ANCIENT EGYPT THE LIGHT OF THE WORLD
NOTES TO BOOK 4
[1] [Source.]
[3] [Eph. 2:14-6. 'For he is our peace, who hath made
both one, and hath broken down the middle wall of partition between us;
Having abolished in his flesh the enmity, even the law of commandments contained
in ordinances; for to make in himself of twain one new man, so making peace;
And that he might reconcile both unto God in one body by the cross, having slain
the enmity thereby.']
[6] [Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, vol. 2, pl. 40,
no. 8, p. 54.
Lundy,
Monumental Christianity, fig.
83.]
[9] [The correct orthography, as given by Manetho is 'Usaphaedus'
and not Usaiphais, the fifth ruler of the 1st dynasty. See Cory, Ancient Fragments,
p. 112.
'1. After the dead demigods, the first dynasty consisted of eight kings,
of whom the first was Menes the Thinite; he reigned 62 years, and perished by a
wound received from a hippopotamus.
2. Athothis, his son, reigned 57 years; he built the palaces at Memphis, and
left the anatomical books, for he was a physician.
3. Kenkenes, his son, reigned 31 years.
4. Venephes, his son, reigned 23 years. In his time a great plague raged through
Egypt. He erected the pyramids near Cochome.
5. Usapheedus, his son, reigned 20 years.']
[13] [As did the initiate in the mysteries of the Golden Dawn, it too basing itself on Masonic initiation ceremonies. See any biography of Aleister Crowley for his initiation into this Order in November 1898.]
[14] [Unable to trace.]
[15] [Judg. 16:21. 'But the Philistines took him, and put out his eyes, and brought him down to Gaza, and bound him with fetters of brass; and he did grind in the prison house.']
[19] [Bunyan, Pilgrim's Progress, par. 106. 'I will tell you, moreover, that I had then given me a roll, sealed, to comfort me by reading as I go on the way; I was also bid to give it in at the Celestial Gate, in token of my certain going in after it; all which things, I doubt, you want, and want them because you came not in at the gate.']
[21] [Also a title of a work written by Celsus, according to Origen. See his Contra Celsus.]
[22] [Plutarch, Of Isis and Osiris, ch. 68.]
[23] [Source.]
[27] [Rit. chs. 141, 142, 143.]
[29] [Divine Pymander, bk. 4.
27-28. 'And the wickedness of a Soul is
ignorance; for the Soul that knows nothing of the things that are, neither the
Nature of them, nor that which is good, but is blinded, rusheth and dasheth
against the bodily Passions, and unhappy as it is, not knowing itself, it
serveth strange Bodies, and evil ones, carrying the Body as a burden, and not
ruling, but ruled. And this is the mischief of the Soul.
On the contrary, the virtue of the Soul is Knowledge; for he that knows is both
good and religious, and already Divine.'
Everard's tr.]
[35] [Pyramid Texts.]
[46] [Not in Tylor, or Lubbock. Source.]
[47] ['On the Egyptian Belief Concerning the Shade or Shadow of the Dead,' TSBA, 8, 391. See full text here.]
[49] [The qlippoth, i.e. the shells of the dead, or excremental matter.]
[52] [Not in Renouf's or Birch's tr. Source.]
[53] ['The heart ceases to beat. Is then the heart the other-self which goes away? Some races think it is. Bobadilla asked the Indians of Nicaragua "Do those who go upwards, live there as they do here, with the same body and head and the rest?" To which the reply was "Only the heart goes there." And further inquiry brought out a confused idea that there are two hearts, and that " that heart which goes is what makes them live."' From Spencer, Data of Sociology, p. 177. who gives no source.]
[55] [Source.]
[63] [Some of these are listed in Birch's article. See the full text of 'On the Egyptian Belief Concerning the Shade or Shadow of the Dead,' TSBA, 8, 391 here. See also Massey's Lectures, lecture 9.]
[65] [Rit. ch. Unable to trace in Birch or Renouf. Poss. in Naville. See note below.]
[66] [Naville, Todtenbuch, kap., 25, vol. 1, p. 36.]
[70] [Maspero, Egyptian Archaeology, p. 149. 'In former times, when first the rules of tomb decoration were formulated, the notion of future retribution either did not exist, or was but dimly conceived. The deeds which he had done here on earth in no wise influenced the fate which awaited the man after death. Whether good or bad, from the moment when the funeral rites were performed and the necessary prayers recited, he was rich and happy.']
[76] [Budge, Papyrus of Ani, pl. 3.]
[83] [Maspero, Les Inscription des Pyramids de Sakkarah (i.e., the Pyramid Texts), Teta, 284, Pepi I, 34.]
[86] [Maspero, Les Inscription des Pyramids de Sakkarah, Pepi I, lines 192, 169, 182.]
[87] [Budge, Book of the Dead, intro., (1898 ed.), pp. 117-8. 'To reach this iron ceiling of the earth and floor of heaven a ladder was thought to be necessary, as we may see from the following passage in which Pepi the king says, "Homage to thee, O ladder of the god, homage to thee, O ladder of Set. Set thyself up, O ladder of the god, set thyself up, O ladder of Set, set thyself up, O ladder of Horus."']
[89] [The Mail, August 8th, 1903.]
[94] [Budge, 'Remarks on a Papyrus containing Formulae for Recitation in the Temple of Amen, and the Service for the Slaughter of Apepi,' PSBA, 1886, p. 21. See full text here.]
[109] [Naville, Todtenbuch, kap. 2, vignette.]
[110] [Ibid., vignettes to kap. 2 and 186.]
[111] [Or 'coming forth by day,' 'coming forth into the light,' etc. No authority is in exact agreement as to the precise meaning of this phrase.]
[115] [Maspero, Pyramid Texts.]
[116] [Relacion de las Choses de Yucatan.]
[117] [D'Acugna, Voyages and Discoveries in South America.]
[118] [Histories, bk. 2.78. 'In social meetings among the rich, when the banquet is
ended, a servant carries round to the several guests a coffin, in which there is
a wooden image of a corpse, carved and painted to resemble nature as nearly as
possible, about a cubit or two cubits in length. As he shows it to each guest in
turn, the servant says, "Gaze here, and drink and be merry; for when you die,
such will you be."' Tr., Rawlinson.
'In the entertainments of the rich among them, when they have finished
eating, a man bears round a wooden figure of a dead body in a coffin, made as
like the reality as may be both by painting and carving, and measuring about a
cubit or two cubits each way; and this he shows to each of those who are
drinking together, saying: "When thou lookest upon this, drink and be merry, for
thou shalt be such as this when thou art dead." Thus they do at their carousals.'
Tr., Macauley.]
[119] [Of Isis and Osiris, ch. 17.]
[121] [Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, pp. 510-11. 'In those days the hair had a special magical virtue : by burning it while uttering certain incantations, one might acquire an almost limitless power over the person to whom it had belonged. The embalmers, therefore, took care to place with the mummy such portions of the hair as they had been obliged to cut off, so as to remove them out of the way of the perverse ingenuity of the sorcerers. Over the first covering of the mummy already alluded to, there was sometimes placed a strip of papyrus or a long piece of linen, upon which the scribe had transcribed selections—both text and pictures—from "The Book of the going forth by Day:" in such cases the roll containing the whole work was placed between the legs. The body was further wrapped in several bandages, then in a second piece of stuff, then in more bands, the whole being finally covered with a shroud of coarse canvas and a red linen winding-sheet, sewn together at the back, and kept in place by transverse bands disposed at intervals from head to foot. The son of the deceased and a "man of the roll" were present at this lugubrious toilet, and recited at the application of each piece a prayer, in which its object was defined 'and its duration secured.' Every Egyptian was supposed to be acquainted with the formulae, from having learned them during his lifetime, by which he was to have restored to him the use of his limbs, and be protected from the dangers of the world beyond. These were repeated to the dead person, however, for greater security, during the process of embalming, and the son of the deceased, or the master of the ceremonies, took care to whisper to the mummy the most mysterious parts, which no living ear might hear with impunity. The wrappings having been completed, the deceased person became aware of his equipment, and enjoyed all the privileges of the "instructed and fortified Manes.'" He felt himself, both mummy and double, now ready for the tomb.']
[122] ['Hypocephalus in the Louvre,' PSBA, 6, 126. See full text here.]
[127] [Gal. 3:28. 'There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female: for ye are all one in Christ Jesus.']
[129] [John 19:23. 'Then the soldiers, when they had crucified Jesus, took his garments, and made four parts, to every soldier a part; and also his coat: now the coat was without seam, woven from the top throughout.']
[131] [Petrie, Medum, ch. 2, pp. 17-18. 'The mode of embalming, was very singular. The body was shrunk, wrapped up in linen cloth, then modelled all over with resin, into the natural form and plumpness of the living figure, completely restoring all the fulness of the form, and this was wrapped round with a few turns of the finest gauze.']
[132] [Source.]
[133] [Matt. 26:12. 'For in that she hath poured this ointment on my body, she did it for my burial.']
[134] [The Mummy, p. 175. '... and the word used to indicate the act of making a dead man into a mummy is ... it means to "wrap up in bandages."']
[135] [Birch, Dictionary of the Hieroglyphics, p. 415; Champollion, Grammaire Egyptienne, p. 86. This is clearly the wrong page ref. But as Massey is using the first ed., this must be the page he is referring to. Unable to trace correct one.]
[139] [Birch, Funereal Text, 4th Dynasty.]
[140] [Birch, Funereal Stele of Ra-Khepr-Ka, 12th Dynasty.]
[143] [Impossible to source.]
[147] [Blunt, Dictionary of Doctrinal and Historical Theology, p. 16.]
[148] [Neale, The Liturgies, intro., p. 33. 'Then the Pontiff having praised the greatest of the works of GOD, the Incarnation of the Only-Begotten, and again the greatest act of His dispensation, His Death for us, goes on to the commencement of the Mysteries, and utters the holy words, the same which our LOUD used when Himself sacrificing. Then, having given thanks for all things, and offering the gifts on account of all, he invokes upon himself, and upon the Mysteries laid on the altar, the divine grace of the SPIRIT. By which, having accomplished the rite by the seal of the Cross, and the invocation of the HOLY GHOST, he forthwith beholds the living JESUS lying before him, and Him in His very essence, being truly the Bread and the Cup. For His is that saying, This Bread is My Body; and His again is this saying, That which is in the cup is My Blood. And the sacrifice for the whole world, and the common propitiation, and the living delicacy, and the infinite joy, and the kingdom of the heavens, and the only essential good, is set before all on the Divine table; wherefore also the celebrant prays with the greater boldness on behalf of all.']
[150] [Source.]
[152] [Neale, The Liturgies, Intro., p. 30. 'Now CHRIST Himself is the Kingdom of GOD, and the contemplation of His dispensation: His having been humbled even to death; His having been sacrificed for us ; to behold that sacrificed and divine and quickening Body, manifesting its wounds the Body That indeed tasted of death, but is the earnest to us of victory over death; the Body which bestows on us, out of its wounds, immortality and life and the Beatific Vision with the Angels, and food and drink, and life and light, the very Bread of Life, the True Light, eternal life, CHRIST JESUS. Wherefore this entrance symbolises, at the same time, both the Second Advent of CHRIST and sepulture: for it is He, as we have said before, Who will be our Beatific Vision in the life to come."']
[153] [Neale, Liturgy of Basil the Great, in The Liturgies, p. 187, 'And then again, Sir, bless the holy Chalice. And the Priest, blessing, says, And this Chalice, the Precious Blood Itself of our LORD, and GOD, and SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST. Deacon. Amen. Priest. Which was shed for the life of the world.']
[154] [Neale, Liturgy of St. Chrysostom, 2. Unable to trace.]
[155] [Neale,
Liturgy of
St. Chrysostom, p. 120. 'And taking the warm water, he saith to the Priest,
Sir, bless the warm water.
This very strange rite, the pouring warm water into the chalice after
consecration, occasioned the greatest astonishment among the Latins at the
Council of Florence. Dorotheas, Bishop of Mitylene, is said to have given the
Pope ample satisfaction by his explanation, which, however, is unfortunately
lost. But S. Germanus tells us: "As Blood and warm Water flowed both of them
from the side of CHRIST, thus hot water, poured into the chalice at the time of
consecration, gives a full type of the mystery to those who draw that holy
liquid from the chalice, as from the life-giving side of our LORD."']
[156] [Birch, 'On the Egyptian Belief Concerning the Shade or Shadow of the Dead,' TSBA, 8, 386. See text here.]
[157] [Neale, op. cit., p. 76,
'But let two of the Deacons on each side of the Altar hold a fan made up of thin
membranes, or peacock's feathers, or fine cloth, and let them silently drive
away flies and gnats, that they may not fall into the cups.'
Ibid., intro., pp. 20. 'These Fans are a not unimportant part of the
plate of an Oriental Church; they are now generally made of silver, and in the
shape of the heads and wings of cherubim. The Clementine Liturgy, (see page 65)
orders them to be made of silk or peacock's feathers, or some other light
material: they were originally intended to prevent flies and the like insects
from settling on the Holy Mysteries, and in process of time came to signify
mystically the vibration of the wings of the Seraphim before the throne of GOD.']
[158] [Durandus, 4, 36-8; 'Durandus
thus writes, iv. 35 8: "But lest flies should come and spoil the sweetness of
the ointment, that is, lest troublesome thoughts should arise and destroy the
devotion of prayer, they are to be driven away by the fan of the spirit. And to
signify this, in summer time, a material fan should be used while the secreta
is being said." From Neale,
ibid., Intro.,
p. 29.
See Seutonius,
'Claudius' III.]
[159] [1 Cor. 2:20-22. Massey errs her as there are only 16 verses in this chapter. Unable to trace correct verses.]
[160]
['Tertullian's references or allusions to the Eucharist seem to show that
in his day it was celebrated before dawn and received fasting. "Will not your
husband know," he says (ad Uxorem, book ii. 5), "what it is you secretly
take before other food (quid secreto ante omnem cibum gustes)." And,
again, "who will without anxiety endure her absence all night long at the
Paschal solemnities (sollcmnibus Paschae abnoctantem)? Who will without
some suspicion of his own let her go to attend that Lord's Banquet which they
defame" (convivium dominicum illud quod defamanf).' From
Keating, The Agape and the Eucharist, p. 70.
See also Tertullian's Apology, ch. 39, in ANF, 3, 47. 'The Greeks
call it agape, i.e., affection. Whatever it costs, our outlay in the name
of piety is gain, since with the good things of the feast we benefit the needy;
not as it is with you, do parasites aspire to the glory of satisfying their
licentious propensities, selling themselves for a belly-feast to all disgraceful
treatment,—but as it is with God himself, a peculiar respect is shown to the
lowly. If the object of our feast be good, in the light of that consider its
further regulations. As it is an act of religious service, it permits no
vileness or immodesty. The participants, before reclining, taste first of prayer
to God. As much is eaten as satisfies the cravings of hunger; as much is drunk
as befits the chaste. They say it is enough, as those who remember that even
during the night they have to worship God; they talk as those who know that the
Lord is one of their auditors. After manual ablution, and the bringing in of
lights, each is asked to stand forth and sing, as he can, a hymn to God, either
one from the holy Scriptures or one of his own composing,—a proof of the measure
of our drinking. As the feast commenced with prayer, so with prayer it is
closed. We go from it, not like troops of mischief-doers, nor bands of
vagabonds, nor to break out into licentious acts, but to have as much care of
our modesty and chastity as if we had been at a school of virtue rather than a
banquet. Give the congregation of the Christians its due, and hold it unlawful,
if it is like assemblies of the illicit sort: by all means let it be condemned,
if any complaint can be validly laid against it, such as lies against secret
factions. But who has ever suffered harm from our assemblies? We are in our
congregations just what we are when separated from each other; we are as a
community what we are individuals; we injure nobody, we trouble nobody. When the
upright, when the virtuous meet together, when the pious, when the pure assemble
in congregation, you ought not to call that a faction, but a curia—[i.e.,
the court of God.]']
[162] [Horrack, 'Lamentations of Isis and Nephthys.' RP, 2, 117. See p. 123.]
[163] [Ibid., RP, 2, 117. See p. 119.]
[165] [Naville, 'Litany of Ra,' RP, 8, 103.]
[166] [Neale, Liturgy of St. James, pp. 46-7. 'Prayer of the Veil. We render thanks to Thee, LORD our GOD, for that Thou hast given us boldness to the entrance in of Thy holy places, the new and living way which Thou hast consecrated for us through the veil of the Flesh of Thy CHRIST. We therefore, to whom it hath been vouchsafed to enter into the place of the tabernacle of Thy glory, and to be within the veil, and to behold the Holy of Holies, fall down before Thy goodness: Master, have mercy upon us: since we are full of fear and dread, when about to stand before Thy holy Altar, and to offer this fearful and unbloody sacrifice for our sins and for the ignorances of the people. Send forth, GOD, Thy good grace, and hallow our souls, and bodies, and spirits; and change our disposition to piety, that in a pure conscience we may present to Thee the mercy of peace, the sacrifice of praise.']
[168] [Neale, The Liturgies, 'Prayer of the Veil.' See note 166 above.]
[169] [Neale, Liturgy of St. James, p. 46. See note 166 above.]
[171] [Matt. 27:45-53. 'Now
from the sixth hour there was darkness over all the land unto the ninth hour.
And about the ninth hour Jesus cried with a loud voice, saying, Eli, Eli,
lama sabachthani? that is to say, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?
Some of them that stood there, when they heard that, said, This man calleth for
Elias.
And straightway one of them ran, and took a sponge, and filled it with vinegar,
and put it on a reed, and gave him to drink.
The rest said, Let be, let us see whether Elias will come to save him.
Jesus, when he had cried again with a loud voice, yielded up the ghost.
And, behold, the veil of the temple was rent in twain from the top to the
bottom; and the earth did quake, and the rocks rent;
And the graves were opened; and many bodies of the saints which slept arose,
And came out of the graves after his resurrection, and went into the holy city,
and appeared unto many.']
[172] [John 20:22. 'And when he had said this, he breathed on them, and saith unto them, Receive ye the Holy Ghost.']
[181] [Bendigo, i.e., William Thompson (18/10/1811-23/08/1880) was a boxer who used his fame to spread the good word after being forced to retire at an early age, yet was undefeated and never lost a single fight. Due to depression he soon turned to alcohol and became a drunken mess, usually to be seen staggering round the streets of his home town, Nottingham, then retiring to Beeston, dipping into one pub after another. Inspired by a congregation he attended in 1872, he too felt he could preach, despite being illiterate and having no real knowledge of the bible. It was the sheer force of his personality and the power of his voice that converted thousands. None of his sermons were ever printed and there are no known works bearing his name. I am unable to trace Massey's quote.]
[182] [Rit. ch. 130. Renouf's tr.]
[183] [Lefebure, 'Book of Hades,' RP, 10, 79. See p. 81.]
[194] [Budge, Papyrus of Nebseni, ch. 173.]
[195] [In the Ritual, but unable to trace.]
[197] [The Koran, ch.
96. 'READ, in the name of thy
LORD, who hath created all things; who hath created man of congealed blood.'
Ibid., note: 'All men being created of thick or concreted blood, except only Adam, Eve,
and Jesus.' Sale's tr.]
[198] [Unable to trace.]
[200] [Source.]
[201] [Heb. 9:22. 'And almost all things are by the law purged with blood; and without shedding of blood is no remission.']
[202] [Horapollo, Hieroglyphica, bk. 1. 10. 'To denote an only begotten, or generation, or a father, or the world, or a man, they delineate a SCARABÆUS. And they symbolise by this an only begotten, because the scarabæus is a creature self-produced, being unconceived by a female; for the propagation of it is unique after this manner:—when the male is desirous of procreating, he takes dung of an ox, and shapes it into a spherical form like the world; he then rolls it from the hinder parts from east to west, looking himself towards the east, that he may impart to it the figure of the world, (for that is borne from east to west, while the course of the stars is from west to east): then, having dug a hole, the scarabæus deposits this ball in the earth for the space of twenty-eight days, (for in so many days the moon passes through the twelve signs of the zodiac). By thus remaining under the moon, the race of scarabæi is endued with life; and upon the nine and twentieth day after having opened the ball, it casts it into water, for it is aware that upon that day the conjunction of the moon and sun takes place, as well as the generation of the world. From the ball thus opened in the water, the animals, that is the scarabæi, issue forth. The scarabæus also symbolizes generation, for the reason before mentioned—and a father, because the scarabæus is engendered by a father only—and the world, because in its generation it is fashioned in the form of the world—and a man, because there is no female race among them. Moreover there are three species of scarabæi, the first like a cat, and irradiated, which species they have consecrated to the sun from this similarity: for they say that the male cat changes the shape of the pupils of his eyes according to the course of the sun: for in the morning at the rising of the god, they are dilated, and in the middle of the day become round, and about sunset appear less brilliant: whence, also, the statue of the god in the city of the sun is of the form of a cat. Every scarabæus also has thirty toes, corresponding with the thirty days duration of the month, during which the rising sun [moon?] performs his course. The second species is the two horned and bull formed, which is consecrated to the moon; whence the children of the Egyptians say, that the bull in the heavens is the exaltation of this goddess. The third species is the one horned and Ibis formed, which they regard as consecrated to Hermes [Thoth], in like manner as the bird Ibis.' See also BB 1:6 for other refs to this chapter.]
[204] [Cranmer, Book of Common Prayer, p. 186 (of 1880
ed.). 'Question. HOW many Sacraments hath Christ ordained in his Church?
Answer. Two only, as generally necessary to salvation, that is to say, Baptism,
and the Supper of the Lord.']
[205] [Turin Papyrus.]
[208] [Mariette, Monuments Divers, pl. 63, f.]
[211] [John 5:2. 'Now there is at Jerusalem by the sheep market a pool, which is called in the Hebrew tongue Bethesda, having five porches.']
[213] [Turin Papyrus.]
[214] [John 5:3. 'In these lay a great multitude of impotent folk, of blind, halt, withered, waiting for the moving of the water.']
[215] ['On the Merits and Forgiveness of Sins, and on the
Baptism of Infants,' in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, vol. 5, first series.
Chapter 24.―Infants
Saved as Sinners.
And let no one suppose that infants ought to be brought to baptism, on
the ground that, as they are not sinners, so they are not righteous; how then do
some remind us that the Lord commends this tender age as meritorious; saying,
"Suffer the little children to come unto me, and forbid them not, for of such is
the kingdom of heaven?" For if this ["of such"] is not said because of likeness
in humility (since humility makes [us] children), but because of the laudable
life of children, then of course infants must be righteous persons; otherwise,
it could not be correctly said, "Of such is the kingdom of heaven," for heaven
can only belong to the righteous. But perhaps, after all, it is not a right
opinion of the meaning of the Lord's words, to make Him Commend the life of
infants when He says, "Of such is the kingdom of heaven;" inasmuch as that
may be, their true sense, which makes Christ adduce the tender age of infancy as
a likeness of humility. Even so, however, perhaps we must revert to the tenet
which I mentioned just now, that infants ought to be baptized, because, although
they are not sinners, they are yet not righteous. But when He had said: "I came
not to call the righteous," as if responding to this, Whom, then, didst Thou
come to call? immediately He goes on to say:" but sinners to repentance."
Therefore it follows, that, however righteous they may be, if also they are not
sinners, He came not to call them, who said of Himself: "I came not to call the
righteous, but sinners." They therefore seem, not vainly only, but even wickedly
to rush to the baptism of Him who does not invite them,-an opinion which God
forbid that we should entertain, He calls them, then, as a Physician who is not
needed for those that are whole, but for those that are sick; and who came not
to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance. Now, inasmuch as infants are
not held bound by any sins of their own actual life, it is the guilt of original
sin which is healed in them by the grace of Him who saves them by the laver of
regeneration.
Chapter 28.―Baptized Infants,
of the Faithful; Unbaptized, of the Lost.
Hence also that other statement: "The Father loveth the Son, and hath
given all things into His hand. He that believeth on the Son hath everlasting
life; while he that believeth not the Son shall not see life, but the wrath of
God abideth on him." Now in which of these classes must we place infants-amongst
those who believe on the Son, or amongst those who believe not the Son? In
neither, say some, because, as they are not yet able to believe, so must they
not be deemed unbelievers. This, however, the rule of the Church does not
indicate, for it joins baptized infants to the number of the faithful. Now if
they who are baptized are, by virtue of the excellence and administration of so
great a sacrament, nevertheless reckoned in the number of the faithful, although
by their own heart and mouth they do not literally perform what appertains to
the action of faith and confession; surely they who have lacked the sacrament
must be classed amongst those who do not believe on the Son, and therefore, if
they shall depart this life without this grace, they will have to encounter what
is written concerning such-they shall not have life, but the wrath of God
abideth on them. Whence could this result to those who clearly have no sins of
their own, if they are not held to be obnoxious to original sin?
Chapter 35.―Unless Infants
are Baptized, They Remain in Darkness.
"I am come," says Christ, "a light into the world, that whosoever
believeth on me should not abide in darkness." Now what does this passage show
us, but that every person is in darkness who does not believe on Him, and that
it is by believing on Him that he escapes from this permanent state of darkness?
What do we understand by the darkness but sin? And whatever else it may
embrace in its meaning, at any rate he who believes not in Christ will "abide in
darkness,"-which, of course, is a penal state, not, as the darkness of the
night, necessary for the refreshment of living beings. So that infants, unless
they pass into the number of believers through the sacrament which was divinely
instituted for this purpose, will undoubtedly remain in this darkness.']
[217] [Didron, Christian Iconography, fig. 50.]
[218] [Fragments can be found collected in M. R. James, The
Apocryphal New Testament, pp. 10-11. 'When Salome inquired when the things
concerning which she asked should be known, the Lord said: When ye trampled on
the garment of shame, and when the two become one, and the male with the female
is neither male nor female.' From Clement Alexandria, Stromata, 3, 9, 64.
'For the Lord himself being asked by someone when his kingdom shall come said:
When the two shall be one, and the outside (that which is without) as the inside
(that which is within) and the male with the female neither male nor female.'
From the Second Epistle of Clement.]
[219] [Gospel According to the Egyptians. See above note and fragments.]
[221] [I.e. The Gospel According to the Egyptians. See note 218 above.]
[224] [Goodwin, 'Hymn to Amen-Ra,' RP, 2, 127, line 12.]
[225] [Ibid., RP, 2, 127. See p. 129.]
[227] [Song 2, 'Heaven & Hell', from Divine Songs.]
[228] [Mark 9:43, 44. 'And if
thy hand offend thee, cut it off: it is better for thee to enter into life
maimed, than having two hands to go into hell, into the fire that never shall be
quenched:
Where their worm dieth not, and the fire is not quenched.']
[233] [Unable to trace.]
[239] [See Bibliography.]
[241] [Rit. ch.
19.
Rit. ch. 130, 6.]
[243] [Vignette to Rit. ch. 18.]
[244] [Manning, Notes on the Aborigines of New Holland.]
[245] [Gillen, 'Notes on some Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the McDonnell Ranges belonging to the Arunta Tribe,'—in Horn's Report on the Work of the Horn Scientific Expedition to Central Australia, pt. 4, p. 183. 'The sky is said to be inhabited by three persons—a gigantic man with an immense foot shaped like that of the emu, a woman, and a child who never develops beyond childhood. The man is called Ulthaana, meaning spirit. When a native dies, his spirit is said to ascend to the home of the great Ulthaana, where it remains for a short time; the Ulthaana then throws it into the Salt-water (sea) [these natives have no personal knowledge of the sea], from which it is rescued by two benevolent but lesser Ulthaana, who perpetually reside on the seashore, apparently merely for the purpose of rescuing spirits who have been subject to the inhospitable treatment of the great Ulthaana of the heavens (alkirra). Henceforth the rescued spirit of the dead man lives with the lesser Ulthaana.']
[246] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 525. 'In addition to providing him with a new set of internal organs the Iruntarinia is supposed to implant in his body a supply of magic Atnongara stones, which he is able to project into the body of a patient, and so to combat the evil influences at work within. So long as these stones remain in his body he is capable of performing the work of a medicine man, but sometimes they are for some reason withdrawn, in which event they are supposed to return to the Iruntarinia from whom they came, and with their departure the man feels at once that his powers have also departed. What causes the man to become convinced that the Atnongara stones have gone from him cannot be said; but every now and again an erstwhile medicine man is met with who tells you that they have gone away from him. There are certain foods from which the medicine man must abstain at risk of losing his powers. He may not for instance eat fat or warm meat, neither must he inhale the smoke from burning bones, nor go near to the nest of the large "bull-dog" ant (a species of Myrmecia), because if he were bitten by one of these he would lose his powers for ever. The loud barking of the camp dogs will sometimes also cause the Atnongara stones to take flight.']
[247] [Ibid., p. 638. 'Every individual is spoken of as
belonging to some particular sub-class and totem, but in addition to this he has
at least two individual names. The first of these is the personal name in
ordinary use which is more or less frequently used in speaking to or of the
individual. The second is the secret or sacred name. As already described in the
chapter dealing with the Churinga, every individual has a secret name associated
with his or her Churinga nanja. If the individual be regarded as the
reincarnation of an ancestor whose spirit part was associated with that Churinga,
then he bears the name of that individual; but it may happen that the name of
the ancestor of whom he is the reincarnation is not handed down in the
traditions, in which case the head man of the local group to which he belongs
decides upon the secret name which is given to the individual. In any case this
secret name which is given to men and women alike is associated with the
Churinga, is spoken of as the Churinga name, and is only known to the fully
initiated men of the local group. To take an example, every member of the Alice
Springs witchetty grub group has a secret Churinga name which is only known to
the fully initiated men of that local group and is never uttered except during
the solemn ceremonies when the Churinga are examined as described in connection
with the Engwura.
When speaking to or of a living individual, one of three methods is adopted.
First, the term of relationship (Okilia, Mia, etc.), may be used; second,
the ordinary personal name may be used; or third, if the person addressed be one
who has acted in an official capacity during the initiation of the man who is
speaking to him, then the term applied to
him in connection with this ceremony may be used (for example, Atwia-atwia
if he performed the ceremony). This latter term may be spoken of as strictly a
term of address.
Further still, an individual often has what may be called a "nick name," arising
from some strongly-marked feature in his figure, or from his fancied resemblance
to some animal or plant.
In addition to these names a man has the following, which may be called "status
terms," applied to him, indicating the stage of initiation which he has reached;
(1) up to the time at which he is thrown up in the air he is called
Ambaquerka; (2) up to the time at which he is taken to the circumcision
ground he is called Ulpmerka; (3) during the few days which elapse
between his being painted on the circumcision ground and the actual performance
of the ceremony, he is called Wurtja; (4) during the few weeks between
the operations of circumcision and sub-incision he is called Arakurta;
(5) after circumcision and until he has passed through the Engwura he is called
Ertwa-kurka; (6) during the few weeks in connection with the close of the
Engwura ceremony, when he is sent out into the bush to secure food for the old
men and when he may not paint his body he is called Ilpongwurra; (7)
after passing through the Engwurra he is called Urliara.
Amongst the women there are only three status terms: (1) up to the time of the
first menstruation period she is called Ambaquerka; (2) after this and
until she is fully grown and her breasts hang pendent she is called Wunpa;
(3) after that she is called Arakutja.
Every man has thus: (1) his sub-class name, (2) his totem name, (3) his personal
name, (4) his secret or Churinga name, (5) probably a nick-name, (6) his status
term, and (7) he may have, if he has acted as an official during an initiation
ceremony, a special term applied to him by the man who was initiated at that
ceremony.']
[248] [Rit. ch.
23.
Spencer and Gillen,
Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 382-86.
'A Panunga man of the lizard totem brought in a wallaby as ertwa-kirra
to his ab-moara, who was a Purula man of the emu totem. It need hardly be
said that the food brought in belongs neither to the totem of the giver nor to
that of the recipient. The latter in this instance prepared a ceremony of the
wild cat totem in a secluded spot amongst the ranges away from the Engwura
ground. A remarkable feature in connection with this and other of these special
ceremonies concerned with the offering of food was the sprinkling of the older
men with blood drawn from the arms of the younger men, not necessarily from the
younger man who was making the offering. Early in the morning of the day on
which the ceremony was performed, one of the young men had opened a vein in his
arm and had allowed the blood to flow out in a thin stream over the bodies of
four of the older men who were present, including the ab-moara man to
whom the food was being given. Some of the blood had been allowed to flow into
their open mouths, the idea being to strengthen the older men at the expense of
the younger ones, and it had trickled down and over their bodies in thin streams
and had dried up. The ceremony itself was of the usual description, and was
accompanied by the dancing round of the young men who came running into the
narrow defile in which it was held, and where the decorated men were waiting for
them. When it was over, the men all grouped themselves close together and began
singing, while the elder ab-moara man took a bunch of feathers which had
been used as part of the decoration and touched with it the mouths of all those
present. By means of this action, which is called Aralkalilima, the ban
of silence was broken. Sometimes, as in this case, a part of the decoration of
some individual was used; at others, when one had been used in the ceremony, a
Nurtunja was brushed against the mouths of the men present, and in many,
but not all cases, not only the mouth of
the man who was being released from the ban was touched, but also that of all
the men who happened to be present. When this part was over, the man who was
receiving the food sat down together with the older men, and then the young man,
or perhaps two or three together who were making the presentation, went back to
the spot at which the food had been deposited, and, bringing it in, placed it
before the ab-moara man and then sat down close in front of him. After
singing for a minute or two the old man took up the food, and holding it, or a
fragment of it, in his hands, placed it against the mouth of the young man or
men. In this way, after the lapse of some time, the ceremonies of the Engwura
were brought to a close.
In another of these ceremonies of Aralkalilima, a wild cat Quabara,
belonging to a place called Atnyraungwuramunia, was performed by two men, one an
Apungerta of the witchetty grub totem, and the other his son, a Panunga of the
Irriakura totem, the object being to release from the ban of silence two Purula
men, who were ab-moara to the first-named man. For use in the ceremony a
Nurtunja was made, and during the making only the nakrakia of the
performers were present. The ceremony itself, with the performers squatting at
the base of the Nurtunja, was much as usual, the crowd who took part in
the running round comprising all classes. One of the ab-moara men carried
his ertwa-kirra offering in his hands as he ran round, the other left his
some distance away. The performance came to an end by the ab-moara men
suddenly squatting down behind the performers. All then stood up, and one of the
Purula men offered his ertwa-kirra, having done which he and all the
other Purula and Kumara men moved to one side, forming a group with the two
ab-moara men in the centre. The old man now lifted out the Nurtunja,
and all the men belonging to his moiety of the tribe stood in two lines with the
Nurtunja held horizontally between them, every man supporting it with his
hands and lifting it slowly up and down while they sang, and at the same time
gradually approached the other group of men. The front rank of the latter now
opened out, leaving the two ab-moara Purula men in front of the
Nurtunja. Still singing, and with an occasional "wah! wah!" the faces
of the two men, but of none of the others, were stroked with the Nurtunja,
after which the latter was again replaced in the ground, and for some minutes
they continued to sing of the Nurtunja and Kauaua of the
Alcheringa. This ceremony is one of those which for some reason has special
associations with one moiety of the tribe, and during its performance the
separation of the two moieties was most strongly marked.
The following ceremony is of interest in one or two respects. It was performed
on the occasion of an offering of ertwa-kirra made by two men, one a
Panunga and the other an Uknaria, who were ab-moara to a Kumara man, and
comprised two separate performances. The
first of these was concerned with the Unchipera or small bat totem, and the
performer personated a man carrying about the body of a dead man which he
intended to eat, and which was represented by a semi-circular structure made of
grass stalks bound round with fur-string, which is called Atnuta, and is
supposed to be emblematic of the limp body. The second part of the ceremony was
concerned with the Elkintera or white bat totem, and one of the two performers
also carried one of these Atnuta objects, representing a dead man, on his
head. When the two performances were over, the three performers, one of whom was
the Kumara man to whom the offering was being made, stood up, and the ceremony
of Aralkalilima was performed, the Atnuta being used to stroke the
mouth of the ab-moara men. This over, the performers
sat round the ertwa-kirra, but the difficulty arose that the man
to whom the offering was being made was Gammona of one of the ab-moara
men, and for a Gammona to receive food from his Ikuntera (in this
case a tribal father-in-law) is contrary to custom. To obviate this difficulty
the Gammona man turned his back on the food while his Ikuntera
came up, tore a small piece of meat off, and with it rubbed the Gammona's
mouth, and then thrust it into the latter, thus for the time being removing the
tabu.']
[249] [Ibid., p. 473. 'For example, in the Quabarra Ingwurninga inkinja, two men had their bodies decorated with circles of white down which were supposed to represent the skulls of slain and eaten men. The performers themselves represented the Ulthana or spirits of the dead men wandering about in search of those who had killed and eaten them. In another ceremony two Achilpa men were engaged in cooking the body of a third; in another, concerned with the white bat totem, one of the performers carried on his head an object representing a limp, dead body; and in the traditions dealing with the wanderings of the wild dogs, the men are continually referred to as killing and eating other wild dog men and women.']
[250] [Ibid., pp. 212-13. 'Every Australian native, so far as
is known, has in the normal condition of the tribe to pass through certain
ceremonies of initiation before he is admitted to the secrets of the tribe, and
is regarded as a fully developed member of it. These ceremonies vary both in
their nature and number to a very large extent in different tribes. Those of the
eastern and south-eastern coastal districts are entirely different from those of
the central tribes, amongst whom they are more elaborate and spread over a long
series of years, the first taking place at about the age of ten or
twelve, whilst the final and most impressive one is not passed through
until probably the native has reached the age of at least twenty-five, or it may
be thirty. In the Arunta and Ilpirra tribes the ceremonies are four in number:—
(1) Painting and throwing the boy up in the air.
(2) Circumcision or Lartna.
(3) Subincision or Ariltha.
(4) The Engwura or fire ceremony.
The times at which these take place and the details of the ceremonies vary to a
certain extent in various parts of the tribes, which, it must be remembered,
occupy an area of country stretching from Charlotte Waters in the south to at
least 100 miles north of Alice Springs, that is over an area measuring 300 miles
north and south by at least 100 miles east and west, and comprising in the south
a wide extent of upland, stony plains and sand hills, and in the north a
succession of ranges running east and west, and reaching an elevation of 5,000
feet.
One of the most noticeable features of the ceremonies, from a negative point of
view, is the absence of the knocking out of teeth as a general custom associated
with the initiatory rites. Amongst many tribes of the eastern coastal district
this forms a prominent feature, but amongst the Central Australian natives,
whilst it may be performed, it has nothing to do with initiation, and is, in
fact, practised by men as well as women, the rite having no sacred significance
of any kind; and yet, as we shall see later, there is not only evidence which
shows that it has once been a ceremony of greater importance than it is at the
present day, but also that there are certain details which are curiously similar
to those concerned with the ceremony in parts where it forms the most important
initiation rite.']
[253] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 552. 'Amongst other forms of magic the following may also be noticed. Just as the stones marking the spot where the thin animals or men died are associated with magic, so we find the same to hold good in the case of other trees and stones which are associated with special individuals of the Alcheringa. Near to Charlotte Waters, for example, is a tree which sprung up to mark the spot where a blind man died. This tree is called the Apera okilchya, that is the blind tree, and the spot where it stands the Mira okilchya, or blind camp. Should this be cut down it is supposed that the men of the locality in which it grows will become blind: or if any one wishes to produce blindness in an enemy, all that he has to do is to go alone to the tree, and while rubbing it mutter his desire and an exhortation to the Arungquiltha to go forth and afflict his enemy. Along by the side of the Hugh River in the Macdonnell Ranges close to Mount Conway is a stone which marks where a blind man of the wild duck totem died; and here again the same ceremony may be performed. Close also to Temple Bar, a gap in the ranges, is another similar stone.']
[254] [Ibid., pp. 390-91. 'In the case of a group of plum tree
men who lived at a spot called Quiurnpa,
which is associated with many traditions and in the case also of certain of the
Unguitchika (grass seed totem) men, the Ungambikula first of all made
them into human beings but did not circumcise them, so that they were what the
natives call Ulpmerka,—the term applied to boys before this rite has been
performed upon them. The Ungambikula, so the tradition goes on to say,
intended to return and complete the work, but they were annoyed by the behaviour
of certain Oruncha, that is "devil-devil" men, who lived at a place
called Atnuraquina, which is near to a gap in the Macdonnell Range now called
Temple Bar. These evil beings killed and ate a lot of lizard men and women whom
they had made out of Inapertwa, so they did not return, and therefore the
plum tree people of Quiurnpa, and one or two other groups of men and women,
remained in the state of Ulpmerka or uninitiated. The same Oruncha
ate a number of Alexandra parakeet, grass seed and small rat people. Of the
lizard men only two survived the slaughter. They were brothers (how they came to
be so the tradition does not say) and the younger of the two, together with his
wife, was away down south when the slaughter took place. Upon his return he at
once saw the tracks of the Oruncha, and being frightened he placed his
wife, who was also a lizard, in the centre of his Ilpilla, which is the
large bundle of eagle-hawk feathers worn in the hair-girdle in the middle of the
back, and thus concealed her from view. Then he searched for his Okilia
or elder brother, and at length found his head, to which he spoke, with the
result that the man at once came to life and said, "the Oruncha killed us
but they threw away my head; they will come again, take care of yourself."
Then he pointed to the track which they had made, and the two men, arming
themselves with strong Urumpira, that is spears of heavy wood such as
mulga, all made in one piece and only used for fighting at close quarters, went
to opposite sides of a narrow gorge which is now known as the Simpson Gap, and
is at the present day an important local centre of the lizard totem. The natives
point out special stones which mark the spot where the two men stood.
When the Oruncha made their appearance, the two brothers rushed down upon
them, and with their good Urumpira killed them all. They fell in a great
heap just at the entrance to the gorge, and to the present day a great pile of
jagged boulders marks the exact spot. After having thus destroyed their enemies,
the elder of the two brothers stayed at the gorge, and there finally died,
though his spirit remained in the Churinga, which he, like every other
Alcheringa individual, carried about with him; the younger brother travelled
away to a place a long way to the south called Arumpira not far from Erldunda,
where he died, and so, by leaving his spirit behind in his Churinga, together
with those associated with other Churinga which he carried, formed there a local
Echunpa or lizard totem centre.']
[255] [Ibid., p. 282. 'Two days after it had begun the old leader of the Engwura went down to the ground which had been chosen—the corrobborees mentioned taking place at a separate spot visited by men and women alike—and digging up the loose, sandy soil he made a low mound called the Parra, measuring about thirty feet in length, two feet in width and one foot in height. It was ornamented with a row of small gum tree boughs, which were fixed one after the other along the length of the mound, and is said to represent a tract of country, but, despite long inquiry, we have not been able to find out what is the exact meaning of the word Parra. All that the men could tell us was that it had always been made so during the Engwura—their fathers had made it and therefore they did—and that it was always made to run north and south, because in the Alcheringa the wild cat people marched in that direction. On the level flat to the western side of this Parra the sacred ceremonies forthwith began to be performed.']
[256] [Howitt, 'Some Australian Ceremonies of the Initiation,' JAI, 13.]
[257] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 271. 'The Engwura, or, as it is called in some parts of the tribe, Urumpilla, is in reality a long series of ceremonies concerned with the totems, and terminating in what may be best described as ordeals by fire, which form the last of the initiatory ceremonies. After the native has passed through these he becomes what is called Urliara, that is, a perfectly developed member of the tribe. We cannot fully translate the meaning of either term, but each of them is formed, in part, of the word ura, which means fire. The natives themselves say that the ceremony has the effect of strengthening all who pass through it. It imparts courage and wisdom, makes the men more kindly natured and less apt to quarrel; in short, it makes them ertwa murra oknirra, words which respectively mean "man, good, great or very," the word good being, of course, used with the meaning attached to it by the native. Evidently the main objects of it are, firstly, to bring the young men under the control of the old men, whose commands they have to obey implicitly; secondly, to teach them habits of self-restraint and hardihood; and thirdly, to show to the younger men who have arrived at mature age, the sacred secrets of the tribe which are concerned with the Churinga and the totems with which they are associated.']
[259] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia,
p. 259. 'This
ceremony is called anainthalilima, and after it is over the
Ertwa-kurka is free to go into the presence of the various officials who
have taken part in any of the ceremonies, though he must not speak to or of them
until some months have past, nor must he speak loudly in their presence.
At daylight on the morning of the next day the men provide themselves with
fire-sticks and, surrounding the young man, conduct him to the women, who are
again waiting to receive him. He is fully decorated and carries a shield and
boomerang and some twigs of Eremophila. When the party is within a short
distance of the women the men throw down their fire-sticks and halt, and the
young man steps out from the centre of the group and throws his boomerang high
up in the direction of the spot at which his mother was supposed to have lived
in the Alcheringa. This throwing of the boomerang in the direction of the
mother's Alcheringa camp, that is, of course, the spot at which the Alcheringa
individual of whom his mother is supposed to be the reincarnation, lived, occurs
during the performance of other ceremonies, such, for example, as those which
accompany the knocking out of teeth in eastern groups of the Arunta and also in
the Ilpirra tribe. It may in all likelihood be regarded as intended to symbolize
the idea that the young man is entering upon manhood and thus is passing out of
the control of the women and into the ranks of the men. The fact that he is
using the boomerang is indicative of this, and his throwing it towards his
mother's camp is an intimation to her of the fact that he is passing away from
her control; at the same time there remains the curious feature, the exact
significance of which it is difficult to see, that it is thrown towards the
Alcheringa camp rather than towards the mother herself.
After the throwing of the boomerang, the Ertwa-kurka is led forward by
the Irkoa-artha man, holding, as before, his shield before his face, and
is placed squatting on a fire which has been prepared by the women, and which is
now covered by green leaves. Behind this the women stand making the movement of
invitation already described and shouting "tirra, tirra, tirra." The
women place their hands on his shoulders and gently press him down. After
remaining on the fire for a short time he
is taken off by the Irkoa-artha and handed over to a few young boys who
have not yet been initiated, and who are told to camp with him but on no account
to speak to him. After three days, during which he speaks to no one, men who are
his Okilia come out from the men's camp and invite him to join them,
after which he becomes a permanent member of the camp. Before, however, he may
speak to any of the officials who took any part in the various ceremonies he
must go out into the bush and procure game as an offering to each one of them,
this gift being known as Chaurilia.']
[260] [Ibid., p. 374. 'After dark a dozen or more fires were lighted around the base of the Kauaua, and around these the men were grouped, each ab-moara amongst the elder men taking charge of and decorating his protégés. That night no one in either the men's or the women's camp went to sleep. On the opposite side of the river to the Engwura ground, the light of the women's camp fires could be seen flickering amongst the trees. All night long also the old men kept shouting across to the women, who answered back again, and the scene was one of great excitement. An old man would shout out, "What are you doing?" and the women would answer, "We are making a fire." "What are you going to do with the fire?" to which the reply would come, "We are going to burn the men." Then the old men would dare the women to come across into the Engwura camp; one ancient Panunga man was especially active in calling to his Mura woman, to whom under ordinary circumstances it would not be permissible for him to speak in this way, calling her by name and saying, "Urliwatchera, are you there?" and she would answer, "Yes, I am here; what is it?" and then he would call out to her to come across. The men would ask the women derisively if they were going to send the Kurdaitcha after them, and, indeed, this kind of badinage was kept up at intervals all night long. In the women's camp all were gathered together at one spot, and here, side by side, the Panunga and Bulthara women on the one hand, and the Purula and Kumara on the other, dug out, each of them, a shallow pit about two yards in diameter, and in each of these, towards daybreak, they made a fire.']
[263] [Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia,
p. 630. 'Unlike the Nurtunja and
Waninga, of both of which there are various forms, there is only one form of
Kauaua, and this is common to all the totems.
The exact significance of this can only be a matter of conjecture,
for the natives have not, so far as we can find out, any idea with regard
to its origin or meaning. The decoration evidently points to the fact that it
has some relation to a human being, and possibly we may have in the Kauaua
the expression of the idea of the association of a spirit individual with a
tree. We find, it must be remembered, amongst the Arunta tribe that trees are
intimately associated with particular celebrated individuals of the Alcheringa
whose spirits especially frequent those which are their Nanja trees, and,
whilst there is no such thing as any offering being made to the tree or to its
spirit inhabitant, we may perhaps regard ceremonies in which trees are
represented, such as the celebrated ones at Imanda which are associated with men
of the frog totem, as an early form of tree worship.
The Kauaua is certainly suggestive of an early stage of development
corresponding to the stakes or stone columns the upper parts of which are carved
into the semblance of the human head, and which, in a stage of culture very
considerably in advance of that reached by the Arunta people, are associated
with rites paid to special individuals of whom each is regarded as the
representative.
In some way which is not very clear to the mind of the native the Kauaua
is regarded as a something common to the members of all the totems, and in
connection with this it may be remembered that it was while sitting round the
base of the Kauaua, that the young men were painted with the various
totemic designs. Possibly it is to be regarded as emblematic of some great
ancestor of the tribe who was associated with the origin of the various totems,
so that it is an object, and most naturally the most sacred one which they
possess, which is common to all the totems.']