A BOOK OF THE BEGINNINGS
AFRICAN ORIGINS OF THE MAORI
This vocabulary appears to reverse the dictum of those philologists who continually assert that phonetic decay, and the consequent obliteration of the origins of language, is especially active amongst the primitive races who are now in the lowest stages of culture or of survival. These words were taken down by Europeans who knew nothing of Egyptian, from the natives, who were in possession of no written characters, and who had no knowledge of their language having been written. For unknown ages past the words have lived in memory alone, or rather they have remained like mummies, so carefully preserved that the likeness to life is as recognizable as ever.
So far from the principle of laziness or least effort having got the better of the Maori in their ethnical decadence, they have sedulously sounded to the last the most difficult phonetics, such as the 'ng,' and still possess one-third more words beginning with the 'k' sound in addition to ng than with the h. The following list shows how the k sound has been continued in words, found in Egyptian in the modified form.
|kaewa, wandering.||huha, to wander.|
|kaihe, an ass.||aai, an ass.|
|kanohi, eye.||an, eye.|
|kanga, curse.||ankh, oath.|
|kapa-kapa, wing.||ap, wing; ap-ap, to mount on the wing.|
|kara, secret plan, conspiracy.||herui, evil-doers.|
|kapura, fire.||apr, fire.|
|karu, eye.||aru, eye.|
|karepe, grape.||arp, grape.|
|karure, twist, spin round.||rer, go round, whirl.|
|kauruki, smoke.||rukai, furnace, brazier.|
|keri, rush along fast.||her, go along fast.|
|kuri or kirehe, dog.||uhar, dog.|
|koia, dried up.||aka, to dry up.|
|kona, womb.||hun(t), matrix.|
|konae, turning in a path; kani, backwards & forwards.||hana, turn back, return.|
|kopi, shut, closed.||hep, shut, secret, hide.|
|kune, plump, filled out to roundness.||hun, youth.|
|karu, eye.||ar, eye.|
In Egypt language continued to grow, although very slowly, and assumed new forms as the young live shoots sloughed off the old dead leaves. The anchorage of conservatism is in clinging to the ground wherein it does not grow. Growth implies change; the quicker growth the greater change. The mummy will preserve its likeness [p.536] whilst the living race to which it once belonged outgrows the primitive form and features still retained by the death-arrested type. The savage is the genuine conservative. We are apt to look on the Chinese as a very conservative and stereotyped people, as they are in the continuity of their customs, and yet language has been so worn down by them that words are often like coins with the features effaced. An accented vowel is at times all that remains of two or three consonants, and the explorer is constantly confronted with abysses of abrading. Language is tenfold less worn down in Maori.
Duplicating the word was the earliest mode of pluralizing it and extending the sense by adding a second, third, or fourth to the first. The principle is especially illustrated in the interjectional domain of words, and the most primitive languages are those which retain most reduplication. Sir John Lubbock has tabulated the result of a comparative calculation made by him, which shows that whereas in four European languages 'we get about two reduplications in 1000 words, in the savage ones the number varies from 38 to 170, being from twenty to eighty times as many in proportion.'
Brumer Island ................
This principle of reduplication can be illustrated from the hieroglyphics in which 'ua-ua' means the one or the other; 'u-u-u,' stands for no. 3; 'uha-uha,' denotes intense desire; (uha) 'uaua,' to revolve a matter in the mind, as we say 'over and over again'; 'khi-khi,' to beat or rule (khi); 'hae-hab,' to prowl round and round; 'ken-ken'; and 'kes-kes,' to dance; 'ker-ker,' to claw; 'khet-khet,' to attack and overthrow; 'am-am,' devourers; 'ab-ab,' to oppose (ab). 'Ap-ap,' to mount, rise up (ap) or up-up; 'ben-ben' and 'ber-ber,' for the roof and summit, the topmost height; 'han-han,' to return; 'her-her,' to snore; 'mas-mas,' to dip, dye, anoint; 'men-men,' to perambulate; 'mer-mer,' a friend; 'nu-nu,' the likeness, the little one; 'pa-pa,' to produce; 'peh-peh,' glory; 'rem-rem,' fish; 'ru-ru,' companions, steps; 'seb-seb,' encase; 'sem-sem,' regenesis; 'teb-teb,' to tread; 'sheb-sheb,' slices of flesh or food 'shen-shen;' to fraternize, ally, form a brotherhood, or companionship; 'shu-shu,' plumes. These words show that in Egyptian the duplicated word was equal to the terminal ti, value two, and therefore a plural ending. Thus, peh-peh is the equivalent of pehti, the glory or force in a double form. Ruru is equal to ruti; seb-seb to sebti. Sem-sem describes a second phase; nu-nu, the child, a second or duplicated form, and two plumes will read shu-shu, or shuti, whilst in 'u-u-u,' for number three, the repetition serves the purpose of reckoning. This method of duplicating preceded any other kind of plural by means of the prefix or terminal, and belongs to the stage of language before ideographic signs had been reduced to phonetic values, when the two hands were expressed by kep-kep instead of kepti; a Lower Egypt in Nubia, by kep-kep, instead of khebt.
Numbering or reckoning is a mode of repeating by reduplication, and this in Egyptian is designated kha-kha. The throat, a chief organ of utterance in the guttural stage, is the khe-khe. To cackle as the goose or the fool and idiot, is to 'kaka,' and the deposit of kaka is kâl, to cry, call, or say. This seems to follow the duplicative mode of pluralizing into the region of the clickers and cacklers; the quaqua, as the clicking Hottentots name themselves. The Namaquas are a tribe of these quaqua, and the qua in their name is presumably a reduced form of quaqua, as nam in their language means to talk, and nams is a tongue. Nam-quaqua, whence namaqua, would thus denote the talkers with clicks, or those of the kaka language, the cacklers.
The table proves that the negroid language of Brumer Island retains the highest number of duplicated words, and next to it comes the Maori of New Zealand with its 169 in the thousand, and the following list of Maori words will show how the duplication of the syllable pluralizes and intensifies:—
|apo, gather together, grasp.||apoapo, roll together, entangle.|
|apu, company of labourers.||apuapu, crammed, stuffed.|
|aru, follow, pursue.||aruaru, chase.|
|awhio, go round about, wind.||awhiowhio, whirlwind, or whirlpool.|
|hae, slit, lacerate.||haehae, cut repeatedly.|
|hari, song.||harihari, song to make people pull together.|
|hoki, return.||hokihoki, return frequently.|
|hopu, catch.||hopuhopu, catch frequently.|
|huri, turn round.||hurihuri, turn over and over in one's mind, ponder.|
|kapu, the hollow of the hand.||kapukapu, the sole of the foot.|
|kare, a ripple.||karekare, the surf.|
|kimo, wink.||kimokimo, wink frequently.|
|motu, severed.||motumotu, divided into isolated portions.|
|paki, slap, pat.||pakipaki, slap or pat frequently.|
|tohe, persist.||tohetohe, be very pertinacious.|
In this aspect the language of the Maori is next to the negroid type, and both belong to the oldest formation of spoken language. Egyptian had, to a great extent, passed out of this primitive phase, but the hieroglyphics remain, and these in their ideographic stage show us the pictures of duplication, inasmuch as the phonetic b was an ideographic bubu (or bub), f was faf; h was huh; i was ii or iu; k was kaka; m was mumu or mim; n was nunu; p was pep; r was rer; s was sus, and t was tat. These are the visible representatives of the duplication in sounds.
In tracing the African origins at the antipodes, the Maori language and Mangaian mythology will furnish the chief evidence, but no contribution from kindred sources will be rejected.
Tina or dina is a type-word for the root in the Australian dialects. Tena (Eg.) means to divide in two halves, and become separate, which supplies a principle for naming the legs or feet. At this primitive stage we find a few Australian words not recovered in Maori. In another dialect, the Terrutong, which counts two and reckons number three as two-one, the word for one is roka, and two is orialek, the rest are added to these. Also in Raffles' Bay, one is loca; two is orica, and in Egyptian lekh (or rekh) means to count, account, to reckon. Rekh interchanges with ark, which is determined by the noose or knot for one period. So rekh in Maori is to knot the hair; that is the Egyptian ark, and rie-reke is two knots; this answers to orialek, the second. Thus rekh, to count, is the sum and substance of all their reckoning.
We are often told of tribes that can only reckon two; which is an error. No tribe who ever reckoned on the hands could avoid counting up to ten. It is the base, the two hands, that has been mistaken for the limits. All digital counting implies the two, five and ten, and the two hands necessarily include the ten. For instance, kap is the hand in Egyptian and other languages, that is one and five, and it is used for both. Kap in the Jhongworong (Aust.) dialect is no. 1. Kabti or kepti (Eg.) denotes the two hands, and number two in Kamilaroi is kâdien. In the same language the emphasis and urgency of imperative command is measured by the prolongation of the affix wa. The [p.539] Maori ua-ua means to be strenuous and pertinacious. Uah (Eg.) signifies augment, increase, very much. Ua (Eg.) means go along, a long, long, long way. Kherp (Eg.) is the first, chief, principal, consecrated, his majesty, the type of the one. The kherp was the first figure modelled by Ptah. In the Boraiper dialect the name of the number one is keiarpe.
Horus, the 'kherp,' was the pubescent sheru, the adult and hairy god, and in Western Australian kelap denotes the first appearance of pubes. Kherp (Eg.) also signifies first fruits—which were offered in one shape or other, including the hair at the time of puberty—and the word also reads to produce linen. Kung-gur (West. Austr.) is the name for a young woman who has arrived at puberty. This corresponds to a proto-Chaldean title of Ishtar in the character of gingur. In Egyptian khen-kar would denote the period of puberty. The kwonnat (West. Austr.) is a kind of acacia tree. This tree in Egypt was a form of the tree of life. Here the kwonnat, as a sacred tree, answers by name to the kunt (Eg.), a fig-tree.
Muta-muta (Tas.) is the bird. In hieroglyphics the mut is the bird that symbolizes the mother. Magra (Tas.) is a name of day. In Egyptian mak is rule, and ra is day, or the sun. The makhu is the horizon, and the sun on the horizon is Makhu-Ra. Gibor in Wiradurei is man (vir). Khepra (Eg.) is the generator. In Western Australian the tadpole is named a gobul. This is a form of Khepra, who was the frog-headed transformer in relation to water, and beetle-headed in relation to the earth.
In the hieroglyphics the moon and moon-god are represented by the ibis or habu. In North Tasmania the moon is called webba; in the South it is weipa. Hapa (Mao.) means crooked and curved, and the curved bill of the habu made it an image of the lunation or curving moon. In the same dialects the nurse is called meena-meru. Mena is the Egyptian wet-nurse; meru means to love, attach, kiss. Tet (Eg.) is the mouth, speech, or tongue, and in Port Philip the tongue is named tatein. Tatann was a divine title of the god Ptah as the father of beginnings, and in the West Tasmanian vocabulary the name for father is ta-tana. Tut (Eg.) denotes the engenderer, the male emblem. Tata in Maori is the stem or stalk, and na means begotten by. Kumi is the Maori name for no. 10, as a measure of ten fathoms, and khemt is a form of no. 10 in Egyptian. To be khemt likewise denotes the man or god of thirty years, who was the pubescent and hairy Horus called Khem-Horus, the virile adult. The hair figured on the shabti or double, the image of the re-erected life, and on the statues found in Easter Island has been alluded to as typical of khem, which means the erectile power and potency that supplied the symbol of resurrection. Kemhu is applied to a certain form of hair, possibly to its being twisted to imitate the tongue Hu, as a [p.540] type of maturity. Be this as it may, the Maori kumi-kumi not only denotes the beard under the chin, but the duplicated kumi is the equivalent of khemti or khemt, as the plural form of khem which has the meaning of three—the Egyptian plural—and ten; hence thirty or khemt, the homme fait of thirty years. Kumi-kumi for the bearded chin and throat tells exactly the same tale. Meda (West. Austr.) is the mata (Eg), the phallus. Mando (West. Austr.) means pubescence. In Egypt men and mentu were two divinities who personified pubescence.
Regaa, Tasmanian, signifies the white man; reko (Maori) white; and in Egyptian rekh means to bleach, full, make white. The bibi (West. Austr.) is the female breast; English bubby. This is explained by bub (Eg.) the well of source, to be round and to well forth. Bat (Eg.) means to inspire. In one sense it is to cause a soul to be; ba being the soul or spirit. Ba also denotes a spiritual illumination, hence bâ-t to inspire will signify inspired, the t being a participle. The Fijian beth, Abyssinian bouda, Amazulu abatakati, Zend buiti, Toda buht, are all forms of the ba-t, the inspired or inspiring, and identical in this sense with the Hindu Buddha, the enlightened, illuminated, or inspired one, who as Sakya bears the name of the enlightened in the same sense from saakh (Eg.), illumination, understanding, an inspiring influence; saakh to influence, illuminate, inspire; sakr signifying perfect. The word sika is also used in Fiji to describe the signs of the god or spirit being in possession of the medium or priest; sika describes the appearance of the inspiring spirit. So in the Ojibwa language to yeesuku is to prophesy in an abnormal condition. With the aborigines of India the diviner, exorciser, and witch-finder is denominated a sokha.
Toro in Maori, means to consult by divination. This is the Egyptian teru to invoke, ask, interrogate, question, adore. The taro is a name of the Fijian diviner or magician identical with the Gaelic draoi or Druid as the magician. The Fijian word tara signifies to ask, and when the tara invokes, questions, or divines, he sits in a prescribed manner with his knee up and foot resting on his heel. The Egyptian diviner probably sat in the same position, as teru is also the name of the heel.
Mau, in Mangaian, means to spring up lightly. It is the name of the season in which the roots in the soil spring up into life, and answers to our spring and may. The Magellan clouds are named mau, as if from the rising-up of vapour, or curling up of smoke in the heavens. It is needless to remark how Egyptian! where all is so. Mau (Eg.) is light, brightness, beams. Ma, to grow, live; maau, the stalk, shoot; also ma is vapour, cloud, puff, or air—every form of light and lightness, spring and springing indicated by the Mangaian [p.541] mau; the light and vapoury lightness being both combined in Magellan's clouds.
The Maori, Samoans, and Tahitians call the south Tonga, and speak of going up to the south and down to the north as it was in Egypt. Hagi (Tongan) is upward, and hifo is down or downwards. Tonga the south answers to ten (Eg.), the elevated; ka, region; akha (Eg.) is the high, and hefa the low, to squat down. Amongst the ancient Hawaiian names of the south is Lisso. In Egyptian both res and su are designations of the south. Ressu, as a compound, is the raised up heaven of the south.
Takurua is the Maori name of Sirius, the Dog-star, which announced the arrival of the inundation. Taka means prepare, make ready. Urua denotes the arrival. In Polynesian uri is a plural of the dog, and uhar (Eg.) is the dog. Teka (Eg.) is to see, behold unseen. Thus takurua was the watchful announcer in New Zealand as in Egypt. It is natural that heat and light should have been named earlier than fire, and that fire when discovered would be named in the likeness of heat and light. Egyptian contains the chief type-names for heat, light, and the sun, found in all the groups of languages, and these originated apparently under the motherhood. For example, Kep, the name of the old goddess of the seven stars, supplies a word for heat, fermentation, and light, but with no certain relation to the element of actual fire. The first types were framed and names were formed under the feminine regime, and the earliest heat and ferment of kep related to the fire that vivifies, or the fire of life in womb-world. Hence the so-called goddess of fire, and the female mould of the type in kep, who was the secret abode, the womb of life. In a second stage or character Kep, the genetrix in Khepsh, is pluralized as Khefti, Khepti, or Khebti. Khepti modifies into Uati or Uti, a goddess whose name signifies heat as well as water. The root kef or kep (Eg.) meaning heat, and to heat or light, furnishes the following names of fire found in the various groups of languages:—
Quafi, in Chamori; goifi, in Guaham; caup, Annatom; couvou, Tocantins; chu, Pacaguara; kou, Apatsh; kapura, Maori; afr, Egyptian; avr, Hebrew; afor, Arago; furu, Biafada; ura, Erroob; for, Papuan; afi, Ticopia, Mallicollo, and Fakaofo; yaf, Tobi; afu, Malagasi; iaf, Satawal; eaf, Ulea, and the Micronesian Group; fai, Ahom, Khamti, Laos, and Siamese; fi, Japanese, and Luchu; kabungo, Aaiawong; apeh, Aino; hpihu, West Shan; hippu, Telugu; hiepp, Mallicollo; apuy, Tagala; api, Menadu, Buton, Mandhar, Bugis, Sasak, Bima, Sumbawa, Bali, Ende, and Mairassis; ai'ui, Bashi, Kayan, Korinchi, and Atshin; apeh, Solor; apie, Batta dialects; aroi, Silong, and Sumenap; apo, Macusi; ap, Guebe; opoav, Rejang; epee, Catawba; ebe, Takeli; aye, Yesso; awa, Mohave; phu, Shina.
Khepti modifies into khét and kat, and these are names of fire in Egyptian. Kheti or fire is the name of an enormous serpent with seven folds, the support of seven gods in the Hades. The name goes back to khepti which in the modified hepti is a name for no. 7, originating in the seven stars. Khét (from khept) and set are Egyptian names for fire itself, and this wears down to ut for fire and heat; also to jet and emit fire. In these succeeding forms of the name we have kuade, Bagnon; khott, Kot, and Arini; kut, Cahuillo; ketal, Araucanan; katti, Maipur; kathi, Baniwa; kuati, Sapiboconi; kading, Kasia; kidzhaik, Mille; heddoo, Begharmi; hot, Skwali; hatz, Hueco; hat, Assan; gadi, Punjabi, and Hindustani; gadla, Parnkalla; gaadla, Menero Downs; ukut, Ternati; wata, Waiyamera; wato, Maiongkong; wetta, Woyawai; watu, Carib, and Akkaway; wot, Yakut, and Tshuvash; utu, Furian; ut, Kirghiz, Baraba, Kazan, Nogay, Bashkir, and Meshtsheriak; ot, Turcoman, Tobolsk, Tshulim, Teleut, Kuznetsk, Koibal, Karagas, Yeneseian, Kumuk, and Karatshai; ud, Uzbek; od, Osmanli.
Everywhere the mother-mould is first. Kep, kaf, or af, signifies born of; the heat or fire of life. In the first phase the genetrix was designated Kartek, the spark-holder, in allusion to her circumpolar supremacy, and tek, the name for the star-spark, supplies the type-name for the star as togyt, in Fin; tjecht, Esthonian; techte, Olonets; tagti, Karelian; etak, Solor; takar, Miri; tekar, Abor; takar, Dofia; tookul, Natchez. Tek, the spark, teka, to sparkle, furnished the name for fire, which, when produced, was derived from the spark, as tuek, Motorian; tikiai, Saravecca tekeri, Daurai; tekieeht, Riccari; tegherre, Atoria and Wapisiana; togo, Savara, Mangasela, Yakutsk, Tshadpodzhir, and Nertshinsk; toggo, Yenisei; t'jih, Bushman. In the second stage Khept, Uati, or Ut, is still feminine, for the genetrix was of a dual form as representative of the Two Truths. Now, as here maintained, the first son of the ancient genetrix Typhon was Bar-Sut of the Dog-star, and he was the primordial god, or male divinity of fire. Hence the names Bar and Sut signify fire, the star being associated with the furnace-heat of the 'dog-days.' The earliest form of the great solar god of fire who can be traced by means of the monuments is Kebekh (later Sebek-Ra), the son of Keb or Kep, the typhonian Great Mother. Kebekh was the crocodile type of the sun, whose eyes denoted sunrise, and his tail the sunset, or darkness. Kebekh was the sun of the waters and the underworld; his name modifies into Sebek, Khep, Af and Kak, or Sebek-Ra, Khepr-Ra, Af- Ra, and the ancient god Kak, who was continued in the Tum-triad when that was formed. Kak signifies darkness, shade, night. The same word as the name of the boat, written kaka, shows a prior form in kf-kf, [p.543] a duplicate equivalent to the second Kaf, as in Kafti or Khebti, and so kak equates with kebekh, the son of, or the second form of Keb, corresponding to kep-kep and kheb-kheb, to descend, go down, fall down, or set; kebeih, ka-ka, or kak, being the sun below in the underworld. In this form of the sun below, a male solar god was created as the author of fire, and the fashioner by means of fire. Hence Khepra, the Egyptian Vulcan, and Hephaestus, the Greek god of fire, who was represented as the lame and limping divinity of divers mythologies; the crooked-legged Ptah; the Hottentot 'Wounded Knee;' and the Greek Vulcan. Kak means darkness; and, in another spelling, khekh is light. Thus, as will be shown in explaining the name of the star Kokab, Kôkab, or Kab-kab, the fundamental meaning is the light-in-shade, and in the solar phase, Kak was the god of darkness, who supplied the name for god as Chugh-Ra, the black sun, in Ge; cagu, Bushman; xaca, Laos; chikkoke, Loango, a black fetish god; kige, Susu; kachqua, Seneca; caogarik, Abipone; kaker, Port Philip; quaker, Nottoways; khogein, Lunctas; jach, Hebrew; jack, English; jauk, Arabic; jacusi, Japanese; ijak, Kodiak; jageach, Radack; jocahuna, Cuban; jaca, Singhalese, devil; eyak, Koniaga, evil spirit; wak, Galla; wakan, Sioux; achuche, Angami-Naga; aogue, Sereres; ukko, Finnic; okha, Otomi; jeko, Gonga; akh, Hebrew and Assyrian.
The name of Kak, the solar god of the underworld, supplies the following names for the sun: chaki, Paioconeca; kachqua, Seneca (sun and moon); kakaan, Kolush of Sitka; kaketlkh, Ugalents; kaqui-kebin, Andaqui; kaagh-kwa, Cayuga; garachqua, Onondago; chokonoi, Navaho: kijik, Ottawa, sun, and in Ojibwa, light; kaja, Begharmi; kuya, Koibal; gegger, Eboorr; shekkinak, Eskimo; iakai, Ticunas; sakh, Kutshin; siga, Figi; sacce, Moxos; aquicha, Huasteca; woka, Dizzela; yuko; Yakkumban; ahka, Masaya; oko, Pujuni and Sekumne; yah, Waraw; and lastly, we are indebted to Kak, the sun-god, for the following names of fire: chek, Uraon; kag, Nut; chaki, Paioconeca; khakar, Brahui; kichchu, Budugur; gagavas, Umiray; kako, Kaffa; ka'kk, Maya; k'hoh, Kulanapo; yuga, Intibuca; yachtah, Uchee cochto, Timbiras: koko, Legba; chichi, Antes; chechan, Machakali; waik, San Raphael; wikih, Tshokoyem; wike, Talatui; aquacake, Puelche; akkhi, Pali; aka, N'godsin and Dodi; ogia, Ashanti; ichi or chu, Pacaguara; eka, Koldagi; oko, Aro, Mbofia, Isiele, and Isoama; wa, Nubian; uga, Guajiquiro; ahku Masaya; okho, Khwakhlamayu: aghi, Kuswar; agi, Tharu; ago, Pakhya: ugg, Bhatui; age, Darahi; ag, Khurbat, Hindi, Ghagar, and Nawer; akh, Egyptian.
From these lists it may be seen that the Egyptian word, which [p.544] only indicates heat, the heat and ferment of life, as in the womb, and the mystery of fertilization, in the name of the genetrix Kep, furnishes the type-name for actual fire in the Micronesian group as quafi, Chamori; goifi, Guaham; eaf, Ulea, and iaf in Satawal. In the New Hebrides we find caup for fire in Annatom; hiepp and afi as names of fire in Mallicollo; yaf in Tobi; an, Fakaofo; an, Ticopia. Kapura is a name of fire in the Maori, and in this language alone do we recover the full form of the word afr (Eg.) and in רוא (Hebrew) as the name of fire and light. Af is worn down from kaf or kep, the feminine fire, heat or mystery of life, and preserves the same meaning in af, to be born of. The Maori has frequently retained the oldest forms.
In Tahiti, and other of the Polynesian Islands, Captain Cook found that it was customary for the natives to preserve the bread-fruit by fermenting it into a sour paste; this paste they called mahi. Now the Egyptian word mai was found difficult to fathom. Mariette argued that it had the meaning of bodily humours, including the seminal essence. But we recover a more inclusive and workable sense in the Polynesian mahi for fermentation or fermented; Maori mahi, to work; moi, to ferment. Mahi is the Egyptian mahi to fulfil, applied to the gestator and bread-maker. Mai (Eg.) is the fermenting source of life as the spirit of the male. This meaning of mahi, to ferment, or to be fermented and fulfilled, will help us to the sense of an unknown kind of Egyptian drink named karmahu. The hieroglyphic jar, kar, or karhu, is determined by a vase from which steam is issuing. In the Maori both korohu and korumahu are names applied to steam. The issuing steam implies some kind of craggan or vessel for the fire. Drink, produced by steam, will no doubt include distilled liquors, and as karr in Egyptian and Maori denotes a furnace; the karhu is the steaming jar; the kar-mahu the drink; and as mahu means to ferment and turn into spirit, it follows that the steaming signifies distilling, and karmahu is drink as a distilled liquor; drink fermented and fulfilled in the jar or craggan. Mahu (Mao.) also denotes being raised up by force, as in steaming or fermenting. Tane-Mahuta was the strong spirit that forced up the heaven.
The Mangaians, when expressing their belief that the deity is the essential support, denote it by the word ivi-mokotua, the backbone, or vertebral column. That is the same ideograph as the Egyptian usert-sceptre which is formed of the backbone, and is the sign of sustaining and protecting power. This emblem was typhonian at first, with the head of Anubis on the top; that is, it represented the genetrix Kep or Kef whose name denotes puissance, force, and power. She was the primordial Power personified, and [p.545] Sut-Anubis was her son. The continuing of the feminine type as a masculine one is shown in the Ritual, where the 'Spine of the Osiris' is said to be in 'the shape of that of Pasht.' It has been explained how the name of Kefa, Chavvah, or Iheva passes into that of Ihu and Iu, the dual-natured son; and precisely the same thing occurs in the Polynesian and Maori. The Eve, or Kefa, of Mangaia and New Zealand is found in Ivi, Iwi, or Wheua. The Maori has no v, or wheua would be wheva, the equivalent of khefa or הוהי, as the name of the genetrix, the backbone and sustaining power, the essential support which was figured at first as feminine and hinder-part. In Samoan and Tahitian the typical word for the divinity is Fatu, the name of the ancient genetrix as Fet or Aft. Fatu has a variant in Atu, and the moon, at fifteen days old, is called Atua in Maori. This relates the Atu or Fatu to the lunar goddess of the four quarters, and to the Goddess 15, a title of Ishtar. Atu, in Mangaian, is strictly the kernel, core, or heart of a thing; the hard, essential, and sustaining part. Very large kernels are called katu, which shows an earlier form of the name. Katu is the hard form of hatu (Eg.), for the heart and essence of all, akâtu (Eg.) is the foot, the sole; and the sole of the foot was reckoned an earlier foundation than the soul.
'My heart is my mother,' says the Osirian. 'My heart was my mother; my heart was my being on earth.' That is the hatti in Egyptian, and atu in Mangaian. The earliest form of the hat or kat (from Khept) is the womb-type of the producer. Wheva, Ivi, Iwi, pass into Io. Iho is the heart of a tree. Ioio (Mao.) means the doubly hard, and in Mangaian Io is a constant equivalent for the Atu or Katu, the core, kernel, pith, or heart, which expresses the same meaning as Ivi, or the bone. Bone, kernel, pith, and heart are entirely typical of the essential base and support of life. The Polynesian Eve could not be borrowed from the missionaries as the Eve formed out of Adam's bone, for she preceded the male. Ivi the widow is Ivi the genetrix, who existed before her son grew up to become her consort and to represent both sexes in one. This duality of the Io, or Iu, is also manifest in the Maori ihu, for the nose, which, in the hieroglyphics as the nose of the calf (¦), is the sign of the au (iu). The heart of the tree is iho, or uho, and uho is likewise a twin-type as the umbilical cord. The word iho, or io, says Gill, is a common name for God in Polynesia, and he observes, 'Most appropriately and beautifully do the natives of Mangaia transfer the name Io-ora to Jehovah.' He little thought how appropriately! He renders the 'Io-ora' by the 'living God.' 'Ora,' in Maori, means alive, safe escaped, recovered, well in health. The first who escaped in the passage of the waters, or the void, was the Ora or Horus, the saviour Ore means to bore a way through; the orea is a kind of eel, the [p.546] type of Tuna and Tum who passed through the waters and mud of the abyss. The Ora, Horus, Koru, Ar, El, or Elyon had the same origin in phenomena, and the type is as old as Sut, who was both the Har and Iu in one.
In catching these last words of the Mangaian mythology just as it was expiring the missionary was doing good work, but in preaching his gospel he was also re-imposing on the people their own ancient divinities in another shape; the Hebrew version of these being but a portion of the driftage on many shores of one original system of thought long gone to wreck. Where there is sufficient intelligence extant, as in India or China, the native mind recognizes the old matter, newly presented to it as a special divine revelation, and is able to gauge the limits of those who do not so recognize it, and who are profoundly ignorant of the origins. Consequently those who know are not to be converted to the creed of those who do not know.
A common name of God with the Mangaians is 'Tatua Manava,' rendered, by Gill a 'loin-belt', or 'girdle'. It means more than that. Tatua is the belt, and manava (Maori manawa) is the very heart and breath of life, as well as the belly or seat of life. It is, therefore, a girdle of the breath of life, or more literally a life-belt. The Mangaian and Maori tatua is the Egyptian tatu, a buckle-symbol of life, which the Egyptians enclosed with their mummies as a type of immortality. 'Osiris having set up the tat and prepared the tatu (buckle) proceeds wherever he likes.' The tat was the cross of Ptah; the buckle, a kind of ankh-loop, signifying life. This tatu therefore was the equivalent of the Mangaian girdle of life. The tatu was an image of the eternal (teta) in Egypt, and here we find that tatua is the name for the eternal. 'Eternity,' says Gill, 'is often expressed by the phrase "e rau te tautau,"' i.e., 200 ages, or 'e tautau ua atu,' i.e., time on, on, still on. The tautau for ages, time continual, for ever, is the Egyptian teta, eternal, or time for ever, figured by the circle, the tat of the four corners, and the tat-buckle.
The images of the gods and ancestors, as well as the spirits of the departed, are called tiki-tiki in Polynesia. They are looked upon as protectors of boundaries and crossings. The Egyptian tekh is a frontier, and teka means to cross. These are commonly called the ku without the t prefix, and the Egyptian akhu, khu, or khi, are spirits, manes, the spirits of the dead. The same word likewise denotes the edge, boundary, or horizon. The New Zealanders make little talismanic images of green jade, called tiki. Tiki was the creator. The word tek (Eg.) has the important meanings of to twist, to see unseen, with the eye for determinative to be hidden and escape notice, and yet to behold. This is possibly expressed by the tiki, which has the head bent down on one side and twisted as if to realize the meaning of tek; as [p.547] may be seen by images in the British Museum. Tek (Eg.) means to amputate, cut short; English dock, to cut off, and dockey, a little meal. The tiki is not only a dwarf, but is docked of two fingers of each hand, and thus images those who have been cut off with whom, in slang English, it is 'all dickey.' Dr. Krapf learned that the dwarf Africans, only four feet high, were called dokos, i.e., tekis, or short people. Under this name we have a type of Sut in the ass, designated a 'dickey.' Tiki was the god of the dead, and the first to make a passage through the underworld. He was the crosser, and tek (Eg.) means to cross. The Egyptian tekh is Taht, the lunar-god of the lower world, but not the earliest who made the passage. There is a god, Tekhem, in the Ritual. Tiki has several images, one is a post marking a taboo place; another is a figure on the gable of a house; another the lower part of the back, the sacrum; the os sacrum being a very early form of amulet or charm. The toki in Maori and Mangaian is the axe or adze. Eva-Toki is the axe-dirge. 'In this scenic dirge,' says Gill, 'the axes were used to cleave the earth which had swallowed up the dead. They were only mimic weapons made of iron-wood, as the use of stone axes would infallibly end in bloodshed.' The toke in Maori is an earth-worm, another earth-cleaver, and the word means gone away, out of sight.
The axe ideograph, the sign of Anup the opener—the first opener of the underworld, who was therefore the conductor of the Great Mother, of the sun, and lastly of the souls—is the symbol of divinity in the Mangaian mythology, as in the hieroglyphics. In the dirge of the 'Blackened Face' the mourner for his lost son exclaims, 'Fairy of the Axe! Cleave open the secret road to spirit-land, and compel Vatea to give up the dead.' 'Puff, Tiki, a puff such as only ghosts can.' That is, to crack and split, and the word used is rendered by the Latin pedite. The appeal is followed by a chorus of pretended explosions. Irreverent as this seems, it goes far to identify Tiki with the Hottentot Utixo, who they say is the concealed god that sits in heaven and thunders. Tiki who thunders will be a god of lightning, and his axe (toki) becomes a link in connection with the axes of the thunder and lightning in many lands. Sut-Anup was the earliest fire-god and lightner, and before weapons were shaped, or Celts were polished, the flash from heaven descended with its dart of death, which was imitated in the stone-axe and arrowhead, and the fire-stones, lightning-stones, or thunderbolts, were afterwards confused with the weapons and amulets of the stone age. The stone axe or adze, named Anup, identifies itself as the type of Sut, the first opener; and in a Damara story this is apparently recognized. A little girl's mother gives her a needle. She finds her father sewing thongs with thorns, and gives him the needle, whereupon he presents her with an axe. Going further she finds the lads trying to cut down trees with stones, and says to them, 'Our sons, how is it that you use stones? [p.548] Why do you not say, "Our firstborn, give us the axe"?' Sut-Anup was the first-born of the Great Mother; the axe was his.
The ancient Egyptian adze preserved in the British Museum is identical with the toki of New Zealand, not only in shape, but also in the manner of tying on the stone to the handle, and likewise with the cinet with which it is bound. The Maori wickerwork is also called taiki, and is identical with the Irish tochar, the wattled causeway, the Akkadian tak for reed-matting, and the English tuck for weaving; from teka (Eg.), to cross, twist, or interweave. The tima, or hoe of the Maori, is the same implement of husbandry as it was in Egypt, the curious dibble, or pick, placed in the hands of Khem, the primeval plough. The Maori have also a weapon made of stone, or of whale's bone, used for hand-to-hand fighting, called the mere, or patu. It is a club of curious shape, which has been likened to a soda-water bottle with the bulb flattened. Some of these war-weapons, made of green jade, were held to be the most precious heirlooms of the Maori chiefs. The names of mere and patu agree with the Egyptian merhu and pet.
The merhu is a club or boat-hook. Now an early form of the sceptre, which can be traced into the war-weapon, was the paddle-blade called the pet-sceptre. This is held in the hand as the sign of the kherp, the princeps, consecrated one, his majesty. Various paddle-blades, as the usr and hepi, also approach the shape of the mere or patu, and tend to identify the type with the pet-sceptre of Egypt.
A secret stone used for purposes of divination by the Tasmanians was called heka. Hika (Mao.) is to perform a ceremony with incantation. Hekau is the Egyptian name for magic, conjuring, and to charm. A master of magic, and charmer or conjuror to the king, is called ur-heka, the great charmer. The feminine peh or hem was a form of the heka.
A very sacred relic of antiquity was shown to Sir George Grey on the Island of Mokoia, in the middle of Rotorua Lake, during his visit there in 1866. Two aged priests were still keeping watch over their treasured symbol preserved on the site of an ancient temple. This was an image the size of life, well executed in a species of porphyry, represented in a sitting posture with the elbows resting on the knees and the face looking upwards, one of those apparently brought by their ancestors who first entered the island, as the stone could not have been procured on that side of the world.
Rotorua means the Double Lake, which corresponds to the Pool of Two Truths. The priests took the governor, Sir George Grey, to the place where the giant of Rotorua, called Tuorangi, was interred in a stone coffer or cist, eight and a half feet long, formed of flag- [p.549] stones with a sloping top like the roof of a house, the ridge of it being curiously carved. Tuarongo (Maori) is the back or ridge of the house; tua-rangi would denote the ridge of Heaven, and as tu means to stand erect, the giant Tuorangi was no doubt a form of the heaven-raiser and supporter, the giant, the Maori Nimrod. One of the Egyptian gods is termed, 'Sole type in the roofed house.'
The allegories and their illustrations found amongst the Maori and Polynesians are often so ancient that they resuscitate an almost effaced type. The lizard is one of these. It is extant as the ideograph of multiplying and becoming numerous, but was comparatively superseded in monumental times. The lizard is to the Maori and Tasmanian women what the serpent became in Egypt, a feminine type of the Two Truths on which the multiplying depended. The eel is another almost superseded symbol. The Athenian comic writers Anaxandrides and Antiphanes scoffed at the Egyptians for considering the eel a powerful daemon and an equal of the gods. The eel was sacred to Hapi-Mu, or the Nile, and was also a type of Tum. Hapi-Mu may be rendered the water-concealed. Tum was the sun which made its way through the fabled waters of the deep, and the eel was an appropriate type for the crosser beneath the waters. The eel as a solar symbol—like the frog—is so ancient that it belongs to a time when there was neither boat nor bridge, and the big fish was the boat; as in the Mangaian myths, where the whales, sharks, and large fish are called canoes. The frog spawned a bridge, as it were, over the surface of the waters, and the eel made its way at the bottom, through the mud of mythology. So the god Shu and the solar god were said to transform into the cat, because this animal could see to make its way by night. Such modes of representation did not originate in worship, but in necessity and utility.
Tum was the earlier Aten or Atun, the circle-maker, the deity of the disk, the one who crossed the abyss, bridged the void, completed the circle when he was considered as the child of the mother. This form of the god whose type was the eel has been preserved in the Maori and Mangaian mythology, in which Atun is Tuna, the divine solar hero who crosses the waters of the inundation in the shape of an eel. Tune is the Maori name of the eel, and the word eel is identical with el and ar, the son, who made the passage of the underworld as the Af-Sun, or Atun.
In the story of 'Ina-who-had-a-divine-lover,' daughter of Kuithe-Blind, who dwelt in the shadow of the cave of Tautua, Tuna the eel-god appears to her, and tells her of the coming flood, and of an eel that will be landed at her threshold. She is instructed to chop off its head and bury it. This was done and Ina daily visited the grave of the eel-god, her lover. One day she saw a stout green [p.550] shoot piercing the soil, and the next day this had divided into two. The twin shoots from one root grew into two coconut trees which sprang from the two halves of Tuna's brains; one red, the other green, the red being sacred to Tangaroa, the green to Rongo, who are the twin-brothers of another mythos. It is at this depth the origins of mythology have to be read.
Tautua, the ridge of rest, answers to the Egyptian Tattu, the eternal region, the place of the pool of the Two Truths, and the twin tree called the tree of life and knowledge; the twin Persea tree of life in Egypt. Tuna the eel-god, is one with Atun and Tum, who was duplicated in Iu, and who brings peace just as Tuna does. In Tattu was the place of transformation and re-establishing, in the sign of the fish (An); tun (Eg.) means to divide, and it was here that the dual son was established in the place of the parent. The kernel of the coconut was called the brains of Tuna, and it was held to be unlawful for any woman to eat an eel.
According to Gill, the black beetle was looked upon in Mangaia as diet for the dead. The type remains the same, although differently applied, as in Egypt and Britain, where the beetle was buried with the dead; not for food exactly, but the scarabaeus represented being, self-originating substance, and self-sustaining power; it was also the emblem of the transformation and resurrection of the dead; this in Mangaia had taken shape as food for the dead, or rather the ghosts of the dead. In Koroa's lament for his lost son, beetles, crabs, red worms, and blackbirds are said to be the food of disembodied spirits. The blackbird is the momoo, the type of the god Moo, who delights to secrete men and things in his hiding-place. Mu in Egyptian is death, and the mumu bird of death or the dead is the owl, a bird of darkness and of death; the name of the dead, the mummy, is written mumu, with two owls (gg).
The perue, or bird-shaped winged kite, corresponds to the tautoru, or three stars in Orion's belt. Toru (Mao.) is three, and tau is the string of a garment, a loop, thong, or belt. Perue, the bird, denotes the throat-feathers of the peru-peru; the koko, or prosthemadera bird. Pure (Mao.) also means to arrange in tufts. These tufts appear on the kite. The puru-puru, with its throat-feathers, equates with the solar-hawk, which has a frill of feathers figured round its neck. The constellation Orion is named after Horus of the resurrection.
The hawk (Maori, kahu) imaged the ascending sun of the resurrection, Horus or Hu, the spirit; and kahu-kahu denotes the spirit or ghost, the one risen from the dead. So the human-headed hawk was the symbol of the dead mummy which had become a soul. In England the kite is both a hawk and the paper toy. The [p.551] Mangaian kites are all symbolic. One of these is egg-shaped, and corresponds to the constellation of the Twins and their parents. The twin-brothers of mythology are represented as coming out of the egg. The Maori have preserved this solar hawk of mythology in the shape of their kite, which they fly for amusement. It is called kahu (hawk, circus gouldii), and has the tail and claws of a hawk. It is still made in the likeness of the hieroglyphic 'hut,' the solar disk borne on outspread wings. This was the type of the gods Kâ and Hu, the sun below and the sun above the horizon, and where the Egyptians placed the disk between the outstretched wings, the Maori depict the solar face. It is said that two different gods in Fiji lay claim to the hawk. So is it in Egypt, where the hawk is a type of the solar god, both as Horus and Ra.
In the Fiji Islands, certain birds, fishes, plants, and other things are said to be the domiciles of deities. On Vanua Levu the god Ravuravu claims the hawk as his abode. That is how the symbolism is reported. Now in Egypt the hawk-headed Horus is the repa, the heir-apparent, the prince, and in Ravuravu the name of the repa is duplicated, in the name of a deity in whose dwelling or type is the hawk. In this shape the symbol survives as an ideograph, the meaning of which has to be read in Egypt.
The primeval types and symbols live on in popular games where the actors have no other mode of figuring them. The Maori have another symbolical representation in which a lofty pole is erected on the brink of a river. Twelve ropes are attached to the top, which revolves so that each person has to swing round in turn over the water or precipice. This kind of swing is called the moari. Meru (Eg.) denotes a ring, a circle; merua, a limit of land and water, and this meaning is identified by the position chosen. The sun in the underworld, crossing the waters and making the meh-passage, was represented in the mysteries as having a narrow escape from the attendant dangers in the abyss of the North and bend of the Great Void, and this passage of danger was imitated in the moari. Hence moariari (Mao.) signifies having a very narrow escape.
In Egyptian meh for the north, the north quarter, is also the name of the number nine, and it denotes a fulfilment; the completion of a cycle and a circle when the sun had crossed the waters of our three winter and water signs. The Egyptian year began in July, with a starting-point also from the solstice in Mesore (June), and March would be the ninth month, i.e., meh, the month of the equinox. A relic of this reckoning is extant with the Maori, who call the month of March Maehe or Maea, although their year ends in December, and maea, to emerge, be gathered in, fulfilled, is equivalent to the Egyptian meh.
An instrument has been found on the monuments, called the ka, used for throwing at birds and supposed to be the boomerang. According to Chabas, it is the Egyptian boomerang. In the Western Australian languages the boomerang is named ky-li. It is thrown by striking the ground to obtain a rebound into the air, and in Egyptian kha expresses this throwing to the earth, also to rise up. But the full value of kâ is kak, or khekh.
The Mangaian curved club is shaped like the Australian boomerang, and this is named the kaikaa. Khekh (Eg.) means to be repelled, repulsed, and to return; kik, Chinese, to kick. Keke, Maori, signifies contrariwise; in a different line or direction from the one expected. The keke or kaikaa then is the boomerang.
Now the word 'boomerang' appears to be a reduced form of booroomooroong, the name given to a scene in the most secret of the Maori mysteries at which a tooth was extracted from the boys who were then made into men. A throwing-stick was cut with much ceremony, and this was applied to the tooth and knocked against it by means of a stone. The use of the boomerang, the throwing-stick that described a complete circle, was typical of the cycle of life then completed and the entrance into that of manhood. This fact with the aid of Egyptian will enable us to decipher the sign of the boomerang. Buru means the height of attainment. So poro in Maori means to complete, attain the end, termination, as in the 'porabung' rite. Mer (Eg.) is the circle, and ankh, life. The kaika stick which fulfilled the circle was possibly a type of kak, the completer of the solar circle, which, as will be seen further on, would account for its application to the tooth knocked out. Khakht (Eg.) means to recoil, also kha is a stick and khat to recoil. Khakhat therefore denotes the recoiling stick, and this may supply the names of the katuria used by the Kulis of Gujarat and the cateia mentioned by Bishop Isidore of Seville. The name, as khat or 'cat,' still survives in that of the piece of wood used in the game of tipcat, which rises in the middle so as to rebound when struck at either end.
The survival of the myths in ceremonies, games, usages, is totally independent of the proverbial short memory of savages. The thing that had been they repeated like any other act of nature, without troubling themselves about the origin or end, or pausing midway to remember the meaning. And these customs carry their message more simply and safely than any written record in the world when we have recovered the clue to their primordial character. Khepra-Ptah was one form of the crosser. He carries the tat, the cross of the crossing: ta (Eg.) means to navigate across, and the tat is the cross symbol. Ptah is styled Tatanan, the father of beginnings; our word tatting, for crossing the thread, preserves the primal meaning.
The Maori also have their tatting in the game of cat's-cradle, called maui. This, by the bye, is the name of the cat in Egyptian. In their 'maui' they were accustomed to represent such scenes from their mythology as the Great Mother bringing forth her primal progeny; Maui fishing up the land, and other pictures of the beginnings, in the forms assumed by the crossed or 'tatted' lines. They were repeating the work of Ptah-Tatanan, tatting the figures of creation over again and enacting the scenes set forth by mythology. The first who 'tatted,' however, and the earliest to cross the waters, was the Great Mother herself, in her water-types of the hippopotamus and the crocodile. Her 'tat' sign was simply a tie or knot. In her second character as Hathor she is styled Meh-urt, the great or peaceful fulfiller. Meh denotes the number nine, and means a measure, to wreathe, girdle round, fulfil, complete, be filled. Tat signifies to establish and found, as was done in crossing and fulfilling the circle or in 'tatting.' Mau, in Maori, means restrained, confined, to be fixed and established, which was illustrated by the maui or cat's-cradle, as a mode of typology.
Shortt, in his account of the tribes on the Neilgherries, describes the Toda women as being tattooed on the chest and arms with semi-circles, having nine points, and with rows of dots consisting of thirty-six points; the terminal point of each row being marked by a ring or circle. This tattooing is called gurtu. Kartu (Eg.) denotes the orbit or course which was fulfilled by the gestator in nine solar months. Guru, Sanskrit, means the pregnant woman, hence the great, Cornish grete, the graced and favoured.
The semi-circle with nine points is the fellow to the collar of Isis worn chiefly in front and therefore semi-circular, composed of nine bubu (beads), the number of months assigned to the genetrix as mother of the sun-god. Guru, the pregnant woman, is she who is both great and girt. Khiratu in Assyrian is the type-name for woman, from this root, as the gestator distinguished from the child. The thirty-six points showed the number of ten-day periods in the year, determined by the thirty-six decani (tehani) or crossing stars; and this number of crossings in the year was prescribed by the Syrian liturgy as the sacred number of the cross!
The natives on the Murchison River celebrated a festival at which they made a great gathering of eggs. They danced around an oval or egg-shaped pit, and carried the spear in front of the body as Priapus simulacrum, the pit itself being fringed with bushes. According to Oldfield every gesture was an appeal to the virile passion.
This festival was called the karo. Kara in Maori signifies the man, the adult male or the old man. In Egyptian kar denotes masculine [p.554] power; the testes are named kariu and kartu. Both names have passed into the far islands.
One illustration is this karo festival. We also find the khertu. The Adelaide blacks practise a rite of initiation on their youths in which they suffer the test of their manhood in the shape of a piece of bamboo reed being thrust into the prepuce, and the membrane is then slit by means of another piece of reed to which a sharp edge has been given by rending it. After this trying ceremony the member is named kerto, the Egyptian name of the testes, the male power and property. The rite was performed at the time of puberty when the boy passed into manhood.
Davis, who had been admitted to the Maori mysteries during fourteen years, says the ceremony of young-man-making, called worringarka, was for the purpose of passing the lad into the state of manhood, and to teach him how to act with a woman. They bestowed on him a seal of admission. It was affirmed amongst the black natives, that the lizard Yura now dwelling in the Milky Way was the author of the worringarka. The rock-lizard in the hieroglyphics is the ideograph of becoming numerous and multiplying. The rite of circumcision (not in the fanatical phase of castration) was that of swearing-in and covenanting for the reproduction of human kind; hence the proper time of the rite was at the period of puberty, and the lizard of the Milky Way is as good an ideograph of multiplying as the rock-lizard on the monuments. Also it affords a curious parallel to the Hebrew 'worringarka,' or Covenant of Abram, in the making of which the deity said, 'Look now toward heaven and tell the stars, if thou be able to number them. And he said unto him, So shall thy seed be.' This was on the condition of his keeping the covenant of the circumcision.
As to the name of the ceremony, ariki (Maori) is the title of the firstborn; ark (Eg.) denotes a covenant on oath and the end of a period; lecka, in the Gipps' land dialect, signifies to bring forth young. The charms being repeated and the seal conferred, the youth was passed into the ranks of the producers. In the Tasmanian initiation a seal of admission was given. At other times a white stone was presented to be secretly kept from the sight of woman. A girdle of human hair was sometimes presented, others wore a covering made from the pubes forcibly extracted.
Now when the child Horus transformed into the second or virile character, he became the sheru, the pubescent, adult and hairy god, Khem-Horus, and it can be shown that in their rites the Australians, Tasmanians, and New Zealanders were enacting the drama of mythology according to the Egyptian characters. One word in Maori will of itself tell the whole tale. Tara is the name of the male member, the masculine mettle, the papillae on the skin, the [p.555] pubes, things pointed and prickly, the spear-point, thorns, spines in the dorsal fin of a fish and the shoots or rays of the ascending sun, the pubescent Horus of the horizon who had transformed from the nursling child into the man-god, the begetter, he who was called Tarahunga or the begetter of his people, as the father of Maui. The transformation in Egyptian was named khepr, and it was effected under the type of Khepra-Ra. The young-man-making rites, when performed in the Macquarrie district, were described as the celebration of the mysteries of kebarrah. As the Mangaians and Maori have the sun-god Ra, there can be no doubt they had him in the character or under the type of Khepra.
One shape of Khepra was Ptah, the crooked-legged, lame god, and in Maori one name of the lame-footed and the cripple is kopiri. Also, Khepra-Ptah was the frog-headed, as one image of the transformer; and in the Western Australian dialect, gobul is the name of the tadpole, the transformer into the frog.
The beetle, another type of Khepra, was represented as having no female kind. That is, it was an image of the male god, who was said to beget himself. Of Khepra-Ptah it is said in the texts, 'Thou art fatherless; begotten by thine own becoming; thou art without a mother; thou art born by repetition of thyself.' The doctrine is illustrated by the kipper-ground of the Australians. This, as the khepr-ground, would be a place sacred to the scene of transformation or transfiguration. It was a circle of raised earth corresponding, in its way, to the kyvri-vol and other British mounds. This hallowed enclosure was far from the haunts of womankind, and a female approached it under penalty of death. Khepra, in the solar phase, did without the female. Other customs, including that of couvade, will yet be traced to Khepra.
With some tribes the foreskin was cut off in circumcision with a sharp flint, and placed on the third finger of the left hand. An early form of marriage-ring, employed as a type of reproduction, answering to the seal-ring (khet) of the hieroglyphics, and the ring of the Hebrews, worn by the bridegroom of blood.
With others a new and sacred name was conferred by sponsors, as in the baptismal ceremony, never to be divulged except in presence of the Chosen. The Maoris made use of a sacred instrument called a witto-witto as rendered by Angas. This they whirled round over the fires to keep off evil spirits at the time of certain rites. It was also used to warn off women and children. The name, as wetoi, implies a voice of prohibition.
At the third and last ceremony of the rites of puberty, the sponsors bestow on the fully initiated youth a new name, by which he is known for the rest of his life. In token of this they hang about his neck [p.556] the 'witurna;' and the ceremony concludes by the men all clustering round the youths, and enjoining them to speak only in a whisper for some months to come. The whispering shows the relation to the revealing voice and the magical word. In English, to whisper is to roun. In Egyptian, to ren is to name, and the name which is here connected with the 'witto' is witarna or wita-rena. In Maori rena denotes the fulfilment and completion. The Egyptian utua, a magical breastplate, worn as an amulet, is the probable representative of the witarena, which was the sign of the new name (ren, Eg.). Utau signifies to be set apart, in solitude, and denotes a mystical voice in relation to magical rites and directions. After the rites of man-making, the youths were denominated 'part-napas,' or those who were permitted to take a wife. The Maori sheds no light on this title, but in Egyptian pert indicates the masculine manifestor; the emanating one, the seed, determined by the male ideograph. Nap is to sow seed in the sexual sense.
Among races like these the ancient mysteries may be (or might have been) studied in their simplest nature, unperverted by the later devotion to the Virgin Mother, who produced without the fatherhood, or by fanatical self-sacrifice to the hermaphrodite divinity. The mysteries were founded to lead mankind from a bestial to a cleanly way of life; to instruct youth at the proper period in matters which are sadly neglected now, or suppressed altogether, from false notions of the fallen nature of the 'flesh.' The most attractive women were employed as demonstrators of the reality that was set before the initiates to take the place in their minds of misleading fancies. One object of the painful treatment at puberty, prolonged sometimes for six months, was to prevent what the Egyptians termed nnu-hu; nnu, or nen, denoting negation, and hu, seed, spirit, ailment of life. They desired to save the race and ensure progeny.
It was the teaching of sexual matters in the mysteries that led to the establishing of such institutions as those of the qodeshoth, the pallakists, nautch girls, and other forms of the temple hetairaei and the investing of the courtesan with a sacred character. The origins here, as in other things, are traceable at last to the simplicity and not to the depravity of human nature; and it was these uterine origins of the teachings concerning the production and preservation of the race, which alone account for what may be termed the uterine religion, in which the eucharistic celebration of divine love was enacted, and the conjunction of the soul with its source was consummated in the agape of the early Christians, according to the marriage-model of Cupid and Psyche. Davis's plain statement that the rites were intended to teach boys how to behave with women dissipates much mystery.
The customs of circumcision and tattoo were modes of memorizing [p.557] and means of biting and branding in the things that were to be had in everlasting remembrance. Matters relating to the sexes were taught to the children at the period of puberty, with the object of ensuring progeny and avoiding disease through uncleanness; and, as in the Hebrew, the zachar and the memorial were identical. The lizard, in Maori, is named the moke, and moke also denotes the tattoo marks made on the body. Moke probably represents the Egyptian mak, to make, to inlay, work in, composition, to think, consider, regulate, and rule. The maka is also the fighter. The Africans of Abeokuta have a vast variety of tattoo marks, among which the lizard (moke) is the favourite figure.
The word tattoo is not Maori as it stands, but tutu means to raise up, cause to stand erect, make fast, establish. This is one with the Egyptian tat, to establish for ever, eternize, the tat-cross being the sign of duration or everlasting; Tattu, the eternal region of the resurrection. The tut image is the type of the raised-up and established mummy. Ta, in Maori, is a name for tattoo, and this, in Egyptian, is to type, with the symbol of an eye shedding a tear—an Egyptian ideograph of creation.
Hence ta means seed, corn, and to be pregnant, as does the Maori to, that is to be typing or figuring the child. The symbolic eye typing the tear is called the uta, and the word means health and salvation, a treasury and a storehouse or granary; the health and saving being applicable to the seed. This hieroglyphic eye (uta) is reproduced in the Maori ta, or tattoo, and figured just beneath the eye in the faces of the Maori.
The tattooing in Mangaia was an imitation of the stripes of two fish—the paoro and avini—and, in the Song of Ina, we read, 'Here are we, Ina's little fish (avina and paoro), from which mortals derive their tattooing.' 'On her way to tinirau, ma invented tattooing.'
Tinirau signifies, literally, forty millions. Tini, in Maori, denotes innumerable myriads. The tinirau is called king of all fish, it being of the swarming sprat kind. In this legend the type of multiplying and becoming innumerable is the prolific little fish which equates with the lizard of Africa and New Zealand.
The English moke, as a fish, would be the mackerel. The poisson d'Avril of the French, for which the fool is sent, is a mackerel; the striped, cross-barred, or tattooed fish that crossed the waters periodically, and was adopted as a type of the crossing, the fish of the zodiac, the sign of the equinox. 'By his stripes we are healed,' is a doctrine of tattoo; and the striped and mackled fish was one of the types. The moke or ass was another. He was fabled to carry the cross, the impression of which was stamped on his shoulders and back, because the ass (Sut) was likewise a type of the crossing.
Tinirau, as God, and the father of forty millions, or a progeny innumerable as sprats, was the second son of the genetrix Vari, the very beginning, and he is identical in the mythos with Abraham, the second form of the sun-god, as the father of swarming multitudes, innumerable as the stars of heaven or the sands of the sea.
Tattoo has two aspects, one relating to production in this life, the other to being reproduced in the next. Among the Kingmill Islanders those alone who were tattooed could expect to reach the Kainakaki heaven. This is the belief of various peoples of the Pacific area and others. Fijian women, who have not been tattooed in this, world are threatened with having to be scraped by oyster shells in the next, and made into bread for the gods. The Eskimo women believe in the efficacy hereafter of tattooing here. The doctrine of reproduction had passed into the eschatological phase.
The name for tattooing or eternizing is also applied to the desiccating and preserving of the human head. The Maoris made a moko-moko (or embalmed mummy) of Captain Lloyd's head. This they turned into a Christ or karast (Eg.), the pepul kristo, the risen dead, and consulted it as an oracle, a mouthpiece of the other world. So a wild tribe on the east of the Republic of Ecuador are, or were, in the habit of making the mummy Christ by cutting off the heads of their enemies, and removing the skin and scalp from the skull entire. This is then re-stuffed so as to preserve the human likeness as much as is possible, with the eyes and mouth sewn up; and the image is then consulted as a god.
The Maoris have a ceremony called the whangai-hau, rendered 'feed-wind' by Shortland. Hau denotes food used in the 'pure' rite, which sets free from taboo. Whangai has various meanings, one being to feed; so ankh (Eg.) is some kind of sacred food. Whangai is to make an offering of food to the atua or divinity. Ankh (Eg.) is to make a covenant. The whangai-hau is performed over those who slay an enemy in battle, and some of the hair and an ear of the first man killed form a part of the offering. The ear is eaten by the female ariki, or chieftainess. The ear eaten at the whangai is the ankh in Egyptian, a symbol of the covenant, also called the ankh, and an emblem of life. Hieroglyphically the ear, ankh, is equivalent to the ankh, as the Crux Ansata, and eating the ear was identical with the covenant made on the cross. The ear was a type of Sut and Aten, as gods of hearing. The divinity, as listener in the dark, preceded the seer in the light. Rongo, the name of the Polynesian deity whose house is in the shades, also means to hear, listen, feel.
So Sut-Anubis went by the ear in the dark; Kak, by touch, and Tum, the sun in the shades, was called Sutemi, the hearer. The ear would be the token of a covenant made with a divinity, as the hearer; and he, as the primordial male god, was Sut. Now, when [p.559] Sut or Sat (earlier Khut) has worn down to at, the word denotes hearing, and is written with the ear-sign; and the Maori god or hearer is the atua, in accordance with Sut or At being the first divinity, as the hearer in the dark, and an outward image of the mental darkness. Atua (Maori) also means the first.
The Hakari feast of the Maori was the Hakr festival of Egypt, and the English hock-tide. Hock is connected with harvest in the hockey-cart, that which brings home the last load of corn. Also in the hockey-cake, a seed-cake distributed at the Harvest Home. The hawkie was a figure dressed up in a woman's clothes, with a painted face, and the head decorated with ears of corn. This was borne on the top of the harvest-home load of corn.
The New Zealand 'Hakari' was a feast of peace, to which presents of fish were brought by the visitors, also birds' eggs, the roe of fish, and all kinds of seeds. The children will tell us what the ancient parent meant by the 'hakr' festival, of which we have no Egyptian record. It was equinoctial, and it happens that the seedtime of Egypt, at the autumn equinox, is our harvest-time, and the same symbols apply to times six months apart. The Hakari festival is also related to the hearer, as well as to hearing and harvest. Hakiri (Mao.) signifies hearing, but to hear indistinctly, for this god was deaf at times, and the same words that signify hearing in Egyptian also denote deafness. We retain the likeness of the listening god, who heard indistinctly in our deaf ears of corn. The sun was considered to be the god who was deaf, or blind, or dumb, when in the region of Anrutf, or Narutf, a name found in Irish, as Narith, for the last day of the year, and also in the English word north.
Not until we dismiss from our minds the crude notion that the same myths have sprung up independently in various parts of the world shall we cease to be paralysed by marvelling at the startling, strange coincidences which continue to increase the further we make research, until the lifted eyebrows of the wonderer elevate him into a sort of effigy of his own wonderful foolishness. As for the system of mythology said to have arisen from some disease of language, the present writer thinks that must be a creation of the modern time, as he has been quite unable to find it in the past.
By degrees we shall discover certain test-types of the unity of origin in mythology. One of these is that of the eight gods, the smen of Egypt and Assyria, which have been identified with the Hebrew Elohim, and Arthur and his seven companions in Britain. It has been mentioned that Cornish children used to figure the city of Troy by cutting seven circles round a centre, the eighth, in the grassy sod, which are also figured on the Scottish stones. This Troy, as the Egyptian terui, is a form of Sesennu, the place of the eight [p.560] gods, and a name for the number eight. It is the number of the mother and child in the eight-rayed type of Ishtar. Hathor, the habitation of Horus, has a symbolic wheel-like sign containing eight spokes. The same imagery is continued in the eight-rayed star at the centre of a Scotch 'Baking Stone,' on which the symbolic number eight is thrice repeated. The mother was the prototype of both the bread-maker and oven. The ovoid and womb-shaped figures found on these stones are also emblems of the genetrix. Another illustration of this beginning with the Troy-making and the number eight may be seen in the Maori tari-tari, which is the name of plaiting with eight strands, and of the noose employed in catching birds. The same name and number as in the Egyptian terui-circle and the British Troy.
So late as the year 1859, a teacher of the new religion landed on the island of Fortuna and found the whole population employed in rebuilding a spacious temple which was supported by a row of eight pillars. It was the house of their gods, and the eight great pillars symbolized their eight great gods. The pillars were formed of trees with branches left in imitation of human arms. These eight great gods who retained their supremacy amidst the crowd of lesser deities are none other at last than the eight great gods of Egypt.
Captain Cook, in his first voyage, describes a symbolical figure, made and venerated by the Otahetians, resembling the shape of a man. It was made of wickerwork, nearly seven feet in height, covered with black and white feathers. On the head of it were four protuberances, which the natives called 'tate-ete,' rendered little men. This corresponds perfectly to the fourfold tat of Ptah, who as the pigmy was the father of the seven Khnemu, and these with their father, as the eight little men, were synonymous with the eight of the double tat, a continuation of the typical eight of Am-Smen.
The eight tree-pillars with arms extended were obvious forms of the tree-pillar or fourfold tat.
The eight of the beginning supplied a type-sign of establishing not only in the circular figure of eight but in the fourfold cross, duplicated as the symbol of establishing. Thus the fourfold cross or tat repeated, is equal to the numeral eight, and this Tat is identified with Taht, who represented the eight in the lunar mythos.
Tat passed into many languages as the type-word for number eight, which marks the naming as occurring under the lunar, the second of the divine dynasties. Our figure of 8, a twofold circle, is equivalent to the two tats and sign of the Eternal established as the Pleroma of Eight.
Two fourfold figures read Tattu, to establish; Tattu being the region of establishing, the region of the smen; the eight gods represented [p.561] by Tahuti; and, absurd as it may seem, our daddy-long-legs bears the name of the double tat, of the god Taht, and the region of the eight. Daddy is an octopus of the air. So the South Sea Islanders call their octopus of the water the sea-spider.
One form of the eight was the Nnu group of the eightfold circle, that is, the nen, and in Swahili nani is number eight. Nane in Wanika; nane, Msambara; en'ye, Krepee; nangiri, Yangaro. In Tahiti the octopus is called fae; Maori, pae for all round. In the Chinese dialects peh is number eight, as is api in Egyptian; apu, Mangarei; vau, Marquesas. Pae, for all round, to surround with a border, circumference, is the equivalent of terui (Eg.), the circumference and number eight.
With the article prefixed tekh is a name of Taht, which as Tahuti would in the earlier form be takuti, and the number eight in the Oneida dialect is tagheto; tekro, Cayuga; dekra, Nottoway; tekiro, Onondago; and tikkeugh, Seneca. Khekha (Eg.) means number and reckoning; Tekh being the reckoner, at the full height or eight, the octave.
Now the son of the genetrix of the Seven Stars was also named kar(t), har, or ar; he is extant under this name as the Polynesian koro, and in Egypt his earliest form was Sut-Har, brought on as the solar Horus. Sut, the son (or har), preceded Taht as manifestor of the seven, and these names of the number eight are identical with that of the god of the eight stars, who was Sut-Har, the son of Typhon, and the child denoted by the cruciform sign of eight.
The first circle and circumference of Terui or Troy was made by the Seven Stars with an eighth as their Anush or announcing word, found in Sut, the Anush. This circle or course is expressed by the word kar for an orbit, in many languages, and for time, as the Sanskrit kar, to announce the time, and kara the word; Egyptian khar, the voice or word, as in the name of the solar god Makheru. This kheru or karu, with the initial letter modified, furnishes the following names of number eight: waru, Maori; waru, Polynesian; waru, Saparua; waro, Porne; waru, Bima; war, Papuan; war, Salawati; war, Beak and Mefur; ouar, Arago: oro, Moor; oroi, Mallicollo; arru, Savu; ara, Suanic; walu, Fiji; walu, Timur; walu, Manatoto; walu, Ceram; walo, Cocos Island; walu, ualu, or ualok in the Batta dialects; ualo, Bissayan; ualu, Kayagan; ualo, Tagala; ualo, Iloco.
Taht, the Lord of Sesennu, a region of agitation and distraction, has a curious relationship to the octopus at Rarotonga, where the cuttlefish was the special divinity of the reigning Makea family, and the superstition was related to a remarkable circumstance. There was a particular pool of water near the usual landing place at which passing vessels filled their empty casks. The water was commonly [p.562] crystal-clear, but at a certain phase of the moon it became black. This change was doubtless owing to the presence of cuttlefish that went there to spawn.
The octopus is called the divine cuttlefish by the Hervey Islanders. Its name is eke, meaning a total, the typical octo, height or eight, as in the Manx hoght; ocht, Irish; ocht, Scotch; όκτώ, Greek; okto, Gipsy of Norway; ochto, Tater; akht, Lughman; akt, Tirai; agys, Yakut; achat, Joboka.
The daddy-long-legs and the octopus are figures of eight, and therefore were named as representatives of that number.
The missionary did not learn the nature of the connection between this troubled turbid water and the octopus-worship; but the pool was surely a form of the pool of the Two Truths. The ibis type of Taht was white and black, as representative of the double lunation, and here the eight-armed Lord of the Pool who turned the water into ink would supply another type of the lunar divinity. The water turned black would answer to the pool of Hesmen, which is a name of the menstrual purification; one of the two primary truths.
These figures in relation to number are among the earliest and most universal. Seth is the eighth on the line of Lamech. Taht as Esmun was the eighth. The bull of the seven cows, in the Ritual, is the eighth. The eight-rayed star was a numeral symbol of this god as Sut in Egypt, Buddha in India, Assur in Assyria, and the Christ in the Roman catacombs. The Fijians likewise have the deity of Number Eight either as three different gods, or as three local forms of the same god. Walu (Maori waru) is number eight, and Matawalu is a god called Eight-eyes. Kokolo has eight arms, and the giant Thangawalu, who is sixty feet high, has a forehead of eight spans.
Also the Fijian Tangawalu, or assembly of eight, represents the eight gods who ruled in Am-Smen, the ancient star-gods of chaos, before the firmament of Ra was lifted by Shu, or Maui, or Taht became the manifestor of the eight in the later luni-solar phase. In another form the primordial eight were personified as the father and his seven sons, who were the seven sailors as the Cabiri, the seven Patakoi of Phoenicia, the seven Hohgates of California, and the seven Khnemu or pigmy sons of Ptah, who stand by his side as builders. In the Mangaian mythology, Pinga has seven clever sons who are all pigmies, their appellative being 'the seven dwarf sons of Pinga.' The equivalent of this name in Maori is pinakhu, a war-canoe (English, pinnace), the same vessel that is called a pitau, a war-canoe with a fancy figure-head corresponding to the Patakoi, and therefore with Ptah, in whose image they were formed. These seven dwarfs were very expert as reed-throwers. One day they measured their skill against the divine Tarauri, and every time he was about to throw the reed the seven dwarf sons of Pinga, in fear of being beaten, rushed round him [p.563] in a circle and hemmed him in so that he could not throw the reed. At length Tarauri observed that the legs of one of the seven were bowed, or a little apart, and through this loophole or gap in the living enclosure he drove the reed with such force that it remained aloft in the skies for eight days. This is one way of portraying the seven dwarf sons of Pinga as bowlegged, like the seven Khnemu and Patakoi. The seven and the eight are both represented in the Mangaian Saiyaiki, or spirit-world below. The typical eight who are symbolised by the eight-rayed star and eight-looped sign of the Nnu, the eight gods in Am-Smen, are apparently intended in the Adventures in Spirit World, by the Cocoa-Nut Tree, which bears eight coconuts only, and by the eight paths leading to the house where Kura, one of the two divine sisters, was kept a prisoner when she fell into the underworld. It is in this story that the Mangaian Orpheus descends into the other world to rescue his Eurydice. In the Mangaian stories, eight is the typical number of times that every event occurs, instead of the later 'three times,' which belongs to the solar mythos. This is derived from the eight of the beginning; like the 'eight friends who sit spying on all heights, on all watchtowers for Mithra.'
The Polynesian origin of all things, the arranger of the various lands in Saivaiki, is the Great Mother Vari, who is the original of all the gods, corresponding to Ta-urt in Egypt, the Great Bearer; urt has the meaning of very in English, which in the sense of extremity equates with the name and nature of Vari. Vari means the veriest beginning; the word is used for describing a new order of things. In Maori weri means to take root, the root, rootage. In Rarotonga vari signifies mud, that is the red mud or earth of the dam. Varivari, Mangaian, is muddy; weriwert (Mao.) is offensive and disgusting, for mystical reasons. Uri (Eg.) is a name of the inundation. Weri (Mao.), for the root, is also a name of the centipede. When men could only crawl mentally, their lowly thoughts were expressed by crawling things, such as the worm, the lizard, the eel, mantis or centipede. Those things that had the means of motion through the elements of earth, water, and air, which man did not possess, were accounted most wonderful, and at this stage weri the centipede is named as a type of vari. The hundred legs of the centipede made it an early figure of the goer, who was represented by the weri (centipede), the urri, Egyptian car, and the English wherry (a boat). Van-mate-takere, her full name, means the beginning and the bottom; the takere, in Maori, being the keel of a canoe. Van personates the first of the Two Truths of the creative motherhood, that of the blood which forms the flesh. In accordance with this, Vari is said to make her children out of her own flesh, plucked in pieces from her body. Vari and Papa are a form of the Two Sisters into whom the Great [p.564] Mother bifurcates. Papa signifies foundation. Papa (Eg.) denotes the female who is delivered of the child, the gestator who personates the second of the Two Truths; that of the breath or soul, the true foundation of existence, the other being the blood or mystical water of source.
The original tribes of the Hervey group claimed to descend from the Great Mother Vari, that is, from the beginning with the genetrix alone. In the 'Dramatic Song of the Creation,' they sang, 'We have no Father whatever; Vari alone made us! That home of Vari is the narrowest of all.' The ancient mother is described as sitting in it at the bottom of the hollow coconut shell, with her knees and chin meeting, in the attitude of burial adopted by the cave men in Britain, Peru, Africa (with the Namaquas and Bongos), and the Australian aborigines. Vari, like Ta-urt in her hippopotamus form, is incapable of talking, and can only make signs; in such wise does mythology reflect the human beginnings.
An island in the Hawaiian group named Ka-papala, the land of Papala, is identified with the genetrix as papa, who was the base and foundation of being personified. Ka (Eg.) is the land of an interior region, and papa (Eg.) denotes the feminine producer. But according to Fornander the island bears the still earlier name of Nusa. Now in Egyptian nusa is the equivalent of Papala, as the foundation. The nusa is a typical stand, base, or pedestal. Nusa was the birthplace of Bacchus, Osiris, and (to judge by the altar, or stand, erected by Moses) of the Hebrew Jah-Adonai. Nusa (Eg.) signifies out of, the hinder-part. Nu is the abode, receptacle, the feminine bringer; sa means behind, and the firmament, or nu, was depicted as producing the sun animal-fashion, from the nusa, or behind. The island of Nusa, or Ka-papala, is one with the Mount Nusa in Ethiopia, or the celestial north; one in its mythological nature as it is in name; also nusa (Eg.) means the she.
Fornander speaks of baba, an island south of the Banda group, in the Indian Archipelago. He also observes that 'Kepa, a land on Kaui, Hawaiian group, refers itself to tepa, a village on the above-mentioned island of baba.' The exact wording is quoted, but the meaning is not very clear. Enough for my purpose that baba, kepa, and tepa here grouped together, are all Egyptian names of the typhonian genetrix.
This first Great Mother has a fourfold type compounded of the hippopotamus, crocodile, kaf-monkey, and lioness, as the goddess of the four quarters. These four are afterwards personified as gods, spirits, or genii of the four quarters belonging to the Great Bear. In the Mangaian mythology there lived four mighty ones in Awaiki, the netherworld. These were Buataranga, the ancient mother; Ru, supporter of the heavens; the sun-god (Ra) and Mauike, or [p.565] Mafuie, the god of fire. These four correspond to the genii of the four quarters who can be traced to Uati (Buto or Kheft), Shu, Har, and Sut; Miriam, Moses, Hur, and Aaron; or the later Columbine, Pantaloon, Harlequin, and Clown, as gods of the four corners, who were all contained at first in the fourfold type of Apt or Fut whose name signifies the corner, and the four corners. Poti (Mao.) likewise denotes the corner or angle where Buata sat to guard the road to the underworld. Mauike, as god of fire, is identical with Bar-Sut, the oldest star-god of fire, far older than the solar god who is here named Ra. Mauike is represented as keeping the secret of fire in the underworld to which Maui descends in the guise of a pigeon, and wrests the hidden treasure from him. It was formerly supposed that fire could only be procured from the four kinds of wood found by Maui in the fire-god's dwelling.
Uati, or Uti, is a name of the goddess of the north. She is the divinity of the waters, plants, green things, and also of heat; uat being both wet and heat. Ut is light, and to put forth, emit, jet. The Egyptian uat reappears in the Uti of Mangaia. Uti presides in Mano-Mano, or spirit-world, in the very depths of the netherland, and at night she climbs to the upper world with her torch to fish for food in a lake. It was she who first taught women to catch the sleeping fish, by torch-light. Also the fen-fire or ignis fatuus is designated Uti's torch.
Mano (Maori) is the inner part, and mano-mano is the duplicate which makes it an equivalent for the menti (Eg.), the netherworld entered at the west. Uati as goddess of the north was the earlier genetrix of the seven stars, the spark-holder, first bearer of the torch by night, first guide of the waters. Uati as heat, later fire as Ut, is the fire-goddess of the Mongols. Castren gives a Mongol wedding-song, in which the Great Mother is addressed as the queen of fire.
'Mother Ut, queen of fire, thou who art made from the elm that grows on the mountain tops of Changgai-Chan and Burchatu Chan, thou who didst come forth when heaven and earth divided, didst come forth from the footsteps of mother earth, and wast found by the king of gods! Mother Ut, whose father is the hard steel, whose mother is the flint, whose ancestors are the elm-trees, whose shining reaches to the sky and pervades the earth! Goddess Ut, we bring the yellow oil for offering, and a white wether with yellow head! Thou who hast a manly son, a beautiful daughter-in-law, bright daughters, to thee, Mother Ut, who ever lookest upward, we bring brandy in bowls, and fat in both hands! Give prosperity to the king's son (the bridegroom), to the king's daughter (the bride), and to all the people.'
The old spark-holder, who is here extant as Ut (from uat), was also named Tep, and tep is fat. Kep, another of her names, signifies the mystery of fermentation and alcoholic spirit, which is a [p.566] reminder of the kava or ava, an intoxicating drink. Kawa in New Zealand is the strong drink; kava, Rarotonga and Mangaia; a'ava in Samoa; ava in Tahiti and Hawaii. Kaawy in South America is an intoxicating liquor made from maize, or the mandioc root, by being chewed and fermented. Ava-ava is tobacco in Tahiti. The pepper plant is cava in Tonga. Coffee is an exciting drink. Sometimes the plant bears the name, at others the drink. But the intoxicating liquor made in Polynesia, New Zealand, South America, and other parts, known as 'kava,' is not named either from its pungency, its bitterness, or from 'cava,' the pepper plant. It is kava without either of the qualities here implied, and it is kava or ava when not made at all, but drawn fresh from a plant. All forms of kava, however, have one quality in common they are all intoxicating. And this meaning is found in kepu, or kefa (Eg.), the name for fermentation. At this rootage we find kefa, force, to seize, lay hold by force, puissance, ferment, to heat, inspire, and kâ-kâ, that is kef-kef (Eg.) to chew, which is the same word with w instead of the f terminal. Kauen (Ger.), is to chew. Cawna (Tongan) to be intoxicated with cava. The intoxication was attained by chewing certain plants, and chewing to produce the ava was, as in Fiji, a sacred ceremonial custom; the ancient Kefa, the fermenter and chewer being represented by old women. How ancient the name is may be seen by the Maori kapu, to drink out of the hand. Kaf (Eg.) is the hand, and the first libation of kava, as palm wine, was drunk from the tree with the hand, for the kep or primeval cup. The kabh (Eg.) is the libation.
The Earth in Hawaiian is Kapakapana. Taken in its literal sense kapa signifies to gather up in the hands and squeeze like the dregs of awa. And the creation of the earth by the god Kane is the earth strained or squeezed dry by Kane. The kapu was also the womb, Maori hapu, in which the red earth was strained dry and squeezed into shape by the genetrix Kepa. This description of creation also presents the image of the Khepra (the creator typified by the beetle) gathering the matter up to cover and conceal the seed, or as the beetle may be seen on the monuments taking the liquid matter with his hands to turn (khep) it into solid.
The Australians have a demon named Koin, who carries off people in their sleep. He appears in the form of a native, painted with pipe-clay, and carries a fire-stick. The shouts of the victim's friends are supposed to make the demon drop him. At daylight Koin vanishes, and the sufferer finds his way back to the place from whence he was carried. In Egyptian, khen means to carry, conduct, transport, convey, and khen denotes the carrier, as the adversary, with the determinative of Sut, the ass, or gryphon-headed opponent. Sut as [p.567] the dog was a form of canis, and therefore, of khen, which name would modify into An, and the headless khen, or dog of the hinder-part, would equate with Sut in the underworld, where Sut-Anubis was the conductor and carrier of souls, as the khenu. This makes it probable that the Australian Koin, and the Polynesian god Kane may be forms of Sut-Anubis who was the guide through the darkness of death, the psychopompus, and so in a degraded phase comes to carry off the spirit of the dreamer in the darkness of night. Sut in his two characters as a dual divinity of light and dark, was represented by the black bird (neh) and the bird of light. These two phases are likewise rendered by the black native painted with pipe-clay. Koin carried a fire-stick, and Sutkenui, the conductor, and accompanier, was the star-god of fire that lighted the way through the underworld.
It has been shown that the name of Shu is also written Mau, and the earlier Egyptologists read his name as Maui. This is the name under which he reappears in the Polynesian mythology. Also the ruti (twin lions) are there represented as Ru, the father, and Maui, his son. These are likewise the 'founders of the heavenly abode,' as in the Ritual. The legend of the 'Sky Raised' tells how the heavens at one time almost touched the earth, and Maui resolved to raise the sky; for which purpose he obtained the assistance of Ru. Maui stood at the north and Ru took up his position in the south. These two lay prostrate on the ground, and succeeded in raising the solid blue with their backs; then they rose to their knees; next they stood upright and lifted it with the palms of their hands and tips of their fingers; then they drew out their own bodies to vast proportions and pushed up the retreating heavens to their present position. The solid blue, answering to the Egyptian lapis lazuli, and the ba or steel, was then pared and polished until perfectly smooth and lustrous, as we see it now. This is the likeness of the lion-gods on the horizon sustaining the heaven and not letting it fall, or the twin-lions who support the sun on their backs at the equinox: Shu, who lifts the heaven or sun and keeps the southward gate, with Anhar at the north. Ru takes the place of Shu, and in another version his title is that of Sky-supporter; he is known as the 'Sky-supporting Ru.' Ru is the lion in Egyptian, and Shu was the lion; Anhar the lion-leoparded. Shu supports the heaven which Anhar brings. The starry nature of the sky-supporter is shown by the story of Maui hurling the body of his father Ru so high aloft that it was entangled among the stars and left suspended there. His bones, however, fell, and are to be found all over the island in the shape of pumice-stone; the peculiar lightness of which would make it typical of the early god of light, which is the meaning of Shu's name. He was the light in the shades, and Gill furnishes a specimen of the primitive typology, which is [p.568] almost unfollowable for the modern mind. When the natives of Pukapuka, in 1862, gave up their gods, one aged man, formerly a priest, was seen coming in with what looked like a lump of coal. This proved to be a deity of pumice-stone, known as Ko te toka mama, i.e., the light-stone. It was blackened over and thus made to typify the light-in-the-dark, or the shades, which was represented by the star-god Shu, in Egypt, and by Maui, or Ru, in Polynesia.
The missionaries have acquired the images without the ideas which they once embodied. For example, this island bears the Maori name for a book puka-puka, which they tell us is the duplicate of the English word book. Yet it is a native name that retains a more subtle sense than is conveyed by the word book. Puka-puka has the meaning of communicating secretly and without speaking, which is effected by the book. This goes back to puka, or huka (Eg.) for thought and magic; puka and huka being synonymous.
Amongst the Tongans Maui is still a kind of Atlas in the netherworld, the domain of Anhar, where he supports the earth on his prostrate body. When there is an earthquake, they say it is Maui trying to turn over for relief, and the world-bearer, or heaven-supporter, is invoked, and the earth is beaten to make him lie still beneath his burden. Here the character of Maui is merged in that of Ru, whose name in Maori denotes the earthquake, and to shake. This may serve to connect the bones of Ru (pumice-stone) with volcanic action by which they were ejected from the earth. Moreover, earthquake is caused by force from below, and Maui's sign (as Anhar) is the rump of the lioness, which signifies force. The footprint or footprints stamped in the earth by Maui when he raised up the heaven are shown in various of the Polynesian islands. In one of the legends the work of Maui is assigned to Tane, who divides the heaven from the earth, and tan (Eg.) signifies the dividing, separating its two halves. In another the raising of the sky is assigned to Tii-tii, and in Samoa they show two hollow places in a rock, nearly two yards each in length, as the footprints of Tii-Tii, which mark the spot where he stood when he pushed up the heaven from the earth. These footprints are to be found in the Ritual as the 'foot and the sole of the foot of the lion-gods,' i.e., of Mau-Shu. 'Hail to ye feet' is said to the lion-gods. When the Osirian has crossed by the northern fields of the palm-tree he says he has seen the 'Footstep and the sole.' These, then, are identified with Mau-Shu in the Ritual, and with Maui in Polynesia.
In the Hindu mythology the sun's entrance, in each quadrant, immediately following the solstice or equinox, is styled Vishnu's feet. In the solar reckoning three feet are assigned to Vishnu, the [p.569] sun-god, representing his three strides through the three regions, of the two heavens above and below with the third midway. These are represented by three stars in the asterism Çravana, the twenty-third lunar mansion; Sâd Bula (Arab Manzil); Nu (Chinese Sieu). The Sûrya Siddhânta speaks of two entrances (Sankrânti) as the two feet of Vishnu. The two feet or footprints were earliest. The Arab Sâd Bula and Chinese Nu are in the Waterman; Çravana in Aquila, where they would mark the solstice in the Lion calendar. This connects the two footprints, or the footprint and the sole, with the two solstices as the sign of Cepheus (Shu), who first lifted up the heaven, and in doing so made the two prints of his feet, one for the south and one for the north; one for Cor Leonis, the other for the constellation Cepheus, which accounts for the expression 'the footstep and the sole.' The heaven was first uplifted and distinguished as north and south to mark the solstices, and the marks were called the two feet of Shu the lion-god. Tii-Tii is probably explained by the Maori Theitia, from Tihei, to carry a burden on the head or back, and hold it in place with the hands, which describes Shu bearing the burden of the heaven overhead by upholding it with his hands.
Anhar with his noose has been already identified with Maui, who caught and tethered the sun with his slip-noose, by the help of which the orb is let down gently at a measurable rate into Avaiki, and drawn up every morning out of the shades. The reporter of this, who has not the most remote idea of the meaning of mythology, says, 'Of course this extravagant myth refers to what English children call "the sun drawing up water."' But it is Maui drawing the sun, who in the Ritual is said to be forced along by the conducting of Maui or Shu.
It was some time before Maui could find a rope strong enough to hold the sun fast. Stronger and stronger ropes were twisted out of coconut fibre, but in vain. At length he bethought himself of his sister's hair, which was very long and lovely. He cut off some of Inaika's locks, and plaited them into a rope. He placed the noose once more at the aperture of the emerging sun, and when Ra ascended Maui pulled one end of the cord and the sun was secured with the slipknot.
Inaki in Maori has the meaning of falling back on the rear for reinforcement. This legend shows the sister of the lion-god in Polynesia corresponding to Tefnut, the sister of Shu in Egypt, who was also represented by the rear-part of the lioness. The sun-catcher appears in the Little Monedo of the Ojibwa mythos. He, too, is accompanied by the sister, who cuts him out and is his deliverer when he has been swallowed by the Great Fish.
We find in the Maori myth that when Maui has secured the sun in his six nooses, which represent six months, or one half the circle of the year, from solstice to solstice, the sun slackens in his course, and, weak with wounds, crawls slowly towards the underworld. In his anguish he cries, 'Why should you wish to kill Tama-Nui-Te-Ra?' by which they learned the sun's second name. Tama-Nui-Te-Ra is the Ra in his character of the great (Nui) first-born (Tama), the equivalent of Tum, who is Ra in his first sovereignty. It was Tum who passed through the six lower signs, and was represented as sinking from the land of life. Ra's second name is Tama, which word in Egyptian means the second, to renew, renovate, make over again. In the Egyptian mythology, Taui is the wife of Ra, as a goddess of the lower world, and in the Mangaian, the goddess Tu-Papa, or Tu of the lowest depths, is the consort of Ra, the solar god. It was on account of Ra's visits to her being too frequent and too prolonged that Maui had to tether and check the sun-god.
The savage islanders have subterranean regions called maui, for the spirits of the departed; but the place of the blessed or fortunate was in the land of Seena, the land of light in the upper skies. Maui (Maori) is the left side, the left hand, the north when the east is reckoned the front; and therefore the lower of the two heavens, the one supported by Anhar Maui. Sheni (Eg.) is the region beyond the tomb, in the upper heaven, the heavenly abode founded by the twin lion-gods.
The sister of Shu is Tefnut, or Peht, who was the old great mother, brought on in her lioness-shape, as Peht or Buto. She appears as Buata-Ranga. Ranga is to raise up, whence Rangi, the sky. The Maori has no b, but puta is the hole, the void, the place of the dead, the Egyptian baut, which was personified in Buto as in Buata. Also poti is the cat; one form of Buto being the cat-headed. Buataranga is the consort of Ru, as Buto (Tefnut) was the sister of Shu.
When Anhar brings the heaven which was raised by Shu, he is said to bring it with his Mafui(âk), which Chabas thinks was a dart or lance; according to the Mangaian and Maori imagery, his fire-stick. This fire-stick was brought up from the lower world by Maui, who wrested it from the god of fire named Mauike in Mangaia. But in the Samoan dialect the fire-god's name is Mafuie, and on the island of Fakaofo the origin of fire is traced to Mafuike, which word contains both Mauike and Mafuie. Mafuike, in this island, is a blind old lady, and the name of the old Typhon, Khep, signifies blind. Mafuike appears in New Zealand as Mahuika, the great mother of Maui. The word Mafuika agrees with the Egyptian name for copper, mafuka; of course that which would smelt would supply a name for that which was smelted or fusible. [p.571] The legend of the tree which opened the eyes of those who ate of its fruit, is preserved in Mangaia in a form indefinitely more ancient and primitive than in the Hebrew mythos. From the so-called Exploits of Maui, we learn that the Great Mother, called the grandmother of Maui, dwells in the darkness of the underworld. Here she is known as Ina the blind, who, in her groping blindness, tends a few sparks of fire, with which she is unable to cook her food. Ina the blind is the old spark-holder, whose name of Khep (Eg.) means blind. Khep, the blind spark-holder of night, is the Egyptian Great Mother. In this region grew four nono trees, one of which belonged to each of three Mauis, and one to the sister. Maui, pitying the benighted condition of his grandmother, climbed his own tree and plucked an apple. Biting off a piece he threw it into one of Ina's blind eyes, whereupon it was opened and she saw. Maui plucked another apple and threw a piece of it into the other eye, and that was opened likewise. The four trees correspond to the four corners and four genii of the Great Bear. These four were followed by the four of Shu with their four representatives in Sut, Har, Kapi, and Uati, who are here called the three Mauis and Maui's sister. Ina now makes Maui lord of all below and above, and in her instructions says, 'As there were four species of Nono so there are four varieties of coconuts and four of taro in Avaiki (or Savaiki, the Egyptian name for number seven, this being the region of the seven stars or sparks below the horizon).' The four trees, whether those of the old mother or of Maui (Shu) in the second time, are equivalent to the fourfold tree or Tat of the four quarters.
In various mythologies the saviour descends into the Hades, is buried underground or in the belly of a fish during three days. By aid of the Exploits of Maui, this can be bottomed in phenomena. In one version of the fire-myth, the god who keeps the secret of fire in the underworld is Great Tangaroa of the tattooed face, who is called Maui's grandfather. In wrestling with him Maui causes the death of Tangaroa. He then puts the bones of the ancient god into a coconut shell and shakes them until the god comes to life again. This resurrection occurs on the third day, when the re-emerging Tangaroa is found to have entirely lost his old proud bearing, and looks scarred and enfeebled. This belongs to the lunar myth, and can be explained by the three days of the moon's disappearance, which were afterwards applied to the buried god in the solar myth. The connection of Tangaroa with the moon is proved in the Maori, where the twenty-third day of the moon's age is called Tangaroamua, and the twenty-fourth is Tan Garoaroto.
The name of Shu written with the feather is paralleled in the Maori myth by the pigeon-type of Maui in the form of which he makes his aerial voyages. When Maui made his transformation into [p.572] the pigeon he took the name of Rupe. It was in the form of the pigeon that he went down into the underworld and the abode of the god of fire. A rude representation of Shu as the supporter of the sun-god when he resolves to be lifted up, is also perceivable in the Maori myth. Maui ascends to the place of his father, who is here called Rehua. Rehu, in Maori, denotes the setting sun, i.e., Tum in Egypt, the primordial Ra. He begins to set the old god's house to rights, as the aged Rehua was too feeble to do this for himself. Amongst other of Rupe's performances is the arranging of a crossbeam, by which we may understand an image of the balance or equinox. This is said to have been so indifferently done, that Kaitangata, another son of Rehua, was one day killed through hanging on to the crossbeam, which gave way and he was dashed down; his blood ran over that part of the heavens staining them ruddily, wherefore, when men see the crimson flow of sunset in the sky, they say, 'Ah, Kaitangata stained the heavens with his blood.' Tangata, the human being, the man, shows the human form of the solar god who was of the earth as Atum; the mortal as Horus the child, who descended at the western crossing in autumn, and fell below the horizon at sunset daily, or set from the land of life, and tinged the heaven with all the colours of Pant, here called blood.
The transformation of Maui is depicted as his death. At the end of his career, or journey, he comes to the dwelling of his ancestress, Hine-nui-te-po. Hine is generally used only in addressing a young unmarried woman, or a girl. This, therefore, is a form of the Virgin-mother; literally, Virgin-Great-the-night; the Great Mother of the underworld, who is seen in the distance, opening and shutting (Mut-like) where the sky and horizon meet. Maui has to pass through her. So Moses, the Hebrew Maui, entered the mouth of Jehovah. Maui enters the womb of Hine-nui-te-po, and is halfway in, when the bird, the Tiwakawaka, bursts out laughing at the sight. This woke up the Great Mother, who was sleeping, and so Maui was crushed to death between her thighs.
Maui is called the son of Ra, answering to Shu, as the son of Ra. Ra was the tutelary god of Bora-Bora. The title of Ra was made part of the style of kings, as it was in Egypt. In Mangaia the rule of each temporal sovereign was called a Mangaia, or reign of peace, the equivalent of the Egyptian hept for peace, luck, and plenty; or a Koina-Ra, a bright shining of the sun. The Egyptian pharaoh was the sun incarnated. The Mangaian Ra was called the 'Man who holds the Sun.' The pharaoh was the Har or later Ra, sun of the two houses. Bora-Bora, the shrine of the one Ra, is equivalent to the double par (house) of the other. The Maori paru, for the thatch on the roof of the house, renders the burbur [p.573] (Eg.), the cap, top, roof; and Bora-Bora is the equivalent of para, the house of Ra, duplicated to express the twin heavens.
According to Gill, it is a standard expression in hourly use in Mangaia for the wife to call the husband her 'Rua-ra.' This he renders 'sun-hole.' But it contains more than that. Rua is not only a 'hole' in the Polynesian and Maori tongues, it also means two, twin, double. Her rua-ra was her double sun; her sun by night and day; and the husband is lovingly invested with the dual character of the pharaoh as the sun of the two heavens. The husband designates the wife as his arerau, translated by his 'well-thatched house.' The house, in its reduced estate, is still the house of Ra, and husband and wife preserve the royal style and impersonate the sun and double-house of the kings and queens of Egypt.
In the myth of Rata's canoe we have the creation of the double-seated boat of the sun. The Mangaian Rata in the fairy land of Kupolu resolves to build a great double canoe with the view of exploring other lands. Kupolu answers to Khepru who crosses in the solar boat. Ra-Ta in Egyptian would denote the sun that navigates and crosses the waters in the double-seated boat of Khepru. In Maori rata signifies cutting through, to be sharp, red-hot, which agrees with the red sun of the cutting through and crossing. Upon his way to build the boat Rata beholds a furious fight between a beautiful white heron (Ruru) and a spotted sea-serpent (Aa). The heron is a type of Taht the moon-god, and appears as the fisher, the same as in the hieroglyphics. The Aa represents the Apap serpent of the waters. The fight therefore is between darkness and the lunar light. 'They fought hard all through the night.' At dawn the weary white heron sees Rata (as sun-god) passing, and cries, 'Oh, Rata, finish the fight.' The serpent asks to be left alone in the struggle, which is but 'a trial of strength between a heron and a serpent.' Rata does not interfere; he goes on his way—being in a great hurry to build his boat. But the white heron says reproachfully, 'Ah! your canoe will not be finished without my aid.' The lunar mapping-out preceded the solar. Taht the moon-god built the first ark or boat laid down on the stocks, which became the double-seated boat of Khepra, Ptah-Sekari or Tum in the solar myth. At last Rata assists the heron and chops off the head of the serpent. Then the birds of Kupolu finish the boat in a single night. In this myth of Rata's canoe occurs the story of the Polynesian Noah (and Jonah), Nganaoa. Nga (Mao.) means to breathe, take breath, and is commonly connected with manawa for the belly and breathing. Nawe (Mao.) also signifies to set on fire as nganaoa sets on fire the fish that swallows him. Nganaoa on board Rata's canoe represents the god of breath who was Shu first of all in Egyptian mythology, and afterwards Nef the sailor and breather in the waters. Nganaoa puts out to sea in a mere calabash, a type that preceded the grand new [p.574] double-seated canoe of Rata, the sun of the crossing, and had to serve before boats were built, or the crosser was depicted as walking the waters. According to Horapollo the hieroglyphic a pair of feet walking the waters, denotes an impossibility or miracle. The two signs however read han or nen, the name of a who was the bringer in relation to the water. Shu-Anhar was one of bringers. The pair of feet on the water is equivalent to the water carried by a pair of feet, and the vase or pipkin sign of An paralleled by the calabash, without its top, of the breather Nganaoa. After various refusals Nganaoa is taken on board the ship of Rata, his plea being that in case the monsters of the deep rise up against Rata he, Nganaoa, will destroy them. One day they fell in with a great whale which opened its wide jaws, one below the canoe one over it. Nganaoa jumped inside the enormous mouth, and on looking down into its stomach, lo! there sat his long-lost father and mother awaiting their deliverer. The hero and saviour then kindles a fire within the belly of the fish, when the monster writhing in agony seeks relief by swimming to the nearest dry land, and the father, mother, and son walk out of the mouth of the stranded and dying whale. This was one of the primeval legends of the race. Nganaoa is identical with Anhar, who stands at the prow of the solar barge or double-seated boat, ready to dart his spear at the Apophis, when it rears its head to swallow the passengers, and it is said of the monster, 'a fierce flame devours him, consuming from the head down to his soles, and roasting all his limbs with fire.' The foundational phenomena is that of the star-god, who was Shu-Anhar, being the earlier crosser of the abyss of darkness or passer through the monster before boats were built, and when the double-seated canoe was shaped by Taht and Rata, the crossing sun, Anhar (Shu) was taken on board as the son and defender of Ra.
Much that is missing in Egypt is recoverable in the Mangaian and Maori treasury of the mythos. The transformation or Khepra also takes place at Kupolu, where dwelt Maaru, an old blind man, and his boy named Kationga, bite-and-smell. English children are still told to bite their bread and smell their cheese.*
* At least it was so among the canal boatmen with whom the present writer's childhood was mainly spent.
The old man when dying tells his son to drag his body, when dead, to Nikao (the noke, Maori, is an earthworm), and cover it with leaves and grass. In four days the son is to go and see if there are any worms crawling about, if so he must cover it once more. Still further he is to return again in four days, and something will follow him. Peace will be restored to the island, and the son will become king. Here the old blind man is one with the blind Kak of Egypt, and 'cache' blind man of Britain, both being representative of the sun in the [p.575] dark, the blind black god who transforms into the child of light. Kationga is Har the younger, the divine repa. He goes to the old man's grave at the end of four days, and finds the place covered with crawling worms. He recovered the grave, and went to it in another four days when he found the resurrection occurring in a strange fashion. The grave was heaving with life, and then and there was born the first litter of pigs in Rarotonga. Pigs are still called the 'worms of Maaru,' and the worms become pigs. Now the Maori native name for the pig is kuhu-kuhu, and in Egyptian kak or kuhu is the word for worm. Also hekau is the pig as one of the beasts—a type-name having to serve for several uses. Thus the name of the god Kak is an Egyptian name of the worm, and the modified hek for the pig. The pig was a type of sacrifice in Egypt, and in the May festivities of the year 1852, a thousand pigs were killed in Rarotonga.
If the reader will now turn to the zodiac of Denderahi, there is to be seen an illustration of the original myth. In the sign of the Fishes as the place of the spring equinox we see the full moon and in its round stands Khunsu, the child-prince of peace, holding a pig in his hand in the act of offering. He is the prince of the pig. This sign is related to the yearly festival of sacrificing the pig and eating it at the time of the spring equinox. It was the festival of the full moon of Easter which dominated and determined the resurrection of the sun, and the pig slain, the pig of the planisphere, is that of the full moon.
The old blind man turning into worms or kaku is the god Kak, or Hak, the sun in the lower world, and the sacrifice of the pig was the same in Polynesia as in Egypt. Herodotus remarks that a tradition is related by the Egyptians respecting this matter, giving an account why they abhor swine at all other festivals and sacrifice them in that (the festival of Bacchus), 'but it is more becoming for me, though I know it, not to mention it.' It was simply because the sow imaged the multi-mammae, who was an early type of the genetrix, and it was offered up as a symbol of the prolific breeder, hence an ideograph of plenty associated with the prince of plenty.
The Maori maero signifies to be listless, weak, and emaciated, which describes the character of maaru in accordance with that of the dying sun of the underworld. The Mangaian myth presents a pathetic picture of the sun in Anrutf (the region of stinting and starving), the aged man (or god) who is too feeble to procure food, and who is fed by the son as the food-bringer until the son himself has become a mere skeleton through starving to feed the aged one; a picture that was reproduced as the well known Christian Janus, than which nothing is commoner in iconography, notably in ancient cathedrals such as Chartres, Strasburg, and Amiens. This is described [p.576] by Didron:
'A man with two heads on one body, seated near a table covered with food. One is sad and has a beard. The other is happy-looking, young, and has no beard. The older head represents the expiring year—the 31st of December. The younger, the new year—the 1st of January. The former sits beside an empty part of the table. He has exhausted all his provisions. The latter, on the contrary, has before him several loaves of bread and several dishes. Moreover a child (a little servant) is bringing him others. This child is a further personification of the new year; he is the complement of the younger head of Janus. Nevertheless a child accompanies the older as well as the younger man—but on the old man's side, the child is as if he were dead, and the door of a little temple is being closed upon him, whilst on the young man's side the child is issuing joyfully from a similar temple. One is dying and leaving the world, the other is full of life and about to enter it.'
'I have united Sut in the Upper House, through the old man with him,' says the woman, in the Ritual, who reproduces the twin-being as the young one.
In Samoa they say only pigs die, men finish, or in Egyptian thought, they are transformed if worthy. The pig in the judgment scenes is the type of dissolution and eternal death, because the probability is that in the earlier time of the pig, the typhonian genetrix, men had not evolved the idea of eternal life. We have to read their thought in the status of their types.
It was customary at Rarotonga to bury the hog's head with the dead. This was mythically related to the boar's head, brought home as a decorated trophy at Christmas, but the type was limited to the expression of one of the Two Truths in the later phase, when the winged bird, the phoenix, dove or hawk represented the risen soul. This was not so when Maaru transformed and rose from the dead in the shape of the pig as a type of plenty.
A form of the solar Horus may be traced in the Olo, Oro, or Koro of the Polynesians, one of the most important of their deities. He is the Koro of Mangaia; the war-god of the Society Islands, said by some to have been the brother of Kane, i.e., Sut, as in the compound Sut-Horus. He is also said not to be one of the gods who sprang from chaos and primeval darkness, as did the first eight gods of Egypt. Koro (or Oro) like Horus is a form of the son who is established in the place of the father in the region of Tattu.
Koro in Mangaia is the son of Tinirau, whose proper home was in Motu-tapu. Motu (Mao.) denotes an island, and tapu means sacred. So Tattu the place of establishing for ever, was represented by a sacred island in the Nile. A story is told of the process whereby Koro the son managed to get established in place of his father.
Once in every year the father and son met at the same spot and danced with the fishes. Moreover the sacred island like that described by Herodotus was a floating isle. It was in Tattu or An, the fish-sign, that the sun 'lodged dancing' at the place of the level, or the vernal equinox. In the Mangaian myth the fishes themselves come to land and join in the tautiti dance in which the hands and feet all move at the same time. The name of this dance may be derived from tau (Mao.) the year, and titi, to stick in a peg. The name of the period and festival in the Egyptian uak also means a peg. The annual tautiti registered another year in the eternal round; hence the circular dance. The emblem of the tautiti was a belt or girdle, which passed from the father to the son. That this fish-dance was astronomical may be gathered from another which was known as the crab-dance, in dancing which the performers imitated the side-movements of that fish. One witness remarks that the 'graceful Tautiti dance stands opposed to the "crab," in which the side movements of that fish are most disagreeably imitated.' The 'crab' in Maori is named rerepari from rere, to go to and fro, rise and set as the heavenly bodies, go both ways, and eari, the high shore, or sea cliff. This is in consonance with the crab's being the high sign of the summer solstice, and the crab-dance would be an illustration of the sun passing through the sign of the fish that lived in two elements and went in two ways or sidewise.
This myth preserves a sign of its solar nature in a way most unique. The sun of the two heavens and two halves of the circle is represented by the father and son who meet on one night of the year, when they join hands to form the circle and dance the tautiti. The father is seen by his son to ascend a coconut tree, and it is observed that both in climbing and in twisting off the nuts one by one he makes use of only one hand, and to the great astonishment of the watcher he does not allow his body to touch the tree. Each of the two suns had but one hand or side of the circle divided in two halves.
Koro the son, who learns the father's magic, gets possession of his girdle and becomes king of the fish. The son supersedes the father in the fishes, as he did in the fixed year of the zodiac. Koro is the Egyptian Har, who in one character is called the avenger of his father, and as conqueror of Typhon, is a war-god. Tautiti is given as a name of Koro, the renewer of the circle. And as the branch or shoot (renpu) of the mythical tree of life he is celebrated as the planter for ever of the fragrant tree, the red-berried pandanus, which 'graces the sacred sandstone.'
This is why the crab was what is termed an 'object of worship' in some of the southern isles. It was preserved as a symbol the significance of which was known more or less. Certainly less to the [p.578] English missionaries than to the initiated natives. The English witnessed their reverence for the symbol, but had absolutely no knowledge of the thing signified, and could not read their hieroglyphics or render their hidden lore.
The fish-god Tinirau has a daughter, the goddess Ature, who is a fish-goddess. A fish named the athure (bream) is sacred to her. This fish in shoals makes an annual visit to one particular part of the northern shore of Mangaia in March, the Maori meh. The fish-goddess is known as Athor or Ater, the fish (Atergatis), in the Hermean zodiaci. In the Ritual the land attained after crossing the waters in this region of the fishes is Tattu, the place of establishing for ever. It was here the fish landed Hercules, and the whale Jonah, the place where the fish-goddess brought forth. In the lunar myth it was Hermopolis; in the solar Heliopolis. One name of Athor is Meh, the fulfiller in Meh, the place and the time of fulfilment. Ature the fish-goddess is identical with Atergatis or Derketo, the fish-tailed deess and Syrian goddess described by Lucian. We do not find Athor in Egypt expressly called the fish-goddess; her extremity is out of sight, or rather she begins in the crocodile and hippopotamus goddess. Also she appears with a bream or a perch on her head. Athor, the habitation of Har or Kore, is the Egyptian Venus and her fish-type shows us how she was the goddess who rose up out of the foam, after being poetized by the Greeks, with her fish-form turned into the tenderest fleshliness.
The Kamilaroi and Wiradueri tribes, who formerly occupied a large territory on the Darling and its tributaries, have a traditional faith in 'Baiame' or 'Baiamai,' literally 'The Maker,' from baim, to make or build. They say that Baimai made everything. He makes the grass to grow, and provides all creatures with food. Baimai gave them a sacred wand, which they exhibited at their 'Bora,' the initiatory rite of admission to manhood, and the sight of this wand is essential to make a man. The first male maker was found in the procreative image represented by the sacred wand. In the Wiradueri and other Kamilaroi dialects the man (vir) is named Gibir, the Egyptian Khepra, or Creator with the seminal source. Conterminous with the Kamilaroi is what is termed the Western Australian dialect. In this bema is the semen which shows how Baime or Baiamai was the procreative spirit personified. Baiamai, interpreted by the sacred wand, the typical wand that budded, can be recovered by means of the hieroglyphics in which the bah is the phallus, and mai is the seed of man. The ba is also the branch in leaf. From this bah or ba comes the bat, the father or procreator. This image of deity belongs to the 'Non-revealed religions,' and yet the rod of Aaron which budded was the wand of Baiamai.
Batu or Bata, in Puto Nias, is a divinity said to have charge of the earth; his full style is Bata-da-Danau. Bata appears in the Ritual in the chapter of transforming into the 'Soul of the Earth.' He was represented by a serpent: 'I am Bata, the soul of the earth, whose length is years, laid out and born daily. I am the soul of the earth in the parts of the earth. I am laid out and born, decay, and become young daily.' Tan or tann (Eg.) is also a name of the earth. Ptah was a god of the earth, the lowest of two regions, and one of his titles is Ptah-Tatanan. Patu (Mao.) denotes the lowest, the lowest batten on the roof of a house.
Ngaru is a name of the Polynesian victor-god who fights with the powers of evil, the monster of the waters, and the devourer of the Hades, and unites in one the characters of Izdubar and Ulysses, Hercules, Khunsu, and Jack the Giant-killer. He fights with a shark during eight days; he is buried in the earth during eight days—the typical number eight belonging to the time of the eight gods—he is buried as a black and rises again as a white. He descends into hell and puts it out by letting in a deluge. He ascends to a region above and slays the giant. In all his conflicts Ngaru comes off the victor, and the equivalent naru (Eg.) signifies victory. Nasru has the same meaning of victory, also a governor. Naru, and Nasru enter into the names of the gods Nergal and Nisrock.
In Egyptian tep is the ap, and ap means first, ancestral, that which is born of, as in the earlier Kep. Tep denotes the point of beginning. Tep is the sacred mount, the starting-point of the whole. All that is primary, initial, and primordial, is expressed by tep. Tep is the upper heaven, and the tepht is the lower. So is it in the Maori and Polynesian language. Tupu denotes the very beginning, and to tupu is to commence. Tupua in Mangaian means from the very beginning which is personified in Vari the great mother, who is Tep or Typhon in Egypt; teb, the hippopotamus; tepa, the heifer; tep, the tongue; teb, the ark; tep, the keel of a boat; teph, the cave, cavern, cefn, or womb. Tupuna (Mao.) as a plural means the ancestors, male or female. The Mangaian Taeva-rangi, the celestial aperture out of which the divine papa or foundation put forth her hand, is the Egyptian tepht, the hole of source, the aperture of the abyss in the beginning.
The god Teipe, one of the thirteen Mangaian gods, was 'supposed to be incarnate in the centipede,' which means that the centipede was a type of Teipe. Teipe is the Egyptian tep of the beginning, a first type, whether applied to Vari or to the male god Teipe. Tef in Egypt was likewise applied to the male, as the first, the divine ancestor, when the fatherhood was acknowledged. Tef, Teipe, or Tipa was claimed by the Maori as their divine ancestor, their deity. In the Maori address to Sir George Grey, in 1861, the chiefs gave up their [p.580] god. 'That is Tipa,' they said, pointing to a carved image. 'We who belong to these five tribes, take our origin from Him; he is our ancestor; the source of our dignity; we give him to you; also his mat and his battle-axe. We cannot give you more.' So they presented their deity to the English, who have given the same god back again as our devil. Tef (Eg.) means divine, and the first El was the Tef-El, son of Tef or Typhon, who has now become taboo instead of tapu. Tupi was also a Mangaian, Zaimuc, Dyak, Aztec, Mexican, Chiquito, Tamul, and Guarini god.
As Tipoka, in New Zealand, Tef had become the divinity of death. Akh (Eg.) signifies the dead, manes, spirits. In Mangaia Teipe was the god of human sacrifice. The Maori name thus obtained something of the later character of Typhon, as destroyer. Tuphui signifies a typhoon, and tupua is a title of the Taniwha, the Maori monster of the waters, and representative of the Apophis demon of the deep. Not that they ever acquired the downright devil of the Christian theology, who was reserved for missionary revelation. The Mangaians called their evil spirits 'bright evil spirits;' they were luminous by night when the sun shone in the underworld.
The Mangaians have a goddess, the cruel Moto, called the 'Striker,' who is for ever beating with the flail of death in the shadow land. In the hieroglyphics, mut, or muti, to die, has the striker for determinative. Mote, or Momoto, in Maori, is to strike blows with the fist. From this striking of Moto it is said that the art of cloth-beating was derived. This may recover a hieroglyphic, the determinative of mata, to beat, or strike, which may be the sign of hot-pressing. In connection with the cruel Moto the Mangaians have what seems to me a crude form of the Assyrian descent of Ishtar into the Hades.
Mote, in the underworld, takes the place of the Akkadian Nin-kigal. Ngaroariki is a queen (ariki), like Ishtar. Ngaro (Maori) is to be hidden, absent, lost sight of, as is the moon in its descent and passage out of sight, when it has been stripped of all its glory. On one occasion Ngaroariki was cast into a bush of thorns by four men who correspond to the genii of the four quarters, but she came out again beautiful as ever. With this we may connect the four quarters of the moon and the bush of thorns in it. Moto is the hater and envier of her lustrous loveliness; and once, when the queen had stripped herself for a bath in a secluded place, Moto fell upon her. 'With a keen shark's tooth she shaved off the whole of her hair, which was so profuse that it made eight large handfuls. Her face was next so disfigured that it was impossible for any one to recognize the once beautiful queen. Her pretty yellow ear ornaments of stained fish-bone, and her fine pearl shell, daintily suspended from her neck, were snatched away. Her gay clothes were all taken from her, and she was wrapped round in a single piece [p.581] of old black tapa, so that poor Ngaroariki, utterly forlorn and changed in appearance, hid herself in the forest.'
Ishtar, we are told, had set her mind and determined on going to the place of Nin-ki-gal; so Ngaroariki had fixed her mind on going to the fountain near the place of Moto. She went, although her husband warned her not to go, and tried to dissuade her from her purpose, for she loved to have her own way. Like Ishtar, she was despoiled of all her 'queenly ornaments.' Ishtar is restored to the upper world, and has all her ornaments returned to her through the interposition of the sun. Ngaroariki has her stolen treasures returned, and is restored to her pristine beauty through the interposition of the King Ngata, her husband. In each case the desolate condition of the queen is announced by a messenger—the one in the assembly of the gods, the other at a 'grand reed-throwing match in honour of the king.' This mythical representation has not been recovered directly from Egypt; here the stem of the fork is missing.
The Mangaians have another goddess or demon, Miru, who is deformed in figure and terrible of look, and who feasts on the fallen souls of the dead. Miru dwells in the west, and is the devouring demon of the Hades. Her name denotes the west and the pit, the hole or void, to which the west is the entrance. This, in Maori, is muri, the hinder-part, the rear, the Egyptian Akar. In Miru we have a form of Am, the devourer of the Hades, called the destroyer, the mistress of the west, which was the ru or mouth. Muru, in Egyptian would denote the mouth of death, or gate of the dead, i.e., the grave or Hades, the pit-hole or the west. Mi, in Egyptian, is the west, as a variant of Am. Mi (Ass.) is the black. The particular Egyptian form of the Mangaian Miru and Maori Muri is to be found in the word amru or muru, a name of the cemetery, and a quarter—the west.
In the Ritual the monster Ammit, the devourer of the dead, is pictured in the scene of the Great Judgment, with the head of a crocodile, the forepart of a lioness, and the hindquarters of a hippopotamus. Ammit, the devouring demon of the Hades, and a name of the western crossing, is repeated in the Maori Ameto for the Hades. The dead, the setting souls and setting stars, were represented as being swallowed down by the crocodile of the west. In Mangaia some of the wise men insisted that the spirits still lived on after passing through the belly of Miru and her followers. This, too, is the doctrine of the Book of the Dead, where the spirit says: 'No harm was done me; I received no impurity in passing through thy belly.' The belly of Hades, howsoever personified.
The ghosts of the dead were described as wandering disconsolate along the margin of the sea. Their great delight was to follow the [p.582] sun. A place called Ana-Kura was one of the meeting points where the disembodied spirits gradually assembled for their final departure. For this they might have to wait some months. The precise period of passage was fixed by the leader of the band. When the distinguished chief had resolved to depart he issued his commands. Messages were sent to collect the stray ghosts who still lingered near their ancient haunts. With last looks and farewell tears they assembled at Ana-Kura and there watched intently for the rising sun. At the first sign of dawn they moved to meet him, and then the multitude followed in his train; he in the heavens above, they over the ocean beneath, until, late in the afternoon, they all assembled at Vairorongo, facing the setting sun in the west, with their eyes fixed on him as he sank in the ocean, and following him, they flitted over the waters in the path of the sun-god Ra.
Now let us turn to the Book of the Dead, and the 'Chapter of Going Forth to the Heaven where the Sun is.' This describes the sun as issuing his commands for the gathering together of the dead who are waiting to be taken on board the solar bark.
'The sun is shining on that night. Every one of his servants is living. He gives a crown to Horus on that night. The deceased delights while he is one of the same. He has come to thee, his father; oh Sun! He has followed Shu, he has saluted the Crown, he has taken the place of Hu enveloped in the plait which belongs to the road of the sun when in his splendour. He has chased that chief everywhere in the horizon. The sun has issued his commands in heaven. On thou great God in the east of heaven! Thou proceedest to the bark of the sun as a divine hawk of time. He has issued his commands, he strikes with his sceptre in his boat. The deceased goes to thy boat. He is towed in peace to the happy West.' The journey of the dead is from the west to the east through the underworld, and then round again to the west following the track of the sun. 'The road is of fire, they whirl in fire behind him.' And there in the west was the Mount Manu, the place of spirits perfected, the point of ascent from a completed circle. Ana-Kura is the red cave, and the same red rock is found in the Egyptian Annu or An, the 'Boundary of the Land.' Tum, the god of An, was also lord of the double-seated vessel; the sign of the festivals, and the Tongans have the 'double canoe of Tongans sailing through the skies.'
On the monuments the red crown is the symbol of the lower sun, world, or Egypt, the type of the nether one of the Two Truths of mythology, the feminine of source, as place, person, or principle, hence it is red. The divinities wear the red crown as emblem of time lower world, and the spirits in passing through the Hades are invested with the red crown. Not only is the red crown worn, the region is red, the Osiris (as tesh-tesh) is red, the Pool of Pant is red, the mythical Red [p.583] Sea. Says the Osiris, 'I have anointed myself with red wax.' 'I have provided myself with the leg-bone of a red bird.' 'Thou mayest go; thou art purified.' For this red sign was typical of the menstrual purification in Smen, the region of purgation and preparation. The imagery is older than any artificial crown, and is extant in the earliest natural stage with the Polynesians and Maori. Their dead in passing through the Hades, following the red sun of the lower world, are likewise wearers of the red crown. They 'are arrayed in ghostly network and a fantastic mourning of weeds picked up by the way, relieved by the fragrant heliotrope which grows freely on the barren rock. A red creeper, resembling dyed twine, wound round and round the head like a turban, completed their ghostly toilet.' Net is a name of the red crown, and the goddess Net (Neith) carries the sign of netting or weaving on her head.
At Rarotonga the spirits of the dead were supposed to meet at Tuoro, facing the setting sun, waiting for the moment of leaving. Tuoro was the limit of earth and point of departure for the underworld. Teru is Egyptian for the utter extremity and limit of the land. The first object seen was the bua tree, or tree of life to those who laid hold of it without the branch breaking. The bu-tree is the palm of Egypt, and in the Ritual the Osirian says of the passage after death, 'I have crossed by the northern fields of the palm-tree.' That was from the west, the point where sun and spirit entered the Hades.
'Explain to them what thou hast seen in the region of the captured'—the region of the captured, through which the deceased had passed. In the Mangaian myth there was a circular hollow beneath the bua tree, where Muru spread the net to catch every soul that fell, through laying hold of a dead branch instead of the living green one. Here was the region of the captured. In the Ritual the pool of the damned and the trap are in a fissure of the rock. There are the liers-in-wait, who watch with noose and net to capture souls. At the angle of the west is the watcher Baba with the net, and he who 'lives off the fallen at the angle of the pool of fire, the Eater of Millions is his name.' One name of the Mangaian watcher with the net that catches fallen souls is Aka-anga. In the Ritual aka is the great squatter, who hides as the lier-in-wait for fallen souls. 'Anga,' to turn in some other direction, is equivalent to that western corner or angle where the liers-in-wait are found. The Mangaians have a proverbial saying in regard to the dying—'Will he be caught in the net of innumerable meshes?' The deceased in the Ritual cries, 'Oh father of the gods, mother of the gods in Hades! save ye the deceased from the wicked netting of the dead,' or deficient; the one [p.584] who had not power enough to break through the nets. Again he exclaims exultingly, 'I do not sit in the nets of them.' One chapter of the Ritual before cited is that of 'escaping from the net,' with a vignette of the deceased walking away from the net. 'Oh, catcher of the birds (souls) flying on the waters, do not catch me in your nets; they reach to heaven, they stretch to earth! The deceased comes forth and breaks them when they are stretched (says the hidden god). I have made men to fly with wings.'
In the Egyptian, hell and the net are synonymous. Aat is the region, the Hades, and also a name for the net.
The Mangaians have a well known proverb that presents a ludicrous picture of the souls caught in the net of Aka-anga, who flap their wings in the vain effort to escape from its meshes, besmeared with filth, and floundering deeper in the mire. This mud and its bemirement are likewise presented in the Ritual.
Off the south-west coast of Vanua Levu there lies a small island, which is imagined by the natives to resemble a canoe. In this canoe the souls of the deceased are said to pass over the waters of death. The canoe of the dead is the Egyptian Makhennu, the first form of which was the Great Bear, as the boat of souls. Ma is the dead, khennu the canoe. This preceded the ark built by Taht, and the double-seated boat of the sun.
Para was the sacred name of Heliopolis, or An in Egypt, named from the celestial birthplace in An above. This is the Assyrian parra, and Fijian bure or god's house. An is a name of the fish, and in the fish-sign the god was reborn. This fact and its meaning were carried forth by the Maori. 'Para-para' is the name of their sacred place; likewise the name of the first-fruits of their fishing, which identifies the symbolical value of the fish offered to the gods. Parapara is also identical with the Mangaian Boru-boru, dedicated to the sun-god Ra.
The name of the Haitian Elysium in the west, the paradise of the happy dead, is Koaibai. Like the Aaru (Eg.) it is a field of feasting and a place of plenty. In Koaibai grows the mamey-tree, the fruit of which supplies the dead, who assemble by night to pluck from their tree of life. The living will eat very sparingly of the mamey-tree, on account of its belonging to the dead, who in Egyptian are the mum, hence the mummies. Kaui (Eg.) also denotes the dead. Bai is some kind of sacred food, and koaibai is the name of this Haitian heaven and Eden of the mamey-tree.
'At first sight,' says Max Muller, 'what can be more startling than to see the interior of the world, the invisible or netherworld, the Hades of the Mangaians, called avaiki; aviki being the name of one of the lower regions, both among Brahmans and Buddhists. But we [p.585] have only to look around, and we find that in Tahitian the name for Hades is Hawaii; in New Zealand hawaiki, and more originally, I suppose, sawaiki; so that the similarity between the Sanskrit and Polynesian words vanishes very quickly.'
The original of these names is to be found in the Egyptian sevekh, which is the name for the number seven. The Hervey group consists of seven inhabited islands, and one of these is Mangaia. The seven isles are said to be the visible representatives above of another seven in avaiki, or savaiki, below. At the Penrhyns, when referring to death, they speak of going to savaiki. The seven below have become shadowy and impalpable, and the seven above are described as the embodiment of the seven in the underworld, as if these latter were spirits. The Mangaian savaiki is another form of the seven belonging to the netherworld of mythology, derived by name from sevekh, number seven; the seven spirits of the Great Bear; the seven caves or islands of the sunken Atlantis; the seven submerged provinces of Dyved. In the fragment from Marcellus, on the islands of Atlantis, we read that it is recorded by some of the historians who have treated of 'the external sea, that in their time there were seven islands situated in that sea (the Atlantic) which were sacred to Persephone.' The seven isles belong to the world and time of the earliest mythos, sunken in the north, the region of sevekh, the crocodile type of the sun below, and of the goddess of the north pole.
Po, another name of the netherworld, is equivalent to avaiki. And po or pu is an Egyptian name for the north or Buto, the bau, void, hole of the tomb. Po is the place of departed spirits in Maori and in Egyptian bau, the deep, also signifies spirits as well as the void. But this mythical and submerged land identified with the number seven, which belonged primarily to the celestial allegory, had a real existence in Khebti (Egypt), the land of the seven outlets to the Nile, the original Khebti-Khentu, a double land, as north and south. Kepti, or hepti, is number seven equally with sefekh or savaiki, because the ti is two, and kep, the hand, is five. It is evident that the Mangaians had both forms of savaiki, or Egypt, from one of which people emerged on the horizon north-west, and from the other came up out of the earth, as the original home of gods and men.
Mangaia is the seventh as the southernmost of the Hervey group of seven islands, and its name signifies 'Peace.' Peace in Egyptian is hept which is also the name of number seven. Mena (Eg.), for repose and rest, answers to Mangaia for peace. But this word mena, for peace and rest, also signifies the warping to shore, coming to anchor, arriving at the resting-place, or attaining land. So interpreted, Mangaia, like Menapia, would be named as a first landing-place.
The Maori are accustomed to call the natives of the Hervey islands their 'Elder Brothers;' and one name of Mangaia is Auau. This is a duplicated form of au, which in Egyptian means the old, the old one, the most ancient, and therefore the first, hence a title of dignity. In Maori au signifies thou—the pronoun of dignity still in English—denoting the Au, or the old one the old age in Egyptian. In Maori auau, to lift or raise up, has an earlier form in hapai, to lift up, raise, carry, begin. So in Egyptian au or aau, the ancient, has earlier forms in Af and Kef, who was primarily the old one born of. As place, kheb or kef, abrades into au or aa, the ancient place, the island rising up out of the waters.
In the secondary form this is the Aât or Khepht, the Au, Af, or Khep, with the plural terminal. Thus au-au is a duplicated Au, equivalent to the Vewa kiba-kiba, the Fijian hifo-hifo; kep-kep, the name of Nubia, and kheb-kheb (Eg.), which, as duplicative forms are equivalent to Khebt, Kheft, Aft, or Aut, in Egyptian. An equivalent of kep-kep is found in ua-ua, a name of Nubia in the time of the sixth dynasty. Ua-ua is literally one-one, and therefore denotes the second one, like kep-kep. In the form uauat, the plural terminal is added. Ua is the one, the one alone, solitary, isolated. Uat is a name of the north and of Lower Egypt. Thus ua-uat in Nubia was once the lower Egypt of inner Africa, and ua-ua is a worn down form of kefa-kefa or kep-kep. So uat is the secondary form of kefa, the goddess of the north. Auau, of the seven isles of Savaiki, whose names associate it with peace and the number seven, or 'hepti,' the earlier 'khepti,' is a form of Khebt, the lower of two Egypts, named from the celestial birthplace in the north, where the two Egypts were the region of the Great Bear, as the Kep (Khepsh) above and the Kept or Khebt below; or the Khep north, and Khept west. The seven islands are representative of the seven below, the seven isles, lands, caves in the Akar of the north-west, out of which all issued in the mythological beginning.
In the Hawaiian traditions the ancestors came from 'moku-huna,' or 'aina-huna-a-kane,' the concealed land of Kane. The god Kane appears in the Hawaiian mythology as the lord of the waters.
The 'land of Kane' so frequently referred to in the Hawaiian folklore, is the land of the living waters of Kane. This spring of the water of life is described at its source as an overflowing fount attached to a large enclosed pond, which was crystal-clear and had magnificent banks. It had three outlets; one for Ku, one for Kane, and one for Lono. Its water had the power of restoring the dead to life; it was the fabled fount of immortality. The three outlets are remarkable because the fabled or mythical waters of the Pool of Two Truths are but two. Horapollo tells us, however, that when the Egyptians denoted the rising of the Nile, which they call Nun, they [p.587] depicted three water-pots, neither more nor less, to signify the triple cause of the inundation, one for the ocean, one for the earth, and one for the southern heaven. The triple cause was more probably the three lakes. But it is possible that there was another triad intended, that of evaporation in the upper heaven, the water that irrigated the earth, and that which went to the sea; three feeders in the three regions of heaven, earth, and the abyss imaged by the triple fount, corresponding to the three outlets for Ku, Kane, and Lono.
In the following chant of the Land of Kane, the words 'Pali-uli' signify the northward-flowing; the course of the Nile in the hidden land of Khen, the interior of source:—
'O PaIi-uli, hidden land of Kane,
Land in Kalana i Hau-ola,
In Kahiki-Ku, in kapa-kapa-ua a Kane.
Land with springs of water fat and moist,
Land greatly enjoyed by the God.'
The name of Kane being taken, as before suggested, for the Egyptian Han or Nen, this is the land of the inundation the land of the bringer, who was Nun the father of Shu, and Han or Nun the youth, the child of the mother alone who became Anup the Dog-star, and who is identified by name in the earlier form of Khan as Sut the first bringer of the inundation. In like manner the name of the typical vase modifies from Khan into Han and An, as the symbol of the bringer.
Atia or Atiu—it is rendered both ways—is a common Polynesian name of the original birthplace. One native account of Atia is that it is an enclosure out of which came the primary gods of the island. That is out of the Hades, the Egyptian Aat, Kat, or Khept for the hinder heaven. In a chant intoned on public occasions by the priests of Rarotonga it is proclaimed that—
Atia is the original land from which we sprang.
Avaiki (Savaiki) is the original land from which some came.
Kuporu is the original land from which we sprang.
Vavau is the original land from which some came.
Manuka is the original land from which we sprang.
This asserts that whereas some of the tribes came from Avaiki and Vavau they came from the primeval home, called Atia, Kuporu, and Manuka. Manu (Mao.) means to be launched and set afloat. The bird and the boy's kite are Manu. Ka denotes the commencement of a new condition of things, besides being the well-known sign of land and country. Ati is a word used by the Maori, who preserve it sacredly, and employ it only in the names of tribes or clans, for the offspring and descendants. So in Egyptian the aat is the child of the mother alone, and the aati are the children whose descent is on [p.588] the mother's side. At Memphis Osiris is designated Ati, and he was the child of the mother alone as As-Ar, son of Isis. The aati were the outcasts of Egypt because the children of the mother only. In Maori ati-ati is to drive away, expel, and atiutiu means to stray and wander. The outcasts of later Egypt were of the same cult as the early emigrants. Ati is a worn-down form of khepti, a name of those who were looked on as the wicked, godless, enemies of the sun, because they were the children of night, and Typhon, the ancient Kefa and Khept of the hinder-part. Atiu then was the country of the Ati or Khefti, who as the khêti (Eg.) are the sailors and navigators; khéti corresponding to the Maori ati to wander, be nomadic. It has been shown that Ethi-opia* is an abraded form of Khefti-opia as the land of Kefa in the second or plural form of the name, Kheft, Khept, or Khebt, Ethiopia being the Egypt within before the namers had descended the valley of the Nile. For example, an ancient name of Abyssinia is Habesh. That represents the Egyptian Khepsh and Hebrew Kûsh, the name for the north, the region of the Great Bear, when the namers were farther to the south, where the first and singular form of the name is extant, in the province of Kaffa, Lat. 7º 36´ N.; Kifa, about 4º north, and the land of Kivo at the sources of Lake Tanganika. Kaf (Eg.) is one hand, kafti or kapti is two hands, and in Kheftiopia, or the modified Ethiopia, we have the doubled or secondary land of the south and north which was finally upper and lower Egypt. And the name of the ancestral land was Ati or Atiu, which is equivalent to the Egyptian Aâti, Afti, and Khept the second, or a dual Khep. Among the Maori names of the north-west wind are Hau-atiu and Tup-atiu. Hau means wind, and tup is to commence or to blow. Thus atiu in both cases means the north-west. This in Egyptian would indicate a dual form of the hinder-part, the Aât, Aft, or Kheft which was at first the hinder part north and afterwards the hinder-part west, and the duplicate or plural form may be expressed by Khepti, Kep-Kep, or Uâ-Uâ, as in the names of Nubia. Now another Maori name of the north-west wind is Kape-Kape, a duplicative form of Kape which may be illustrated by kapu applied to the hand and kapu-kapu to the foot, an equivalent for the upper and lower, or for the first and second, kapu-kapu being a sort of Kapu da capo; therefore an equivalent of the dual in Kep-Kep (Nubia) or Khebti (Egypt); only in the Maori the dual is applied to the north-west instead of to south and north, or the upper and lower lands. Khepsh is also the hinder-part north, and Khept the second Khep is the hinder-part west in Egypt.
* The Greek άίθω, to burn, is identical with the words heat, hot, and yr (Eg.), which are derived from khet (Eg.), fire, but heat is not a primary meaning; that has to be sought in khept and uati for the North, and the secondary form of khep.
The Polynesian traditions, says Fornander, all agree in looking [p.589] westward as the point of emergence from the underworld below the horizon. No matter on which island, or on which of the three groups, Hawaiian, Samoan, or Tongan, the situation of this ancestral land was always indicated by pointing in the direction of north-west.
Ethiopia was the Utopia, or Utopu of the Polynesians. As late as the beginning of the nineteenth century the Nukahivans used every now and again to fit out exploring expeditions in their great canoes and start westward in search of their traditional Utupu; from which they said, the god Tao had brought the coconut tree. There are reasons for thinking that Utupu represents Ethiopia or Khepsh. Pu is an Egyptian name of the north, the Po or lower heaven of the Polynesians. Khept and aat denote the hinder-part which was both north and west. Uta (New Holland) for hell, corresponds to the aat (Eg.) or Hades.
As previously shown, the akar was a region of the hinder-part west in the solar mythos, whereas in the Sabean it was in the north. The Mangaian name of the north is Akarua. That is a type-word of measurable value. It belongs to a time before the west was considered the akar in Egyptian, and akharru in Assyrian. Still another Maori name of the north-west wind is mauru, and uru is the west. The region and the wind are identical, as in the Egyptian meh for the north and the north wind. In Egyptian ma and meh are sometimes equivalent, and the meh, symbolised by a nest of water-birds, is the north as the birthplace of the twin source and Two Truths, the water and the breath of life. This water of the meh (mehuri) reappears in Maori as Maori applied to water fresh from the fount of source. Thus the Maori preserve the water of life under their own name, and the wind of the north, also called meh (Eg.), which was the breath of life in Africa, is to them the mauru as the wind of the north-west. It is touching to think that mauru, the name given to this breath of the motherland, is also the word for being eased and quieted in pain and heartache. Mauri is also the name of the 28th day of the moon's age, and mehi (Eg.) means to fill, be full, fulfil and be completed; it is also a title of Taht, the lunar god, whose name of Tekh signifies full, and of Hathor the fulfiller.
In Egyptian the ru is the horizon, as the door, gate, or mouth to the meh, the abyss in the north. The ruru denotes the horizon as the place of the two lions, the double horizon of the equinoctial level. The rru are steps. Meh-ru would thus unite the abyss below and the horizon above, it is possible that the Mount Meru with its seven steps may be the type of this Mehru, though that is not our object at present. There is an ideograph of the two Egypts, (V) the original of what is known as the Greek 'border pattern,' which reads meri or merui. It is the visible sign of lower and upper, or meh (north, the abyss) and rru (horizon and steps), and it is feasible [p.590] that the name of Tameri is the land of Meh-ru, whence Meru, and that the ancient Meroè was once the capital of two Egypts under this name. The first lower and upper were north and south, but the Maori mauru is north and west, and this is in keeping with the meh, north, and the ru as the horizon west. Meroe in Ethiopia was due north from the equator, but reckoning from Central Africa or from Habesh (Abyssinia) we shall find the land of the ancient Mauri (Mauritania), howsoever the district was bounded at different times, was always to the north-west of our centre, which travels from the equator down to Lower Egypt. Thus we have a 'Mauri,' for the country north-west in Africa, answering to the Maori name of the north-west as Mauru. This shifts the duality of Meh-ru or Meru, from north and south to north and west, just as it was shifted when the hinder-part west was called khept, as the place of going down instead of the north. This name for a land lying north-west of the African centre—always reckoning from the south—would deposit the names of the Mauri land; Marmarica (a duplicated form) and Marocco as the Mauri or Moors went farther north into Spain, or Tzephon.
From these and other data may be drawn the inference that the Maori people were self-named as the emigrants who came from the north-west, one name of which is mauru, Egyptian meru, meroe or the meh-ru.
The Mauri name is that of the later Moors, of a land under the Tropic of Cancer and north-west of the equator, as well as of Ethiopia the typical birthplace, and the name of the Moors found on the Egyptian monuments is written Mauri or Maurui. The original mauri dwelt in the north-western land lying between the Atlantic and Mediterranean, and their name is identifiable with that of the Maori, whose traditions derive them from the north-west.
They came from the mauru, and in their language i signifies from, so that the people from Mauru would be the Maurui or Maori. They came from kape-kape, and kep-kep (Nubia) is the primitive plural for khepti. The Hervey Islanders came from atiu or ati, the worn-down form of khebti. The Nukahivans came from Utopu or Ethiopia. These names are sufficient to identify the ancestral land from which the migrations went as claimed in their traditions and proclaimed in their songs.
According to Diodorus Siculus, the Egyptians declared they had sent forth many expeditions and established colonies in divers parts of the world, in times of the remotest antiquity. These would issue forth at different stadia of the African development and from divers regions of the country with sufficient initial divergence between the varieties to account for the difference developed in the Australians, for example, and the Maori or Tasmanian wild man; the black men and the brown men of today.
At least three such stages are marked by the Auritae, Mestraeans, [p.591] and Ruti of the Old Egyptian Chronicle. The Auritae, Afritae, or Kafritae name takes the people back to inner Africa, and identifies them with the blacks and the people who named Kûsh and Habesh as their north. The Mestraians are midway towards Egypt, and here the westward course would be taken into the Mauri-land. The Ruti are the people of Egypt known to us. They are, as the name implies, and their complexion shows, a form of the red men.
Thus we have the range from black to red with the variety of intermediate hues which afterwards deposited distinct types, all traceable at home.
A tribe of natives found in Australia still call themselves the Kumites. Kume in Maori signifies to stretch out, pull out, draw away to a distance. Komaru is the name of the sail. Khamit (Eg.) means to let drop, to let fall an arm or branch, to transfer (peacefully). The old rowers and sailors who were dropped from the parent stem, and had to range out vast distances from the ancestral land in transferring themselves, were the Kumi or Kumites.
The identity of the names for boat and body has been referred to. A body of men is, in a Polynesian form, a boatful, the boat itself being a poti in Maori. The boat-load was the body of emigrants, and as such would offer a type-name for the clan, tribe, or gens. Now, in Maori, the canoe is called a waka, and the waka is the primary division, which is subdivided into iwis and hapus, or rather the territory claimed by each waka is subdivided into districts, each of which is claimed by an iwi, the iwis and hapus being named from ancestors. The waka is the Egyptian kaka, a canoe.
Bartlett, the naturalist of the Zoological Society, has identified the oldest dog found on the Egyptian monuments with the wild dog of Australia, known as the dingo, Maori tingei, which word means to be unsettled, roving, wild. The dingo seen by the present writer in the Gardens, Regent's Park, was a very recognizable likeness of the Egyptian dog. This dog's name is Abuakar. Abu is the dog; akar signifies the clever, sharp, alert, prepared, excelling, and the Abuakar has a most sharp and active look. It appears, in the tombs of the Fourth Dynasty, as a house-dog attached to the master's chair, and is also called Tasem, the dweller or domesticated dog.
Abaikour has been found as the Berber name for the greyhound species. This tends to prove the reading here suggested, as the akar, the clever, sharp, prepared, alert, applies equally to the watchdog and hound. In Egypt the Abuakar was domesticated. In Australia he appears to have gone wild, i.e., tingei, in Maori, whence the dingo of the colonists.
The powerful people who once occupied the Pacific Islands, and [p.592] who built the cyclopean enclosures with walls twelve feet thick, and the canals which were lined with stone, were known to the Lele Islanders by the name of the anut. The anut, say the Islanders, were sailors who possessed large vessels in which they made long voyages, east and west; many moons being required for one of their voyages.
The anu is a name of the ancient inhabitants of the Nile Valley. With the terminal ti these are the anuti; anau, in relation to the points of the compass, is the Mangaian typical name for 'giving birth,' and annu was the Egyptian name for the typical birthplace.
In Egyptian, han (or an) means to go to and fro, especially on the water. The hani is the barge of Sekari. In relation to the water and the barge, the hanti are the sailors, or literally, the wanderers by water. Hanti or hant is the equivalent of anut, and was in Egypt the name of the typical returners or voyagers; being worn down from khenit, the sailors. The Maori huhunu is a double canoe; this duplicates the hunu or hani, which is a bark of the gods in Egypt. The most ancient portion of a race, those who belong to the earliest conditions, sink down as the sediment of later times, and in Tahiti there is a lower order of the common people, a separate and even tabooed kind of folk, including not only the manual labourers, but dwarfs and all sorts of queer and uncanny people. These are termed the menahune, the name having become an epithet of opprobrium. But may not these preserve the name of the han, the anut or hanti who were the water-nomads that sailed in the hani, hunu or huhunu canoes? Minna in Tasmanian is the beach. Mena (Eg.) signifies the arriving, anchoring, landing, remaining, and resting, a meaning contained in the name of Mangaia, and so interpreted, the Mena-hune would be the earliest settlers.
This description should be read with globe and atlas at hand. Then it will be seen that the position of the Mauri-land in Africa is north-west of the equator, toward the Atlantic coast. Now, in the second edition (only) of Te Ika a Maui, there are some figures, designated 'A specimen of a lost language.' These were recovered from Pitcairn's Island—a small lonely rock, one mile wide and two and a quarter miles long, at the south-eastern corner of the great Polynesian Archipelago, in lat. 25º 3´ 6″ S. long. 130º 6´ W. It is mountainous, has a poor soil, and no harbour. It is the island upon which the mutineers of the ship Bounty landed and lived, amongst whom, we may be sure, there was no Egyptologist. This is a fair copy of the characters, which are here paralleled with some Egyptian hieroglyphics taken from those drawn by Bonomi, and printed for the purpose of comparison.
Hieroglyphics found in Pitcairn's Island.
Rudely drawn as they are, the characters are unmistakably Egyptian hieroglyphics. The solar disk (1), the so-called cake (2), the ideograph of land, habitation, dwelling-place; the cross (3), the five-rayed star (4), the eye (5), or sper sign, the bow (6), the reversed half-moon (7), the kha (8, the vagina sign of the birthplace)—these are all Egyptian; all there, howsoever they may be interpreted. It will be observed that the straight line ascending from left to right quaintly crosses a small globe which has one pole cut off. This is our starting-point.
The only line yet represented as crossing the globe is the line, i.e., the line of the equator, and according to the proposed reading we have here a very crude chart in which this line denotes the equator; it cuts the globe across, or in two, the northern side is missing, and the southern half has a point to it apparently meant for the southern pole. The line is too short, and considerably out of drawing, but the science is here in keeping with the art. The hieroglyphic sun is drawn close to the line, and determines the tropical region of the solar path, the line or course travelled by the sun from east to west. At the upper end of the line is the well-known hourglass-like sign of the equinox. Although not known to me as an Egyptian hieroglyphic, it is found on the sculptured stones. It is also the Chinese sign for no. 5, an equivalent of one hand. The first hand reckoned upon was the left, and the west was considered as being on the left hand. The figures on the upper end of the line may possibly stand for two legs, signs of the character Ñ from which we derive our written B. These [p.594] with the two short strokes would read bubi [ÑÑí] and denote the point of turning round in the circle, the complement of the cross sign of crossing the line. Figures which look like our 5 and 7 are also marked on the line, but our English figures are of Egyptian origin. These, however, may have been added by some mutineer. Beside the equinoctial cross is the hieroglyphic cross 'Am,' the sign and name of the western crossing, the Ament entered by the sun when setting. This cross is a determinative of the crossing and transit.
The Egyptian amtu for the crossing west is repeated in the West Australian ameto, for the Hades. Next to the am-cross is the star, a symbol of time and period. Then follows a kind of eye, unless it be the ideographic sper. The strung bow and a half-moon shedding rays are the last of the upper signs. The human figure to the left below has the kha sign projecting from the body; this in the hieroglyphics determines the belly, womb, or birthplace. The other two human figures are the signs of ka! ka! Ka-ka (Eg.) signifies a rejoicing. Ka is to call, say, cry, proclaim a boundary, to boast, be uplifted. Ka is also the name of the priest, minister, or ruler, and the third figure to the right appears to bear the whip sign of authority. Kaha in Maori has the meaning of a boundary. The word also denotes lineage, the line of ancestry. We now try to read the chart by aid of the hieroglyphics.
The Egyptian north was the hinder-part of the two heavens, or of the world, and the bird to the right is placed to the north, according to the present reading. It presents a portrait of the hinder-part, not only in the position of its tail, for its feet are reversed and turned backwards in the drawing. Feet turned backwards are antipodes. The north was the Egyptian antipodes to the south, and Ptah, as representative of the sun in the north below the horizon, was portrayed like this bird with his feet turned backwards to denote the antipodes.
The name of the north in Maori is nota, and as no means from, and ta to take breath, this shows the north was, as in Egypt, the place of the breath of life and of birth. Nuta (Eg.) signifies 'out of,' and the lower world, of the north was impersonated by the mother, Neit, out of whom all came.
The sign of locality is also used for the horizon, and this purpose is served by the smaller figure placed between the bird in the north and the cross of the crossing, west. Next to this sign of the horizon comes the crossing followed by the sign of the cross, or to be in transitu. These are followed by the five-rayed star.
A star is the sign of time, a period of time. 'When the Egyptians represent a year they delineate Isis, i.e., a woman (the great type of periodicity), and Isis is with them a star called Sothis.' The star is a symbol of Isis in the ceiling of the Ramession. It was [p.595] a synonym of the inundation, and thence of the Sothic year. In the present instance it possibly stands for one year. For a whole year or a time they voyaged on in what the Egyptians termed making the eye, a phrase for completing a circle. The circle of the year was completed, and the eye was filled at the time of the summer solstice. The eye was full due south, therefore half way round from the north. In the north the eye was empty; in the south it was full. 'I have made the eye of Horus, when it was not coming on the festival of the I5th day.' This is said on behalf of the moon making the eye, or lunation. 'I have brought my orb to darkness; it is changed to light.' The fifteenth was midway, full-moon in the lunar reckoning. In making the eye they would have gone to the southern side of the world, and were at a point due opposite to the north. But there is the possibility that the sign is not meant for an eye; it is unlike any hieroglyphic eye, and but for the stroke beneath would be a fair copy of the determinative of sper, a side (given underneath in two forms), which has the meaning of approaching the side, or to approach the side! In that case the sign would indicate the approach to the other side of the world, or halfway round the heaven. This half of the circle would be indicated by the half-moon and strung bow. The half-moon reads tena, for a fortnight, as one-half of the total lunation, and tena signifies a measure of one half of a whole. Pet (with the variant tep) means the heaven, and is the name of the bow. Tena-pet, or pet-tena, is equivalent to halfway round the circle (also called pet) of the heaven, reckoning from the bird stationed to the north. The bow, pet, is still more particularly a sign of the southern as the upper heaven. Thus read as ideographs of ascertained and provable values, the inscription announces the birthplace in the north-west, from which the emigrants set forth by the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean, and pursued their way for a whole year, or a period of time, until they reached a boundary, or found themselves beneath the southern heaven, and knew that they were something like halfway round the world.
The bird being north, the bow may be taken as south, the cross marks the west, and at the opposite end of the line is the east. The hieroglyphics range through the half circle from north to south. By referring to maps the reader will find that the position of our assumed Mauri-land north-west of the equator corresponds to the position of the larger sign of land and dwelling-place. This emblem of locality is then taken to mean the birthplace and starting-point from the country or city north-west of the equator.
The kha-sign projecting from the body of the left-hand figure betokens the belly, the body; and the khat are the children, the race. These then appear to be the race from the parent kha or birthplace of the race. The other two figures, read ka-ka, suggest [p.596] that this inscription may contain a message proudly proclaimed respecting a birthplace and boundary. If this refers to Africa, then the larger of two signs of land (next to the sign of the sun) is perfectly placed north-west of the equator in corroboration. This is apparently the subject of the ka-ka. Pitcairn's Island may be filled in near the head of the left-hand figure.
Such is my rendering of the characters, which must now take its chance with the other data concerning the African origins.
Every diverse line of development continued in the worldwide radii, every modification of form and feature, every colour and complexion, may be more or less recognized in the African races themselves. All the various divergences were begun in the primeval land, and are visibly continued there to this day. No distinct type in form or colour is found elsewhere, but some incipient or initial likeness of it is extant in Africa. The 'promise and the potency' of all that has been evolved in other countries were first manifested there.
The various 'blacks,' the coffee or the copper-hued men, the red men, the yellow Mongols, and all the colours from black to white, or nearly white, had deposited some portrait of their past and foreshadow of their future selves in the ancestral home before they migrated to modify elsewhere. These types apparently mark the different stages of the migrations and possibly indicate the starting-points from the coasts on the Red Sea, the Indian Ocean, the Atlantic, and the outlet of the Nile. The present quest, however, is mainly limited to the evidence of language, mythology, folklore, and ceremonial customs.
That which has haunted us all round the globe like a ghost in Hebrew becomes reality itself in Egyptian. Most precious fragments of mythology have been rejected as too like the Hebrew not to be a modern importation, and some, in this way, have been lost. But the missionaries and navigators did not convey five hundred words and the earliest myths and symbols of Egypt into Mangaia and New Zealand, when these were safely buried underground in the sealed secrecy of the hieroglyphic characters. The error which created that mirage of the lost tribes of Israel lay in the taking of Hebrew to be the primeval tongue, and in mistaking mythology for historic truth. That which was false in the Hebrew delusion is true for the African origins. It is not the lost tribes of Israel that we come up with at last, but the early migrations from the African birthplace, and the last vanishing remnants of those who first went forth. All this and more is to be unravelled and read in language, myth, ceremonies, and customs, the treasury and storehouse of knowledge which, like the geological records, have been carefully kept, for us to come into full possession of when grown up and come of age ourselves.
There is undoubtedly a descending as well as an ascending progression in the course of evolution which has no relation whatever to [p.597] the mythological creation or fall of man, and furnishes no argument whatever against the doctrine of evolution, and we who stand on this side of the summit of the early attainment see much more of the descent; but the ascent beyond is no whit the less certain although hitherto hidden like the sources of the Nile. So surely as the Egypt of today has degenerated, and in its state of decadence yet furnishes the evidence of a past so lofty in attainments as to present an altitude that seems unscalable to the race who have descended from the ancient heights of the colossal wonders in the lands of the Nile; so have the primitive peoples of the world had their descent, and more or less retain the testimony to the fact in language, mythology, rites, and ceremonies, and often in monumental remains, although these may be less impressive than those of Egypt.
Rites and ceremonies are found permanent, as if graven in granite, amongst races whose character may appear to be shifting as the sand. The race dies out, but the religious customs never. They are constantly continued where the meaning has been lost. The filthiest in some respects are pious in their purification from ceremonial uncleanness, as the Kaffirs, who would not otherwise wash themselves or their food-vessels. There are signs of survival from some higher form of civilization which could not be attained by the Maori, Kaffirs, Hottentots, or Bushmen as they are known to us in the present.
Ridley, the missionary, was forced to the conclusion that the Kamilaroi and other of the Australian tribes showed the remains of an ancient civilization from which the race had fallen, but of which they retained some memorials. That is, they have suffered the decadence consequent on the arrest of growth indefinitely long ago, language of itself is the sufficient proof of a prehistoric civilization none the less real because it was on different lines from ours. This alone is a memorial of powers beyond the present reach of the aborigines of many lands; mythology is another.
The West Australians of the lowest type were found by Moore to be in possession of an order of chivalry, to which certain women were chosen as an honour, and one of their privileges consisted in their being empowered to do precisely what is recorded of the British Druidesses, namely to rush between the opposed ranks of fighting-men and prevent their joining in battle.
These poor fellows who meet us at times as they descend the slope of our ascent, and who salute us with the manners of a ceremonial type of greater dignity than ours, are on the downward way from the far-off height at which such manners were first acquired and inculcated. The imperative regulations and perfect etiquette often observed amongst people who are considered by the missionaries to be savages or subhuman beings, who were cast out by a Hebrew God at the time of the 'Fall,' and who are damned for ever unless they accept our proffered creed of salvation—accompanied by rum and [p.598] rifles, pip and piety, and the filthy fraud of vaccination—their shining traits and nobler qualities, which at times illumine the darkest conditions, are not the rough jewels spontaneously produced by nature in the day of its degradation. They are the reliquary remains of a people who have seen better days. The results attained by the comparative process all tend to establish the unity of origin in language, mythology, religion, and race. There has truly been a 'fall' for them, not merely the mythical one, They are the distant dying roots of the grand old tree which struck so deeply by the Nile to ramify the wide world round, so that wherever we may dig we lay bare some proof of its length of reach, strength of grip, and enduring vitality.
The tree was African once. It is English now. In the young green branches is the old life renewed, and may they flourish unfadingly! Already they stretch as widely round the surface of the earth as did the roots of Egypt underground. Egypt was parent of the initial unity in language, arts, laws, religion; and in our English tongue it appears dreamable that mankind may ultimately obtain the final unity of the universal race. But is it not possible for this new great green tree to extend a little shelter to the old fast-decaying races that sprang originally from the same rootage? The Kaffirs, the Red Indians, the Maori are withering underneath its shadow, and our tree of life is for them the fabled Upas found at last; it is the tree of death that takes their life as its darkness steals over the earth, and turns it into one vast graveyard. Is our final message—delivered to them by the typical militant Christian, with a bible in one hand and a sword in the other—to be, 'Believe what we tell you about this book; be saved at once, and pass off peaceably into another life, as there is no room for you in this, and the white earth-devourers are daily hungering more and more to eat up your ever-lessening lands at last?'
This page last updated: 28/04/2014