the Home of Day); the Upper Regions (I-yama-'in-kwinth-na=Direction of the Home of the High); and the Lower Regions (Ma-ne-lam-in-kwinttib-na=Direction of the Home of the Low)."
    All, save the first of these terms, are archaic. The modern names for the West, South, East, Upper and Lower Regions signifying respectively—"The Place of Evening," "The Place of the Salt Lake" (Las Salinas), "The Place whence comes the Day," "The Above," and "The Below."
    In the center of the great sea of each of these regions stood a very ancient sacred place (Te-thla-shi-na-kwin), a great mountain peak. In the North was the Mountain Yellow, in the West the Mountain Blue, in the South the Mountain Red, in the East the Mountain White, above the Mountain All-color, and below the Mountain Black. We do not fail to see in this clear reference to the natural colors of the regions referred to—to the barren north and its auroral hues, the west with its blue Pacific, the rosy south, the white daylight of the east, the many hues of the clouded sky, and the black darkness of the "caves and boles of earth." Indeed, these colors are used in the pictographs and in all the mythic symbolism of the Zunis, to indicate the directions or regions respectively referred to as connected with them. Then said Póshai-an-k'ia to the Mountain Lion (Plate II, Fig. 1), "Long Tail, thou art stout of heart and strong of will. Therefore give I unto thee and unto thy children forever the mastership of the gods of prey, and the guardianship of the great Northern World (for thy coat is of yellow), that thou guard from that quarter the coming of evil upon my children of men, that thou receive in that quarter their messages to me, that thou become the father in the North of the sacred medicine orders all, that thou become a Maker of the Paths (of men's lives)."
    Thither went the Mountain Lion. Then said Póshai-an-k'ia to the Bear (Plate II, Fig. 2), "Black Bear, thou art stout of heart and strong of will. Therefore make I thee the younger brother of the Mountain Lion, the guardian and master of the West, for thy coat is of the color of the land of night," etc.
    To the Badger (Plate II, Fig. 3), "Thou art stout of heart but not strong of will. Therefore make I thee the younger brother of the Bear, the guardian and master of the South, for thy coat is ruddy and marked with black and white equally, the colors of the land of summer, which is red, and stands between the day and the night, and thy homes are on the sunny sides of the hills," etc. To the White Wolf (Plate II, Fig. 4), "Thou art stout of heart and strong of will. Therefore make I thee the younger brother of the Badger, the guardian and master of the East, for thy coat is white and gray, the color of the day and dawn," etc.
    And to the Eagle (Plate II, Fig. 5), he said: "White Cap (Bald Eagle), thou art passing stout of heart and strong of will. Therefore make I thee the younger brother of the Wolf, the guardian and master of the Upper regions, for thou fliest through the skies without tiring, and thy coat is speckled like the clouds," etc.
    "Prey Mole (Plate II, Fig. 6), thou art stout of heart and strong of will. Therefore make I thee the younger brother of the Eagle, the guardian and master of the Lower regions, for thou burrowest through the earth without tiring, and thy coat is of black, the color of the holes and caves of earth," etc.
Thus it may be seen that all these animals are supposed to possess not only the guardianship of the six regions, but also the mastership, not merely geographic, but of the medicine powers, etc., which are supposed to emanate from them; that they are the mediators between men and Póshai-an-k'ia, and conversely, between the latter and men. As further illustrative of this relationship it may not be amiss to add that, aside from representing the wishes of men to Póshai-an-k'ia, by means of the spirits of the prayer plumes, which, it is supposed, the prey gods take into his presence, and which are, as it were, memoranda (like quippus) to him and other high gods of the prayers of men, they are also made to bear messages to men from him and his associated gods.
    For instance, it is believed that any member of the medicine orders who neglects his religious duties as such is rendered liable to punishment (Ha'-ti-a-k'iana-k'ia=reprehension) by Póshai-an-k'ia through some one of his warriors.'
See also the prey gods depicted in plate I.]

[149] [Mendieta, Historia Ecclesiatica Indiana, p. 77. Poss. borrowed from Bancroft's Native Races, vol. 3, as Mendieta is quoted here regarding the creation myths of the Mexicans, but does not refer specifically to this particular myth. Op. cit. p. 64.]

[150] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 257. 'At the moment when the Arakurta is seized for the purpose of having the rite of Ariltha performed upon him the men set up a loud shout of "Pirr-rr"—loud enough to be heard by the women in their camp. The latter at once assemble at the Erlukwirra, that is the women's camp, and the Mia of the boy cuts the Unchalkulkna woman across the stomach and shoulders, and then makes similar cuts upon women who are the boy's Mura and elder and younger sisters, as well as upon those who are her own elder sisters. While making the cuts she imitates the sound made by the Ariltha party. These cuts, which generally leave behind them a definite series of cicatrices, are called urpma and are often represented by definite lines on the Churinga. It very often happens that, as soon as the operation has been performed on an Arakurta, one or more of the younger men present, who have been operated on before, stand up and voluntarily undergo a second operation. In such cases the men do not consider that the incision has been carried far enough. Standing out on the clear space close by the Nurtunja, with legs wide apart and hands behind his back, the man shouts out "Mura Ariltha atnartinja yinga aritchika pitchi";—"Mura mine come and cut my Ariltha down to the root." Then one Mura man comes and pinions him from behind, while another comes up in front and seizing the penis first of all cuts out an oval shaped piece of skin which he throws away and then extends the slit to the root. Most men at some time or other undergo the second operation and some come forward a third time, though a man is often as old as thirty or thirty-five before he submits to this second operation which is called ariltha erlitha atnartinja.']

[151] [Nassau, Fetishism in West Africa, p. 12. 'Circumcision is practised universally by all these tribes. An uncircumcised native is not considered to be a man in the full sense of the word, fit for fighting, working, marrying, and inheriting. He is regarded as nothing by both men and women, is slandered, abused, insulted, ostracized, and not allowed to marry.
The operation is not performed in infancy, but is delayed till the tenth year, or even later. The native doctor holds cayenne pepper in his mouth, and, on completing the operation, spits the pepper upon the wound. Then seizing a sword, he brandishes it with a shout as a signal to the spectators that the act is completed. Then the crowd of men and women join in singing and dancing, and compliment the lad on being now "a real man."']

[152] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 263. 'The rite of sub-incision, which may be said to be characteristic of the great group of tribes occupying the interior parts of Queensland, New South Wales, and South Australia, right away to the far north, and at all events a very large part of West Australia, has frequently been alluded to by Curr and other writers under the name of the "terrible rite"—a term which, as Dr. Stirling suggested, may well be discarded. It consists, as is well known, in sub-incision of the penis, so that the penile urethra is laid open from the meatus right back to the junction with the scrotum. It is certainly a most extraordinary practice, and one which it might be thought would be frequently attended with serious results; but none such apparently ever follow, though in their native condition the operation is performed merely with a sharp chipped piece of flint or a small knife made of a hard flaked quartzite. The Arunta natives have no idea as to the origin of the practice, and it seems almost useless to speculate upon it. Mr. Roth has suggested that the mutilation of the women, which takes place, so far as is known, in all those tribes where sub-incision is practised by the men, was indirectly the origin of the latter, "that, on the principle of a form of mimicry, the analogous sign was inflicted on the male to denote corresponding fitness on his part." This still leaves unexplained the mutilation of the women, and it would seem to be almost simpler to imagine that this was a consequence of the mutilation of the men.']

[153] [Ibid., p. 257. 'Then one Mura man comes and pinions him from behind, while another comes up in front and seizing the penis first of all cuts out an oval shaped piece of skin which he throws away and then extends the slit to the root.' See note 150 above.]

[154] [Cory's Ancient Fragments, p. 59. 'The person who was supposed to have presided over them, was a woman named Omoroca; which in the Chaldee language is Thalatth; which in Greek is interpreted Thalassa, the sea; but, according to the most true computation, it is equivalent to Selene, the moon. All things being in this situation, Belus came, and cut the woman asunder; and out of one half of her, he formed the earth, and of the other half the heavens; and at the same time he destroyed the animals in the abyss ... The other deity (Belus), above mentioned, cut off his own head; upon which the other gods mixed the blood as it gushed out, from the earth; and from thence men were formed.' Preserved in Syncellus, Chronology, Eusebius, Chronicon. See also NG 1:514.]

[157] [Rit. ch. 17. 'I am Tum, the only being in Nu [the firmament],' etc. Birch's tr. Cf. Renouf.]

[159] [Ethnological Studies, p. 35. 'me-ko = the vulva.
meko-maro = the vulva-possessor, i.e., the penis which has been introcised, a "whistle-cock."']

[160] [Gen. 2:21. 'And the LORD God caused a deep sleep to fall upon Adam, and he slept: and he took one of his ribs, and closed up the flesh instead thereof.']

[161] [Gen. 17:11. 'And ye shall circumcise the flesh of your foreskin; and it shall be a token of the covenant betwixt me and you.']

[162] [Godwin, Moses and Aaron, p. 216. 'Thirdly, he which supplyed the place of the witnes, or as we phrase it, of the Godfather, held the Child in his arms while it was Circumcised: this Godfather they called Baal-Berith, and Sandack; that is, the Master of the Covenant.' P. 215 of 1678 ed.]

[163] [Josh. 5:2, 4. 'At that time the LORD said unto Joshua, Make thee sharp knives, and circumcise again the children of Israel the second time.
And Joshua made him sharp knives, and circumcised the children of Israel at the hill of the foreskins.
And this is the cause why Joshua did circumcise: All the people that came out of Egypt, that were males, even all the men of war, died in the wilderness by the way, after they came out of Egypt.']

[164] [Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America, vol. 5, p. 547. 'The tribes were already very numerous, including that of the Yaqui (Nahuas). At the advice of Balam-Quitze and his companions, they departed in search of gods to worship, and came to Tulan-Zuiva, the Seven Caves, where gods were given them, Tohil, Avilix, Hacavitz, and Nicahtagah. Tohil was also the god of Tamub and Ilocab, and the three tribes, or families, kept together, for their god was the same. Here arrived all the tribes, the Rabinals, the Cakchiquels, the Tziquinaha, and the Yaqui; and here their language was confounded, they could no longer understand each other, and they separated, some going to the east and many coming hither (to Guatemala). They dressed in skins and were poor, but they were wonderful men, and when they reached Tulan-Zuiva, long had been their journey, as the ancient histories tell us.
Now there was no fire; Tohil was the first to create it, but it is not known exactly how he did it, since it was already burning when it was discovered by Balam-Quitze and Balam-Agab. The fire was put out by a sudden shower and by a storm of hail, but the fire of the Quiches was rekindled by Tohil. Then the other tribes came shivering with chattering teeth to ask for fire from Balam-Quitze, which was at first denied them; and a messenger from Xibalba appeared, a Zotzil, or bat, as it is said, and advised the high-priests to refuse the petition of the tribes until they should have learned from Tohil the price to be paid for the fire.']

[165] [The Republic. 'What tale? The tale is that he who has tasted the entrails of a single human victim minced up with the entrails of other victims is destined to become a wolf.' Jowett's tr.]

[166] [Histories, bk. 4.105. 'The Neuroi practise the Scythian customs: and one generation before the expedition of Dareios it so befell them that they were forced to quit their land altogether by reason of serpents: for their land produced serpents in vast numbers, and they fell upon them in still larger numbers from the desert country above their borders; until at last being hard pressed they left their own land and settled among the Budinoi. These men it would seem are wizards; for it is said of them by the Scythians and by the Hellenes who are settled in the Scythian land that once in every year each of the Neuroi becomes a wolf for a few days and then returns again to his original form. For my part I do not believe them when they say this, but they say it nevertheless, and swear it moreover.' Tr., Macauley.]

[168] [Rit. ch. 146. 'I anoint myself with cedar oil. I dress myself in a mat. I take in the hand a ... or the skin of a cat.' Birch's tr. Cf. Renouf.]

[169] [Réclus, Primitive Folk, p. 97. 'It should be understood that the masks are haunted by the Genius of the man or animal which each represents. According to the number of masks is the number of gods. The hideous representation of the divine personage whom it is desired to consult is laid upon the face of the shaman that moment killed: he shudders, his limbs are convulsed. The spirit enters into him. Quickly he is questioned, quickly he replies, but in an indistinct voice, in ambiguous and incoherent words. Never was sibylline oracle more mysterious!']

[172] [Maspero, Dawn of Civilisation, Eng. tr., p. 54, note 5. 'The two mummies of Honittui and Nsit-anibashru had their hair dressed and their faces painted blue before burial; the thick coats of colour which they still bear are composed of ochre, pounded brick or carmine mixed with animal fat.']

[173] [The wisdom of Manihiki is contained in Gill's Myths and Songs, but no such command can be found therein. See p. 51 onwards.]

[175] [Fison and Howitt, Kamlaroi and Kurnai, p. 66. 'Mr. Chatfield, before mentioned, informed me that in a tribe with which he was acquainted, the raised cicatrices on the bodies of the natives are the blazon of their respective classes or totems. But several of our most trustworthy correspondents, replying to inquiries on this point, did not confirm Mr. Chatfield's statement. This, however, does not prove his statement to be incorrect, as far as concerns the tribe to which he referred.']

[176] [Herbert Ward, Five Years with the Congo Cannibals, p. 136. 'It is customary among the Upper Congo people to stamp their features and persons, by means of cicatrization, with various designs, differing according to the tribe. About the age of four the operation is first commenced, the skin of the face being gashed in conformity with the tribal pattern; after some months have elapsed, so that the wounds may be completely healed, they are re-cut, and each gash is filled with redwood powder, produced from crushed camwood, of which the forest yields a plentiful supply. After frequent repetitions of this barbarous mutilation, the skin and flesh becomes hardened and protrude in lumps, between the incisions.
In my drawings, the effects of this mode of marking the face are illustrated.
The Bangala tribal mark consists of a series of horizontal cross-cuts half an inch in length, extending down the centre of the forehead from the hair to between the eyes, with a smaller patch of diagonal cuts upon the temples.']

[177] [Life with the Esquimaux, p. 315. 'The women, generally, are tattooed on the forehead, cheeks, and chin. This is usually a mark of the married women, though unmarried ones are sometimes seen thus ornamented This tattooing is done from principle, the theory being that the lines thus made will be regarded in the next world as a sign of goodness.']

[178] [Claudian, De Bello Getico, bk. 24, 417-18. 'First hasten up the neighbouring troops, their loyalty attested by their defence of Raetia and their mass of spoil from Vindelicia; next the legion that had been left to guard Britain, the legion that kept the fierce Scots in check, whose men had scanned the strange devices tattooed on the faces of the dying Picts.']

[179] ['Book of Kells,' in The Palaeographical Society. Facsimiles of Ancient Manuscripts, vol. ?]

[181] [Maspero, Dawn of Civilisation, p. 54. ' .... where the women are seen tattooed on the bosom. In most of the bas-reliefs also of the temples of Philae and Kom Ombo, the goddesses and queens have their breasts scored with long incisions, which, starting from the circumference, unite in the centre around the middle.']

[182] [Rit. ch. ? (Unable to trace this in 3 texts of BD. Poss. ch. 105 of Birch's tr: 'But when I am the Bull of the pasturing (?) cows, I am at the upper parts of the heaven.')]

[182a] [Histories, bk. 2.41: 'The male kine, therefore, if clean, and the male calves, are used for sacrifice by the Egyptians universally; but the females they are not allowed to sacrifice, since they are sacred to Isis. The statue of this goddess has the form of a woman but with horns like a cow, resembling thus the Greek representations of Io; and the Egyptians, one and all, venerate cows much more highly than any other animal. This is the reason why no native of Egypt, whether man or woman, will give a Greek a kiss, or use the knife of a Greek, or his spit, or his cauldron, or taste the flesh of an ox, known to be pure, if it has been cut with a Greek knife. When kine die, the following is the manner of their sepulture: The females are thrown into the river; the males are buried in the suburbs of the towns, with one or both of their horns appearing above the surface of the ground to mark the place. When the bodies are decayed, a boat comes, at an appointed time, from the island caned Prosôpitis, which is a portion of the Delta, nine schænes in circumference, and calls at the several cities in turn to collect the bones of the oxen. Prosôpitis is a district containing several cities; the name of that from which the boats come is Atarbêchis. Venus has a temple there of much sanctity. Great numbers of men go forth from this city and proceed to the other towns, where they dig up the bones, which they take away with them and bury together in one place. The same practice prevails with respect to the interment of all other cattle, the law so determining; they do not slaughter any of them.' Tr., Rawlinson.
'The clean males then of the ox kind, both full-grown animals and calves, are sacrificed by all the Egyptians; the females however they may not sacrifice, but these are sacred to Isis; for the figure of Isis is in the form of a woman with cow's horns, just as the Hellenes present Io in pictures, and all the Egyptians without distinction reverence cows far more than any other kind of cattle; for which reason neither man nor woman of Egyptian race would kiss a man who is a Hellene on the mouth, nor will they use a knife or roasting-spits or a caldron belonging to a Hellene, nor taste of the flesh even of a clean animal if it has been cut with the knife of a Hellene. And the cattle of this kind which die they bury in the following manner: the females they cast into the river, but the males they bury, each people in the suburb of their town, with one of the horns, or sometimes both, protruding to mark the place; and when the bodies have rotted away and the appointed time comes on, then to each city comes a boat from that which is called the island of Prosopitis (this is in the Delta, and the extent of its circuit is nine "schoines"). In this island of Prosopitis is situated, besides many other cities, that one from which the boats come to take up the bones of the oxen, and the name of the city is Atarbechis, and in it there is set up a holy temple of Aphrodite. From this city many go abroad in various directions, some to one city and others to another, and when they have dug up the bones of the oxen they carry them off, and coming together they bury them in one single place. In the same manner as they bury the oxen they bury also their other cattle when they die; for about them also they have the same law laid down, and these also they abstain from killing.' Tr., Macauley.]

[183] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 193, note. 'The interesting fact that an important ceremony, "designed to secure successful kangaroo hunts," and consisting in the letting of blood, was held at this spot, was first recorded by Dr. Stirling, who, in the Report of the Horn Expedition, Part iv., p. 67, has given an account of the spot, which is therein called Antiarra. After repeatedly hearing it pronounced by a large number of natives, we have adopted the spelling Undiara.']

[185] [Kingsley, West African Studies, pp. 154-5. 'The predominant feature in this school is undoubtedly the extra recognition given to the mystery of the power of the earth, Nkissi'nsi. Here you find the earth goddess Nzambi the paramount feature in the Fetish; from her the Fetish priests have their knowledge of the proper way to manage and communicate with lower earth spirits, round her circle almost all the legends, in her lies the ultimate human hope of help and protection. Nzambi is too large a subject for us to enter into here. She is the great mother, but she is not absolute in power. She is not one of the forms of the great unheeding over-lord of gods, like Nyankupong, or Abassi-boom; the equivalent to him, is her husband Nzambi Mpungu, among the followers of Nkissism; but the predominance given in this school to the great Princess Nzambi has had two effects that must be borne in mind in studying the region from Loango to the south bank of Congo. Firstly, it apparently led to Nzambi being confused by the natives with the Holy Virgin, when they were under the tuition of the Roman Catholic missionaries during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; hence Nzambi's cult requires to be studied with the greatest care at the present day. Secondly, partly in consequence of the native predominance given to her, and partly in the predominance she has gained from the aforesaid confusion, women have a very singular position, a superior one to that which they have in other schools; this you will see by reading the stories collected by Mr. Dennett.']

[186] [Ibid., p. 137. 'As far as my present knowledge of the matter goes, I should state that there were four main schools of West African Fetish: (1) the Tshi and Ewe school, Ellis' school; (2) the Calabar school; (3) the Mpongwe school; (4) Nkissism or the Fjort school. Subdivisions of these schools can easily be made, but I only make the divisions on the different main objects of worship, or more properly speaking, the thing each school especially endeavours to secure for man. The Tshi and Ewe school is mainly concerned with the preservation of life; the Calabar school with attempting to enable the soul successfully to pass through death; the Mpongwe school with the attainment of material prosperity; while the school of Nkissi is mainly concerned with the worship of the mystery of the power of Earth—Nkissi-nsi.']

[188] [Theogony, 30-5. 'So said the ready-voiced daughters of great Zeus, and they plucked and gave me a rod, a shoot of sturdy laurel, a marvellous thing, and breathed into me a divine voice to celebrate things that shall be and things there were aforetime; and they bade me sing of the race of the blessed gods that are eternally, but ever to sing of themselves both first and last. But why all this about oak or stone?' Tr., White.]

[190] [Is. 51:1. 'Hearken to me, ye that follow after righteousness, ye that seek the LORD: look unto the rock whence ye are hewn, and to the hole of the pit whence ye are digged.']

[191] [Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America, vol. 3, p. 121. 'It was probably, again, with some reference to the motherly function of the earth that the same people, when an earthquake came, took their children by the head or hand, and lifted them up, saying: The earthquake will make them grow. Sometimes they specified a particular part of the earth as closer to them in this relation than other parts. It is said that on the tenth day of the month Quecholli, the citizens of Mexico and those of Tlatelolco were wont to visit a hill called Cacatpec, for they said it was their mother.']

[192] [Spencer, Data of Sociology, ch. 24, p. 186. 'Now observe the clue to these beliefs furnished by Molina. He says the principal huaca of the Yncas was that of the hill, Ilnanacanri, whence their ancestors were said to have commenced their journey. It is described as "a great figure of a man." "This huaca was of Ayar-cachi, one of the four brothers who were said to have come out of the cave at Tampu." And a prayer addressed to it was: "O Huanacauri! our father, may ... thy son, the Ynca, always retain his youth, and grant that he may prosper in all he undertakes. And to us, thy sons," etc.']

[193] [Zech. 5:8. 'And he said, This is wickedness. And he cast it into the midst of the ephah; and he cast the weight of lead upon the mouth thereof.']

[194] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 123. 'Thus, for example, an Inarlinga or "porcupine" (Echidna) man is supposed to have arisen near to Stuart's waterhole on the Hugh River, while at the Emily Gap, near to Alice Springs, tradition says that certain witchetty grubs became transformed into witchetty men, who formed a strong group here, and who were afterwards joined by others of the same totem, who marched over the country to the Gap.']

[195] [Odyssey, 19, 163. 'But even so tell me of thine own stock, whence thou art, for thou art not sprung of oak or rock, whereof old tales tell.' Butcher's tr.]

[197] [Hab. 2:19. 'Woe unto him that saith to the wood, Awake; to the dumb stone, Arise, it shall teach! Behold, it is laid over with gold and silver, and there is no breath at all in the midst of it.']

[198] [Hab. 2:11. 'For the stone shall cry out of the wall, and the beam out of the timber shall answer it.']

[200] [Pharsalia. Unable to trace. Lucan makes no mention of the Gauls in this work.]

[201] [Grenfell & Hunt, Logia Ichthus; Sayings of the Lord, 5th logion, p. 12. 'Jesus saith, Wherever there are (two), they are not without God, and wherever there is one alone, I say, I am with him. Raise the stone, and there thou shalt find me; cleave the wood, and there am I.']

[203] [Rev. H. Reiderbecke, Missionary Labours, p. 263. 'The myths of the Ovaherero, a tribe dwelling in a part of Hereraland "which had not yet been under the influence of civilisation and Christianity," have been studied by the Rev. H. Reiderbecke, missionary at Otyozondyupa. The Ovaherero, he says, have a kind of tree Ygdrasil, a tree out of which men are born, and this plays a great part in their myth of creation. The tree, which still exists, though at a great age, is called the Omumborombonga tree. Out of it came, in the beginning, the first man and woman. Oxen stepped forth from it too, but baboons, as Caliban says of the stars, " came otherwise," and sheep and goats sprang from a flat rock. Black people are so coloured, according to the Ovaherero, because when the first parents emerged from the tree and slew an ox, the ancestress of the blacks appropriated the black liver of the victim.' Quoted by Lang, Myth, Ritual & Religion, vol. 1, p. 171. ]

[204] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 169. 'We may now describe the ceremonies of Intichiuma as they are performed in the case of certain of the totems. Each totem has its own ceremony and no two of them are alike; but though they differ to a very great extent so far as the actual performance is concerned, the important point is that one and all have for their sole object the purpose of increasing the number of the animal or plant after which the totem is called; and thus, taking the tribe as a whole, the object of these ceremonies is that of increasing the total food supply. To this question we shall have to return, as in connection with it there are certain points of very considerable interest.']

[205] [Ibid., pp. 175-6. 'When the round of the Ilthura has been made and the same ceremony enacted at each one, then a start is made for the home camp. When within a mile or so of the latter they stop and decorate themselves with material which has been purposely brought to the spot. Hair string is tied round their heads, and Chilara or forehead bands are put on, beneath which twigs of the Udnirringa bush are fixed so that they hang downwards. Nose bones are thrust through the nasal septum, and rat tails and topknots of cockatoo feathers are worn in the hair. The Alatunja is but little decorated; he has only the Chilara across his forehead, and the Lalkira or nose bone. Under his arm he carries the Apmara, and in his hand a twig of the Udnirringa bush. While the men walk along they keep their twigs in constant motion, much as if they were brushing off flies. The totem Ilkinia or sacred design is painted on the body of each man with red ochre and pipe clay, and the latter is also used to paint the face, except for the median line of red. When the decorations are complete a start is again made, all walking in single file, the Alatunja at the head with his Apmara under his arm. Every now and then they stop and the old Alatunja, placing his hand above his eyes, as if to shade the latter, strikes an attitude as he peers away into the distance. He is supposed to be looking out for the women who were left in camp. The old man, who had been left in charge at the camp during the absence of the party, is also on the look-out for the return of the latter. While the men have been away he has built, away from the main camp, a long, narrow wurley, which is called Umbana, and is intended to represent the chrysalis case from which the Maegwa or fully-developed insect emerges. Near to this spot all those who have not been taking part in the ceremony assemble, standing behind the Umbana. Those men who belong to the other moiety of the tribe—that is, to the Purula and the Kumara—are about forty or fifty yards away, sitting down in perfect silence; and the same distance further back the Panunga and Bulthara women are standing, with the Purula and Kumara women sitting down amongst them. The first-named women are painted with the totem Ilkinia of red and white lines; the second are painted with lines of white faintly tinged with red.']

[210] [Reclus, Primitive Folk, p. 96. 'A shaman appears with floating hair, his face masked to represent a beast's muzzle; he wears a cloak adorned with strange trinkets and fantastic gewgaws. He gravely proceeds towards the hearth, the spectators respectfully making room for him; he crosses the circle of singers and hunters, and contemplates the flame for a long time with his eyeless mask. Suddenly he begins to run in the direction of the sun. The hunters greet him with savage cries, brandishing their daggers, and rush in pursuit of him like a pack of hounds. The shaman is off, swift as the wind. He has an intuitive perception of the blows struck at him, and avoids them with an agility worthy of admiration; his mask does not prevent his turning and tacking, his leaping to the right and bounding to the left. Whilst in flight he seizes a fire-brand, which, on being thrown up to the roof, falls back upon the ground and emits a shower of live sparks. What does this mean?']

[211] [Tertullian, Apologeticum, ch. 7. 'Dicimur sceleratissimi de sacramento infanticidii et pabulo inde et post convivium incesto, quod eversores luminum canes, lenones scilicet tenebrarum, libidinum impiarum in verecundiam procurent. Dicimur tamen semper, nec vos quod tamdiu dicimur eruere curatis. Ergo aut eruite, si creditis, aut nolite credere, qui non eruistis! De vestra vobis dissimulatione praescribitur non esse quod nec ipsi audetis eruere. Longe aliud munus carnifici in Christianos imperatis, non ut dicant quae faciunt, sed ut negent quod sunt.'
'We are called abominable from the sacrament of infanticide and the feeding thereon, as well as the incestuous intercourse, following the banquet, because the dogs, that overturn the lamps, (our pimps forsooth of the darkness) bring about the shamelessness engendered by our impious lusts. Yet we are but called so on each occasion, and you take no pains to bring to light what we have been so long charged with. Therefore either prove the fact, if you believe it, or refuse to believe it, you who have not proved it. For your want of straightforwardness a preliminary objection is raised against you, that that cannot be true which not even you yourselves dare to search out. It is quite a different duty that you lay upon the executioner against the Christians, namely, not that they should say of what they are guilty, but that they should deny what they are.' Souter's tr.]

[212] [Carver, Travels in North America, p. 245. 'Carver mentions that while among the Naudowessies he observed that they paid uncommon respect to one of their women, and found that she was considered to be a person of high distinction, because on one occasion she invited forty of the principal warriors to her tent, provided them with a feast, and treated them in every respect as husbands. On enquiry he was informed that this was an old custom, but had fallen into abeyance, and ' scarcely once in an age any of the females are "hardy enough to make this feast, notwithstanding a husband of"' the first rank awaits as a sure reward the successful giver of it.' From Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, p. 537, note to p. 101. ]

[214] [Researches in Sinai, p. 72. 'The earliest shrine here was doubtless the sacred cave in the highest point of rock toward the front of the plateau, apparently as early as the reign of Sneferu, 4750 B.C. From this the Temple grew outward between 3450 and 1 150 B.C., until it reached a total length of two hundred and thirty feet. It will be the more intelligible to first describe the Temple topographically from different points of view; then, following the plan from the entrance to the cave, to deal with the architecture and decoration of it, in this chapter. For the unarchitectural reader it will be more useful to follow the account in historical order from the cave to the entrance, describing the purpose and use of the parts, which is the subject of Chapter VII.']

[215] [Histories, bk. 2. 60. 'The following are the proceedings on occasion of the assembly at Bubastis: Men and women come sailing all together, vast numbers in each boat, many of the women with castanets, which they strike, while some of the men pipe during the whole time of the voyage; the remainder of the voyagers, male and female, sing the while, and make a clapping with their hands. When they arrive opposite any of the towns upon the banks of the stream, they approach the shore, and, while some of the women continue to play and sing, others call aloud to the females of the place and load them with abuse, while a certain number dance, and some standing up uncover themselves. After proceeding in this way all along the river-course, they reach Bubastis, where they celebrate the feast with abundant sacrifices. More grape-wine is consumed at this festival than in all the rest of the year besides. The number of those who attend, counting only the men and women and omitting the children, amounts, according to the native reports, to seven hundred thousand.' Tr., Rawlinson.
'Now, when they are coming to the city of Bubastis they do as follows: they sail men and women together, and a great multitude of each sex in every boat; and some of the women have rattles and rattle with them, while some of the men play the flute during the whole time of the voyage, and the rest, both women and men, sing and clap their hands; and when as they sail they come opposite to any city on the way they bring the boat to land, and some of the women continue to do as I have said, others cry aloud and jeer at the women in that city, some dance, and some stand up and pull up their garments. This they do by every city along the river-bank; and when they come to Bubastis they hold festival celebrating great sacrifices, and more wine of grapes is consumed upon that festival than during the whole of the rest of the year. To this place (so say the natives) they come together year by year even to the number of seventy myriads of men and women, besides children.' Tr., Macauley.]

[216] [2 Kings 23:7. 'And he brake down the houses of the sodomites, that were by the house of the LORD, where the women wove hangings for the grove.']

[217] [Rev. 17:5. 'And upon her forehead was a name written, MYSTERY, BABYLON THE GREAT, THE MOTHER OF HARLOTS AND ABOMINATIONS OF THE EARTH.']

[218] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 96-9. 'In each tribe, again, we find at this particular time when a woman is being, so to speak, handed over to one particular man, that special individuals representing groups with which at ordinary times she may have no intercourse, have the right of access to her. In the majority of tribes, even tribal brothers are included amongst them. The individuals who are thus privileged vary from tribe to tribe, but in all cases the striking feature is that, for the time being, the existence of what can only be described as partial promiscuity can clearly be seen. By this we do not mean that marital rights are allowed to any man, but that for a time such rights are allowed to individuals to whom at other times the woman is ekirinja, or forbidden. The ceremonies in question are of the nature of those which Sir John Lubbock has described as indicative of "expiation for marriage," and it is at least very probable that the customs are to be regarded as pointing back to the former existence of an exercise of wider marital rights than those which now obtain in the various tribes. They may in fact be best described as rudimentary customs in just the same way in which we speak of rudimentary structures amongst animals and plants. Just also as the latter are regarded as representative of parts which were once functional in ancestral forms, so also may we regard these rudimentary customs as lingering relics of a former stage passed through in the development of the present social organisation of the various tribes in which they are found.
    In addition to the ceremonies which are concerned with marriage, there is another custom of somewhat the same nature, to which reference may be made here. In the eastern and north-eastern parts of the Arunta, and in the Kaitish Iliaura, and Warramunga tribes, considerable license is allowed on certain occasions, when a large number of men and women are gathered together to perform certain corrobborees. When an important one of these is held, it occupies perhaps ten days or a fortnight; and during that time the men, and especially the elder ones, but by no means exclusively these, spend the day in camp preparing decorations to be used during the evening. Every day two or three women are told off to attend at the corrobboree ground, and, with the exception of men who stand in the relation to them of actual father, brother, or sons, they are, for the time being, common property to all the men present on the corrobboree ground. In the Arunta tribe the following is exactly what takes place: a man goes to another who is actually or tribally his son-in-law, that is, one who stands to him in the relationship of Gammona, and says to the latter: "You will take my Unawa into the bush and bring in with you some undattha altherta" (down used for decorating during ordinary corrobborees). The Gammona then goes away, followed by the woman who has been previously told what to do by her husband. This woman is actually Mura to the Gammona, that is, one to whom under ordinary circumstances he may not even speak or go near, much less have anything like marital relations with. After the two have been out in the bush they return to the camp, the man carrying undattha and the woman following with green twigs, which the men will wear during the evening dance, tied round their arms and ankles. There will be perhaps two or three of these women present on each day, and to them any man present on the ground, except those already mentioned, may have access. During the day they sit near to the men watching but taking no part in the preparation of decorations. The natives say that their presence during the preparations and the sexual indulgence, which was a practice of the Alcheringa, prevents anything from going wrong with the performance; it makes it impossible for the head decorations, for example, to become loose and disordered during the performance. At evening the women are painted with red ochre by the men, and then they return to the main camp to summon the women and children to the corrobboree.
    In connection with this subject, a curious custom concerned with messengers may be noticed here. In the case of the Urabunna tribe it is usual to send as messengers, when summoning distant groups, a man and a woman, or sometimes two pairs, who are Piraungaru to each other. The men carry as evidence of their mission bunches of cockatoo feathers and nose bones. After the men have delivered their message and talked matters over with the strangers, they take the women out a short distance from the camp, where they leave them. If the members of the group which they are visiting decide to comply with their request, all men irrespective of class have access to the women; but, if it be decided not to comply with the request, then the latter are not visited. In much the same way, when a party of men intent on vengeance comes near to the strange camp of which they intend to kill some member, the use of women may be offered to them. If they be accepted, then the quarrel is at an end, as the acceptance of this favour is a sign of friendship. To accept the favour and then not to comply with the desire of the people offering it, would be a gross breach of tribal custom.
    So far, then, as the marital relations of the tribes are concerned, we find that whilst there is individual marriage, there are, in actual practice, occasions on which the relations are of a much wider nature. We have, indeed, in this respect three very distinct series of relationships. The first is the normal one, when the woman is the private property of one man, and no one without his consent can have access to her, though he may lend her privately to certain individuals who stand in one given relationship to her. The second is the wider relation in regard to particular men at the time of marriage. The third is the still wider relation which obtains on certain occasions, such as the holding of important corrobborees.
    The first of these is purely a private matter, and it is only to this that the term lending of wives can be properly applied, and to it we restrict the term in the following pages. The second and third are what we may call matters of public nature, by which we mean that the individuals concerned have no choice in the matter, and the women cannot be withheld by the men whose individual wives they either are to be, or already are.
    In the case of the women who attend the corrobboree, it is supposed to be the duty of every man at different times to send his wife to the ground, and the most striking feature in regard to it is that the first man who has access to her is the very one to whom, under normal conditions, she is most strictly tabu, that is, her Mura. This definite way of breaking through the rules of tabu appears to show that the custom has some very definite significance more than can be explained by merely referring it to a feeling of hospitality, and the fact that every man in turn is obliged by public custom to thus relinquish, for the time being, his possession of the woman who has been allotted to him, strengthens the idea. At the same time, as young and old men alike have to do so at some time or other, it is impossible to regard it as a right which is forcibly taken by strong men from weaker ones. It is a custom of ancient date which is sanctioned by public opinion, and to the performance of which neither men nor women concerned offer any opposition.
    In connection with this, it may be worth while noting that amongst the Australian natives with whom we have come in contact, the feeling of sexual jealousy is not developed to anything like the extent to which it would appear to be in many other savage tribes. For a man to have unlawful intercourse with any woman arouses a feeling which is due not so much to jealousy as to the fact that the delinquent has infringed a tribal custom. If the intercourse has been with a woman who belongs to the class from which his wife comes, then he is called atna nylkna (which, literally translated, is vulva-thief); if with one with whom it is unlawful for him to have intercourse, then he is called iturka, the most opprobrious term in the Arunta tongue. In the one case he has merely stolen property, in the other he has offended against tribal law.']

[221] [Budge, Book of the Dead, intro., (1898 ed.), p. 134. 'Isis and Nephthys come unto thee and they make thee to traverse Qemt-urt in thy name of 'Qem-urt' and Aneb-uatchet-urt in thy name of 'Uatch-ur'; and verily, thou art 'Urt-shent' in Shen-ur, and 'Teben-shent' in Teben-pesh-rer-Ha-nebu, and 'Shent-aat' in Shen-aa-sek-mu. And Isis and Nephthys have protected thee in the city of Saut from their master who is in thee in thy name of 'Master of Saut' and from their god who is in thee in thy name of 'God'. They adore thee so that thou mayest not depart from them in thy name of 'Morning Star'; and they bring [offerings] before thee so that thou mayest not suffer pain in thy name of "Tchentru". Thy sister Isis hath come unto thee rejoicing in thy love; and thou hast had intercourse with her, and hast made her to conceive, and she is heavy with Septet.']

[222] [Réclus, Primitive Folk, p. 311. 'The three first days were spent in orgies, which we are told were indescribable, and in which women sometimes figured in the accoutrement of men, armed as warriors. It was necessary to thrill the torpid senses of the great spouse of the Sun-God, to stir her sleeping fecundity, to excite her desires by naively lascivious spectacles.']

[223] [Ibid., p. 283. 'Our Khonds do not go so far as the Thotigars of Southern India, who insist that their wives give themselves to all comers, that the earth, following this good example, may cause the seed deposited in its bosom to germinate. At sowing time, festivities take place which recall those of the Babylonian Mylitta, where the daughters of Israel honoured Astarte by prostituting themselves upon the corn-floors to thresh the wheat. The Thotigars set up, here a tent, and there a straw shanty, beside the highroad. These they strew with fern, and stock with provisions. The husbands install their better halves under these shelters, and go themselves to entice the passers-by, pressing their invitations when necessary. "Procure the public good; ensure an abundance of bread!"']

[224] [Hos. 9:1. 'Rejoice not, O Israel, for joy, as other people: for thou hast gone a whoring from thy God, thou hast loved a reward upon every cornfloor.']

[225] [Muller, Natural Religion, p. 196. 'Fetishism is, as I believe to have shown, the very last corruption of religion, but even in that corrupt form religion is based on the perception of something beyond the actual in the actual.']

[226] [See also Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol. 2, p. 144 on this. 'Any object whatsoever may be a fetish. Of course, among the endless multitude of objects, not as we should say physically active, but to which ignorant men ascribe mysterious power, we are not to apply indiscriminately the idea of their being considered vessels or vehicles or instruments of spiritual beings. They may be mere signs or tokens set up to represent ideal notions or ideal beings, as fingers or sticks are set up to represent numbers. Or they may be symbolic charms working by imagined conveyance of their special properties, as an iron ring to give firmness, or a kite's foot to give swift flight. Or they may be merely regarded in some undefined way as wondrous ornaments or curiosities. The tendency runs through all human nature to collect and admire objects remarkable in beauty, form, quality, or scarceness. The shelves of ethnological museums show heaps of the objects which the lower races treasure up and hang about their persons teeth and claws, roots and berries, shells and stones, and the like. Now fetishes are in great measure selected from among such things as these, and the principle of their attraction for savage minds is clearly the same which still guides the superstitious peasant in collecting curious trifles 'for luck.'
(C. de Brosses.) 'Du culte des dieux fetiches ou Parallele de 1'ancienne Religion de 1'Egypte avec la religion actuelle de Nigritie.' 1760. [De Brosses supposed the word fetiche connected with chose fee, fatum.]']

[227] [Rit. ch. 17. 'Those Gods who are made attached to the generation of the Sun are Hu [taste], Ka [touch]: they are followers of their father Tum daily.' Birch's tr. Cf. Renouf.]

[228] [Rit. ch. 37. 'Hail, ye two Lions, two Brothers, two Asps! I have led ye with spells.' Birch's tr. Cf. Renouf.]

[229] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 135. 'The sanctity of the Ertnatulunga may be understood when it is remembered that it contains the Churinga, which are associated not only with the living members of the tribe, but also with the dead ones. Indeed, many of the Churinga are those of special men of the Alcheringa, who, as tradition relates, wandered about and descended at these spots into the earth where their Churinga, the very ones which are now within the storehouse, remained associated with their spirit part. Each Churinga is so closely bound up with the spirit individual that it is regarded as its representative in the Ertnatulunga, and those of dead men are supposed to be endowed with the attributes of their owner and to actually impart these to the person who, for the time being, may, as when a fight takes place, be fortunate enough to carry it about with him. The Churinga is supposed to endow the possessor with courage and accuracy of aim, and also to deprive his opponent of these qualities. So firm is their belief in this that if two men were fighting and one of them knew that the other carried a Churinga whilst he did not, he would certainly lose heart at once and without doubt be beaten.']

[230] [Rit. ch. 32. 'I dress myself, I equip myself with thy spells, oh Sun! both above and below me.' Birch's tr. Cf. Renouf.]

[231] [Rit. ch. 23. 'All [ideas] charms, all words, he has told them. I have made the Gods strong, bringing all my charms to them.' Birch's tr. Cf. Renouf.]

[232] [Rit. ch. 32. 'Back, Crocodile of the West, living off those never at rest! What thou hatest is in my belly. I have eaten the limbs of Osiris. I am Set.—Back, Crocodile of the West! There is an asp in my belly.' Birch's tr. Cf. Renouf.]

[233] [Birch's intro to the Ritual, p. 144. 'The series of transformations so comprised the change into the hawk of gold, the author of time (c. 77); into a second hawk, called the divine hawk, or the hawk of time (c. 78); the principal Gods (c. 79); the orb of light (c. 80); the lily of the nostril of the Sun (c. 81); the God Ptah, the demiourgos, or active creative power of the material world (c. 82); the Phoenix, or Bennu (c. 83); the Shen-shen, or heron (c. 84); the soul (c. 85); the swallow (c. 86); the soul of the world (c. 87); and the crocodile (c. 88); to which some Rituals add the goose.']

[234] [Rit. ch. 31. See the notes to this chapter. Naville prefers to change 'words of power' to 'magical formulas.']

[240] [Travels in West Africa, p. 102-3. 'The proudest day in my life was the day on which an old Fan hunter said to me "Ah! you see." Now he did not say this, I may remark, as a tribute to the hard work I had been doing in order to see, but regarded it as the consequence of a chief having given me a little ivory half-moon, whose special mission was "to make man see Bush," and when you have attained to that power in full, a state I do not pretend to have yet attained to, you can say, "Put me where you like in an African forest, and as far as the forest goes, starve me or kill me if you can."']

[242] [Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, p. 449. 'Then you go to the medicine man who supplied you with it and complain. He says it was a perfectly good charm when he sold it you and he never had any complaints before, but he will investigate the affair; when he has done so, he either says the spirit has been lured away from the home he prepared for it by incantations and presents from other people, or that he finds the spirit is dead; it has been killed by a more powerful spirit of its class, which is in the pay of some enemy of yours. In all cases the little thing you kept the spirit in is no use now, and only fit to sell to a white man as "a big curio!" and the sooner you let him have sufficient money to procure you a fresh and still more powerful spirit necessarily more expensive the safer it will be for you, particularly as your misfortunes distinctly point to some one being desirous of your death. You of course grumble, but seeing the thing in his light you pay up, and the medicine man goes busily to work with incantations, dances, looking into mirrors or basins of still water, and concoctions of messes to make you a new protecting charm.
Human eye-balls, particularly of white men, I have already said are a great charm. Dr. Nassau says he has known graves rifled for them. This, I fancy, is to secure the " man that lives in your eyes" for the service of the village, and naturally the white man, being regarded as a superior being, would be of high value if enlisted into its service.']

[243] [Eph. 2:20-22. 'And are built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone;
In whom all the building fitly framed together groweth unto an holy temple in the Lord:
In whom ye also are builded together for an habitation of God through the Spirit.']

[247] [Scot, The Discovery of Witchcraft, p. 442. 'And he must have a drie thong of a lions or of a harts skin, and make thereof a girdle, and write the holie names of God all about, and in the end + A and Ω +.']