A BOOK OF THE BEGINNINGS
ROOTS IN AFRICA BEYOND EGYPT
Alfred Russell Wallace, co-contributor with Darwin in the discovery and promulgation of the doctrine of evolution, has remarked that, 'If geologists can point out to us the most extensive land in the warmer regions of the earth, which has not been submerged since the Eocene or Miocene times, it is there that we may expect to find some traces of the very early progenitors of man. It is there that we may trace back the gradually decreasing brain of former races, till we come to a time when the body also begins materially to differ. Then we shall have reached the starting-point of the human family.' This has now to be sought for in Africa, the birthplace of the black race, the land of the oldest known human types, and of those which preceded and most nearly approach the human.
Ethiopia and Egypt produced the earliest civilization in the world and it was indigenous. So far as the records of language and mythology can offer us guidance, there is nothing beyond Egypt and Ethiopia but Africa, of this the present writer is satisfied. Although unable to give all the results in these two volumes, he has applied the same comparative process to language and mythology in China, India, Europe, and America, with a like result. All the evidence cries aloud its proclamation that Africa was the birthplace of the non-articulate, and Egypt the mouthpiece of articulate man.
Professor Owen has said that the conditions are unknown and scarce conceivable which could bring about the conversion of the Australian into the Egyptian skull. But that is not, and never was, the question. No evolutionist supposes that the ape of the present could ever be developed into the man of the future, any more than charcoal or graphite can be developed into the diamond. The sole meeting-point was at starting, and from this the one type bifurcates and branches on two routes which are irretraceable. [p.600] But this impossibility does not preclude the possibility of the Australian and Egyptian skulls having been developed on two different lines from the African skull of (say) 50,000 years ago, and that, again, from the skull of an earlier and more ape-like being.
Certain types which nature evolves for herself become stereotyped for us. There they are, ossified in their permanence, and far apart, as we look back upon them in their isle-like isolation and sharp distinctness, seen amid the ocean of an illimitable past. The Australian can no more become the Egyptian than the ape can become human. Nature goes on producing new types, but never copies from the stereotypes.
We are now for the first time approaching a summit in equatorial Africa, from which a descent and development of man are traceable in the valley of the Nile, but where the ascent beyond the summit is out of sight, and the absolute proofs of the origins of inarticulate man are probably buried in the tertiary deposits.
It is intended in this last section to establish a few links between Egypt and the Africa beyond.
At least the same namers who came down into Ethiopia, Nubia, and the two Egypts, to carry the origins of the myths and mysteries, types and symbols, religion and language over the world, may be traced by the names and by the mould of thought and expression throughout central or equatorial Africa.
In the opening section it was suggested that the black race was first, and that equatorial Africa was the birthplace, not only of the human being, but of the original modes and types of expression which have more or less persisted from the beginnings of human utterance to the present time. Inner Africa, the writer maintains, was the land of the earliest namers of things and acts, who were therefore the creators of nouns and verbs which constituted the main stock of language before the descent into Egypt and the dispersion, on the way to developing the thousand dialects of the world from the one mode and form of speech evolved at starting.
Egypt as the mouthpiece of Africa, tells us that Africa was Kafrica, the land of the Kaf, or Kaffir; and of Af, Kaf or Khab, which in Egyptian signifies 'born of.' The types of this birth, outrance, or utterance, have been continued for us in the images of the kheb (hippopotamus), the kaf-monkey, and the cave of the troglodytes. The genetrix as Khebma, is the mother Kheb, and Khebma, Hebrew מוח, becomes Kâm, to create; and finally Kam as a name of the black people and the burning land of the south. Kheb and Kam are interchangeable names, because they bifurcate from that of Khebma, the mother Kheb. Khepa (Eg.) is the name of the navel, because kheb (Kep, Ket), in the equatorial or Af-lands, was the womb of the world, and the cwm, chvm, kam, coff, or cefn, of the qvoens (Fins) and the Cym-ry. In this sense Damaraland is called Dama-qhup in the [p.601] Namaqua language. Khep (Eg.) means to be, exist, being, generate, create, form, transform, cause to become; chvi (Heb.), giv, Sanskrit, Gothic quiv, to live, on account of this origin. Now we may see how this land of Khebma, whence Kheb and Kam, was named before Ethiopia, Nubia, and Egypt.
Kef (Eg.) means the front, as the face, Akkadian gab for the front or before, and khept, the secondary form, is the hinder-part. These two are depicted as the face and hinder-part of the female, who represents the Egyptian heaven. Again, in the first and second hinder-parts of the north and west, Sabean and solar, the khepsh is first, and the khept is the second of the two.
The descent from the first kheb to the second kep-kep, or khebti, can be traced. Khept, as second, is the hind-quarter; khebt is Lower Egypt, as the second of two; khebt is the underworld, the second of the two. Kheb-kheb (Eg.) is the primitive plural, as in kep-kep (Nubia), and it signifies to descend, come down, go or fall down. In the celestial reckoning and naming, the Great Bear above the pole was in khepsh the first kheb, and below it was in kheb-kheb, or khebti.
A form of the singular khep with the terminal sh, a water-sign, is found in khepsh, for the hinder thigh, and this furnishes the name of Kvsh, or Kûsh, for Ethiopia, or Habesh, the first land of Khept above Egypt, and the name of the birthplace, or outlet in heaven; extant in the Hebrew שפח, to separate and split open, as in parturition, and the Talmudic שפח, for couch—which word is also a modified form of the khepsh. When another sign of duplicating and naming the second of two was discovered in the terminal t (or ti), the first khep, or khepsh, became khept (Egypt), and Kam became Kamit, another name of Egypt. It has already been shown how the first mode of duplicating the value of a word, or forming a plural, was simply by repeating it. Thus a second application of the name of the kheb, for dwelling-place, would make it kheb-kheb, and this is found in the Egyptian name of Nubia, called kep-kep, corresponding to the Hebrew 'qev-qev,' applied to the Ethiopians. As place, kep-kep is a second form of the kep. Kheb-kheb for the north, as the lower of two lands and two heavens, is extant in Polynesia, where hefa is the name of the spirit-world to which the dead descend. The land of hiva is common in the songs and stories. Hifo, with the Fijians, is the Amentes, the place of going down, and a synonym for below.
In some places, as at Vewa, the mouth of the underworld named Bulu, the Bahu, or void, is called kiba-kiba—a mode of duplicating which makes the word equal to Khebti, the second or dual—form of Kheb. Every island and town has its kiba-kiba, or cemetery, the lower place of two, that of the second birth named from the womb as the first; such are the kopu, Maori, womb; kibo, Malagasi; kepp, [p.602] old Bohemian; coopoi, Darnley Island; Te-kap-ana, Ombay; coff, Cornish, and others. This being the womb, the hinder thigh is the khept, as a secondary type of two. With a different terminal, the thigh in Mutsaya is kebel; in Babuma, kibelo; in Utere, kebele; and in Mbamba, kebele. The hinder thigh, khept, denoted the emaning-place to the khep of the feminine heaven that over-arched the earth and brought forth animal-fashion in the north, at the outlet of the Nile.
Many forms of the first one may be traced under this name, and as kep (Eg.) is the hand, and kep-ti two hands, kabti, two arms, so the earliest Khebt, or Egypt, is the second Kheb, which second form is found higher up in the duplicative kep-kep of Nubia. Thus language in its type-words supplies one mode of tracing the descent from the upper and inner country of Africa or Kafrica, into Ethiopia, Nubia, and Khebt, as the lower land of two; a duality afterwards continued in Egypt, upper and lower.
A rabbinical geographer of the fifteenth century says it is declared by the knowing ones, or the Gnostics, that paradise is situated under the middle line of the world where the days are of equal length. If equatorial Africa be the human birthplace, it is there we may expect to find the earliest localization of the paradise and Eden of mythology, in the country from which issues the river that runs through all the land of Kush.
It may be noticed in passing, although the subject will be considered in a chapter on 'Eden and the Fall,' that chavilah (הליוח) is a form of the name of the genetrix Kefa, or Chavvah, and of the words for life itself, the bringing forth, the person and the place of bringing forth, the act of opening to bring forth, in Egyptian and Hebrew. Chavilah is also called the land of gold; and Nubia means the land of gold, or nub (Eg.) Moreover there is an African river Euphrates or Eufrates, the chief river in Whydah, which is still revered as the sacred stream, and a procession in honour of it is made annually. The heaven of the primitive man, is the Aaru, or Aalu. This written Egyptian name for Elysium, as the place of peace and plenty, the with the accented sign shows it was the earlier Afru, and, as no initial vowel is a primitive of speech, still earlier Kafru. Aa, af, kaf, and khab, all signify 'born of.' The ru is the outlet, gate, place of emanation, the mother-mouth. Afru denotes the place born of, and from; the type of Elysium being feminine. Ka (Eg.), is an inner land, and Africa, or Kafrica, is the interior land of the human birthplace. 'Aurka' is a monumental name for a country in the south of Egypt; this in the consonantal form is Afrka. Af and au have the same value, meaning the old first place—born of; ru indicates the outlet, and ka the interior land.
The name of Mesru can also be followed into Africa beyond Egypt. [p.603] The first form of 'physical geography' was founded on the female figure of the woman below (earth), and the woman above (heaven); and whether the representation be of the woman below, with her feet pointing to the Great Bear, or the woman above—the Great Bear itself—Africa, in Egyptian thought, was the womb of the world, and Egypt the outlet to the north, the Mest-ru. In English, for example, the mus is the mouth answering to the mest (Eg.), for the uterus. Muslo, in Spanish, is the thigh. In Turkish, mazhar is the place of manifestation, and mashaara in Swahili means monthly, which relates to a primary manifestation, as in the Arabic mizr, for red mud. Mosari, in the Setshuana dialect, is the name of the manifestor, as woman. Mizrawam in Arabic is applied to the haunches, and in the African Bute dialect, mushir, like the Spanish muslo, is the thigh, which is the hieroglyphic of the mesru, the birthplace, whether in the heavens or in Africa. The land which drains into Lake Victoria, for a twenty days' journey, is named the Masai land. Masi (Eg.) is to bring, be tributary; and mes denotes the source, the birth of a river. Mesru, or mestru, is the emaning outlet from the Masai land known as Mitzr, or Mitzraim.
Teb (Eg.) means the first movement in a circle; that of teb, a name of Typhon, or the Bear. One of her types was the Mount Tepr, or Thabor, at the point of commencement, as in Defrobani and Dover. Another type of the oldest genetrix was the water-cow, and the later cow called Tep or Teb. Now, on the African Gold Coast there is a rock named the Tabora, which is one of two great objects of adoration: the cow is the other. Both are identifiable by name with the Great Mother Teb (or Typhon), the first and oldest form of the mythical genetrix. The Yoruba identify a place called Ife, in the district of Kakanda (5º E. long.; 8º N. lat.) as the seat and birthplace of the gods, from which the sun and moon are reborn after their burial in the earth. Ife is also looked upon as the human birthplace and cradle of the race. This renders the Egyptian af, born of, as place, which as person is Iye, i.e., Life, Hauve, Eve, Kepa, or Kheb, who, as the earliest mother, was Khebma, whence Kam, Khepsh, and Kosh. Kebeb (Eg.) is the word for source itself; the Hebrew chabab, to carry in the womb, from chab (בח) the place of concealment; and in central Africa (8º 8´ S. lat.; 23º 36´ E. long.) we find kabebe (or Muato Yanvos), also kupopue (lat. 2º 30´ S.). The root of this name is applied to another form of the birthplace in Kivo, the country at the southern head of Lake Tanganika. According to the native account there are thirteen tributaries to the river Rusizi on its way to the Lake Tanganika, the last and largest of these being the Ruanda river, which discharges its waters into the Rusizi in the gorge of the valley near the entrance into the lake.[p.604] The Rusizi was found by Livingstone and Stanley to be a feeder of the lake, and this river, with its thirteen tributaries, rises in the land of Kivo, south of the southern head of the lake, according to the native report, on the south-western side of one of the mountains, and flows down between two ranges of mountains, the Ramata on the east, and the Chamati on the west, into the lake. The name of the birthplace in the form kep, means the concealed, the hidden place of the source; kebeb is the source. Kefi denotes the navel, the nipple and the uterus. Kepu signifies the mystery of the hidden source, the flowing source; the mysterious fertilization of the Nile. Kef is a name of the inundation of the Nile, which modifies into hep, or hapi-mu, the hidden water of source. Kivo, then, is the Egyptian name for the birthplace, the land of the hidden fountainhead; the mystery of the inundation and its secret source; and so concealed is the embouchure of the Rusizi river as it issues stealthily from the land of Kivo that, although Livingstone and Stanley constantly kept their binoculars searching for it, they could not see the main channel until within 200 yards of it, and then only by watching the fishing canoes come out. Kivo is an earlier form of kheb which is repeated in kep-kep for Nubia, and duplicated in khebt, as the name of Lower Egypt. Of course it may have been thought that Lake Tanganika was the head of the water-system immediately connected with the Nile, in which case the land of Kivo would be the country of the secret source of the inundation of Egypt.
The name of Khebma, the mother, Kheb, Kep, or Khep, who impersonated the womb of the race, is found in abraded forms as that of the womb or belly in various of the inner African languages, as abum, in Bagba; ibum, Orungu; ebom, Melon; ebum, Ngoten; ebam, Bamon; apom, Pati; ivumu, Kabenda; avom, Papia; vum, in pfam, Balu; bum, Momenya; bum, Nso; bam, Kum; wemo, Pangela; iwumu, Mpongwe; and yafun, in Fanti. The y in the latter represents the k found in kabin (Teor) for the belly or uterus. To these names corresponds the Hebrew ibm, to be bellied, big, great, pregnant, as the khebma was portrayed. In wemo, Pangela, we have the wame or womb. All these names, inclusive of wame and bum, together with the Greek Βωμος and Hebrew המב, are derivable from khebm, the hippopotamus, who also represented the hinder-part of the heaven; one of her types being the tomb in the mounts and mounds of the cavemen. These names identify the original type of the khebma, the cwm, quim, khem (a name of Hathor, the habitation), Xhosa, gomba; the hem, ham, home, and am. The reduced kâm supplies the name for woman in the African languages, as koomara, in Dor; game, Bode; kamu, in Kanuri, Munio, Nguru, [p.605] and Kanem; uma, in Dodi, and ma, in Bassa. Deco for woman in Fula; kvviquis, woman, in Hottentot; t'aifi, woman in Bushman; wopua, woman, in Gurma, Kura, and Dizzela, and djof, for the belly in Mahari, are all African, and each word is a form of the name of the oldest African Great Mother.
The natives of the Sudan have the legend of Eve and her oven. They relate that Hauve bore so many black babies that Abou the father god said he would have no more darkies. Then she hid them in an oven, from which they emerged black with soot. These were the negroes. Eve, Hauve, Kef, Kafu, Cefn, Kivan, Kabni, cabin, and oven, all meet in the name and types of the one original genetrix, Khebma. The cabin, the kabni (Eg.), the yafun woman, the cefn, the cave, the kabni, as Eve's oven, the cabin of the primordial ark, the haven, and the heaven, had but one prototype in nature.
Without expecting to find the placenta of the mother earth, to which her latest child was attached, we may do something to further identify the birthplace so far as the articulate has left any record of inarticulate man in that water-region where the human tadpole made its transformation into a being that could go by land as well as water and so make its way out over the world.
In the Dahoman goddess Gbwejeh, to whom are ascribed the attributes of Minerva as goddess of wisdom, it is not difficult to identify the ancient Khepsh, who was the living word of the Typhonians in Egypt. She also lives in the Egba mythology as Iye or Hauva, another form of the negro Eve, Kefa, Khebma, or Khepsh. The west African kingdom of Futa also bears the name of Aft, a modified form of Kheft, for the hinder-part west. Aft and fut are interchangeable as in the English aft and fud for the hinder-part. According to Cosmas Indicopleustes, who copied the inscription from the monument of white marble erected at Adule, a port on the Red Sea, in latitude 150, the King Ptolemy Euergetes, the later conqueror of Ethiopia and Central Africa, penetrated to the Snowy Mountains. He described the great mountain named Kha-Kuni, which was doubtless Mount Kenia, one of the only two snowy mountains known in Africa. The kha (Eg.) is the high earth, one of the four supports of heaven; kheni means inland, interior. Ptolemy reported that from this mountain seven chains advanced seaward and one inland towards a province named Haniot. If this geographical formation be really extant, the seven mountain ranges would be the early African seat of the Lady who sat on the seven hills at Rome, Great Grimsby, or wherever there was a cluster of seven; the eighth would complete the number of the Great Bear and Dog-star, the eight of Am-Smen who were in the beginning, and the cradle of Sut-Typhon and of the oldest mythology would be dis- [p.606] covered In the great mountain of Kha-Kenia. The kha is also the adytum of the genetrix. Haniot would indicate the region of the water-source; the hant or hent is the fount, the vase, the matrix of the feminine bringer. Kenia is also called Ndur-kenia, and ntur (Eg.) means the divine, the goddess or the god. Also one of the rivers that run down from the supposed seven mountain chains into the Indian Ocean is named Sabaki, and this as Sevekh (Eg.), Hebrew העבש, for number seven, would denote the river of the seven, whether as the seven ranges or as the great mount of the seven stars. The two provinces of Abyssinia, Lasta and Samen, answer by name to the Egyptian Rusta and Smen, the two regions found in the Ritual.*
* In discussing the origin of the Hebrew rashith, it should have been noted that the 'rostau,' (Eg.), technically means the 'guiding gates,' or the 'towing-paths,' as the primitive forms of the celestial roads and gates of entrance, passage, and egress. To tow is synonymous with leading or conducting, and in Egyptian imagery the sun was towed through the ru's, which were early forms of the gates, houses, asterisms, sieus, or manzils of the heavens.
In the provinces of Lasta and Samen rise the sources of the last tributary of the Nile, amid mountains which attain the altitude of 15,000 feet. The name of the Rusizi river contains a root also found in those of the rivers Merazi and Malagarazi, which are feeders of the southern sources of the Nile. Ras or rus (Eg.), to rise up, is the name for the south as the place for rising up and watching, the south being the upper of the two heavens. In the Semitic languages ras came to mean the head, but Ras Awath, Ras Asuad, and Ras Maruti, in Somali land, facing the Indian Ocean, are not only headlands, they are southern headlands, which corresponds to the meaning of ras as in the Egyptian triple sense. The Ruanda river flows into the Rusizi, and both into the Tanganyika. Ruanta (Eg.) is the mouth, outlet, or gorge of a river. The Ruanda country is full of gorges or ravines, in which the dark tops of trees are seen. Ruanta (Eg) is the gorge of a valley as well as the mouth of a river. The Kagera is 'broad, and deep, and swift, and its water, though dark, is clear.' Kak (Eg.) means dark, and rua, or raau, is the rapid river. Rweru, the small lake in Karagwé, eight miles long and two and a half wide, agrees with ruru (Eg.), a pool of water; also a mere drop; this being in the region of the great lakes. The natives of Ihuna Island told Stanley of a lake, a three days' journey round in canoes, named the Akanyaru. 'Hamid Ibrahim said the Ni-Nawarongo river rises on the west side of the Ufumbiro mountains, sweeps through Ruanda, and enters Akanyaru, in which lake it meets the Kagera from the south; united, they then empty from the lake.' Akhen or khen (Eg.), is the lake, and aru, the river; this would thus be named, in Egyptian, as the river-lake.
The Kingani river was said, by the natives, to rise in a gurgling [p.607] spring on the eastern face of the Ukambaka mountain. The bakhu (Eg.) is the birthplace in the east; the birthplace of the sun as old as the solar chart, and the time when the spring equinox occurred in An. Bakh means to engender, bring forth; whence bakhu, the birthplace. Kam (Eg.) is to create.
The Wamrima people appear to be named from the Wami river, and rema (Eg.) signifies the people, the natives, aborigines. The Wajiji did not know why the Lake Tanganika was so named, unless it was because it was so large and long canoe voyages could be made on it. In accordance with this, Egyptian would offer a more satisfactory derivation for the name of the great lake Tanganika than any yet proposed. Stanley found that the natives could not explain the meaning or derivation of the word 'Nika.' In Egyptian tan signifies to extend, spread, stretch, lengthen out, fill up. Khen is the lake, the water. Khennu also means to navigate, transport, carry; hence the name of the canoe. The khenit are the sailors as conveyers. The khent ideograph is composed of three vases with two spouts, answering to the two Niles and the three great lakes. Ka means the land or country; also interior. Thus Tan-khani-ka (Eg.) reads the vast extended navigable lake in the heart of the country. As before cited, Horapollo claims that one of the three vases of the inundation stood as symbol for the rains which prevailed in the southern parts of Ethiopia, i.e., Africa. Again, tan (Eg.) signifies to rise up, increasingly, become vast, extended, full; and ka is the inner land. Neka is a type-word for power and puissance. Also, in the African languages, water is ngi, in Nguru; ngi, Kanuri; ngi, Kanem; engi, Munio; aningo, Mpongwe; onoou, Fertit, engi, Mumo; inji, Bangbay: nki, Ngoala; nke, Balu; nke, Bamon. These words agree with ankhu (Eg.) for the liquid of life. In the Malemba dialect a lake is called eanga. In the Kaffir languages, however, the Xhosa, and others, nika is a word expressly used for giving, in the restricted sense of handing over, or passing on, and transmitting from one to another. This would especially apply to Lake Tanganika considered as the head of a water-system. In the same language, the Xhosa, tanga is the thigh or place of emanation, like the Egyptian khep, and the seed of certain fruits, such as the pumpkin and water-melon, which is a type of source within. So interpreted, tanga-nika is a water-source transmitting from within.
The Urunga people call the lake the Iemba. Iem or Ium (Eg.) is a sea, and ba (Eg.) is a name of water for drinking. Iem-ba would denote a fresh-water sea. The name of Tanganika was known to a native of Western Usue as Lake Uzige. In Egyptian usekh (with the variant sekh) means to stretch and range out, vast and broad; the modified usesh signifies the overflow or [p.608] evacuation, and sekha is the name for flood-time and the season of the inundation. Lake Usige, in Egyptian, is the Lake of the Inundation, and Stanley describes it as 'rising and encroaching on its shores so fast that the dwellers on its banks are compelled to move every five years farther inland.' The overflow which he predicted has been found to have occurred. Here then, is a lake with a periodic inundation known by the same name as the flood-time in Egypt, which was designated from the inundation of the Nile.
A communication was lately made to the Royal Geographical Society by E. C. Hore, of Ujiji, who was the first to solve the moot question of the Lukuga outlet of Lake Tanganika, on the long-continued rise of the lake level which has never yet been satisfactorily explained. A succession of extraordinarily rainy seasons, of which we have no evidence, would not, in his opinion, account for it. He says he can bear testimony to an enormous evaporation; but how, he asks, is it that the waters suddenly gained upon the evaporation, as they had never done before? He seems disposed to connect the changes of water-level with earthquake movements, and at the date of his letter—September 15th—he mentions that his house was shaking with earthquake, as it had been for several days previously. Some years ago, according to one of his Arab informants, there occurred an extraordinary disturbance of the lake-waters, a long line of broken water being seen, bubbling and reeking with steam. The next morning all was quiet, but the shore was strewn with masses of a stuff resembling bitumen.
This opens up a vast vista of possibility; for this region may have been in the past the seat and scene of the largest deluges on the surface of the globe, before the beds and the sheds of the waters had been formed as safely as they are at present. This, of all regions beyond the land of the inundation of the Nile, should be the terrene birthplace of the deluge imagery of mythology.
The origin of Tanganika is said on the spot to have been a small deep well that bubbled up from the heart of the earth, and, in consequence of the unfaithfulness of a woman who could not keep a certain secret, the world cracked asunder down to the centre, the fountains overflowed and filled the profound gulf of the earthquake rent, and there was the Tanganika. A similar story is told of the origin of Loch Awe.
Cailleach Bheir is the Gaelic name of a rugged rock overlooking the loch. Cailleach means the 'woman of old,' who is here personified as Bheir or Beir, the old woman who had charge of the well or fountain on Ben Cruachan. When the sun went down, it was her work to cover up the well by placing a lid on it. One night she fell asleep, and forgot to make the fountain secure. In the morning there [p.609] was the deluge: the fountain had overflowed and covered the plain Loch Awe had taken the place of man and beast. The old woman was turned into stone. Bera is also said to have made Loch Eck in Cowal, above Holy Loch. She is likewise known in Ireland.
The name as beru (Eg.) signifies the cap, tip, roof, supreme height; the beru is a well. Beru also means to boil up, ebullition, well up as in the Bore. Bu-ru (Eg.) would denote the place of the outlet; hence the fount and flood. Loch Eck corresponds to uka (Eg.), for the waters of the inundation. Au and Af (Eg.), answering to awe, mean the old one, the one born of, who as Aft or Kefa was the ancient mother, Cailleach Bheir.
When Stanley asked an African chief what river it was he was voyaging down, 'the River,' was the reply.
'Has it no name?' he asked.
'Yes; the great River.'
'I understand; but you have a name, and I have a name; your village has a name. Have you no particular name for your river?'
(We spoke in bad Kikusu.)
'It is called Ikutu Ya Kongo,—the River of Congo.'
Egyptian will yield more meaning than that. It was in the midst of a long series of cataracts or falls that the river was so named. The traveller counted fifty-seven altogether. Now, in Egyptian, khut means going down with the current, or shooting the cataracts, 'making the khut' is making the shoot. Also, the khutu are steps, the equivalent of the cataracts. So read, this river of falls is the River of the Steps or Cataracts. Kongo probably represents the type-word for water, extant in Pali as khonkha, in Tonquinese as khungu, and in Maori as ngongi, which duplicates the African ngi. Ngawha (Mao.) denotes the water that bursts open and overflows its banks; and wha is to burst forth and get abroad. In Egyptian, khen-khu would denote the interior water or lake that rises up, extends, elongates, and runs with great rapidity.
One group of falls is called the 'Falls of Ukassa.' 'U' denotes place, and kasha in Egyptian signifies to water, spread, and inundate; represented in English by wash, gush, and gwash; in Xhosa Kaffir by qwesha; Irish, cas; Arabic, ghazio; Circassian, kheeza, applied to swiftness of motion. This reminds us that M'Gussa is a powerful water-spirit who has his dwelling in the lake (Victoria Nyanza) and his priest, who lives on an island in the lake. M'Gussa is said to wreak his vengeance on all who offend him, and his dominion also extends over the rivers that communicate with the lake. The Waganda would not allow Speke to throw a sounding line into the water, lest M'Gussa should rise up in his wrath and punish them.
The Babwendé, whose territory on the Congo is far away down toward the Atlantic Ocean, have a typical term for a river, or the river: it is njari. That is the original for the name of the Nile. The word is formed from aru or ari, the river, with the definite plural article nai prefixed. Naiari is the Nile as the waters, not merely a river. The j may represent the k in the earlier karua, whence the form nachar or nachal, the Nile, in Ethiopic. In the African Nalu dialect, nual is the type-name for water.
The river Niger is also known by the native name of the quorra. Karua (Eg.) means the lake as a source; and ni, or in the full form nni, is the flood or inundation. It can be shown that this ni represents the Egyptian Nun, because in the Bight of Benin the Niger is called the nun or nin, as in the word Benin. Thus the name of Niger in full is Nun-quorra, and Nun-karua (Eg.) is the flood from the lake. Benin in Egyptian would read, the place of the inundation, or the flood of fresh water.
According to Livingstone, the people of rua, on the west side of Lake Tanganika, live in rock-excavations, and he heard that some of these dwellings were of enormous size. Ruha is the Egyptian name for a stone-quarry, and it will be interesting to learn whether the Rua Mountains have been excavated and chambered, or whether they are remarkable for their natural caves.
In one of the most recent utterances on the subject of the Egyptian origins, Renouf says, 'It is in vain that the testimony of philology has been invoked in evidence of the origin of the Egyptians.' The language, he asserts, cannot be shown to be allied to any other known language than its descendant, the Coptic. 'It is certainly not akin to any of the known dialects either of North or of South Africa, and the attempts which have hitherto been made towards establishing such a kindred must be considered absolute failures.'
Possibly we have not set about it in the right way. What is it we are looking for? Sameness in grammatical structure, under the guidance of Grimm's Law? Then such seeking is not likely to find the missing affinity. When we see that in Egyptian the word is in many instances no specialized part of speech, but potentially noun, verb, adverb, adjective, all in one, and that what concerns us as primary data lies far beyond the extant state of speech in Coptic, it becomes evident, that grammar can be no test of original likeness, and the attack on the problem has to be made in flank instead of front. As time was when the word was everything, and distinctions had to be made by other means, words must still count for something in evidence of origin.
The missionary Saker, who translated the Bible into one of the African dialects, was especially impressed with the signs pointing to a common origin for the African languages. He says of the people [p.611] amongst whom he worked on the West Coast, 'They had a language, for they could communicate with one another; but they had no books, their tongue was not a written one. There were no means which we could lay hold of for teaching us the language they were using.' So he learned it from them, and was able to represent it to them in a written shape. In his researches he made the discovery that this was only a dialect form of language, and observes:—
'The language that the people use is a language which prevails with its dialectic differences throughout the whole of that region. I have no trouble there. There are millions and millions of miles that I know nothing about, because the country itself where I live is something like 2,000 miles across it, and there are 2,000 miles more down to the south; yet in the interior districts, so far as I can discover, there is one original tongue broken up into an innumerable multitude of parts. Away in the far east a missionary sat down to learn their tongue, and committed it to paper, and he printed a part of the Scripture. I can read his Scripture. Another man has gone south without any reference to me, or anybody else, and has worked there and learnt their tongue, and written a portion of the Scripture. I can read it. And wherever our brethren have gone, they have worked quite independently one of another, and they have shown us the result, and I can read the whole. And my book goes into their hands. They read it; their people read it. They understand it. Now, what I have done on the coast where I have been living is only one little thing accomplished. Other men have done a little here and a little there, and by and by some good man will be able to take up the work and bring all these languages together; and who can tell but that he may direct our hearts and thoughts, and our eyes too, to the source whence comes all these broken dialects. It may be that we shall some day discover whence they emanate. I have sought to find it out, but I have failed. I have looked to the Amalic. It is not there. It has nothing in common with it. Of course I could not find it in the Ethiopic. I have looked to the Coptic. It is not there. And whence comes it? I have sought everywhere, but I have not found. They have the tongue. It is beautiful now. In its ruin it is beautiful. They have the tongue, and it is expressive. It is a tongue of power.'
The original language at the root of these African dialects is no more extant in the modern sense than is the primal type of man: The first matter of speech must have consisted mainly of noun and verb, the earliest articulators of words being mere namers of things and acts; and even at this stage Egypt is the mouthpiece of the Africa beyond. The following comparative list of words will at least show the identity of naming to the extent illustrated in the Kaffir (Xhosa and Zulu) and Egyptian:—
|anga (X.), to kiss; angco (X.), a sweet-heart.||ankh, to pair, couple, clasp, squeeze.|
|awu (X. & Z.), interjection, expressing admiration, how great!||uah, very much, how great!|
|aya (X. & Z.) denotes future time.||au, future time, to be.|
|azi (X.), a cow.||as, or hesi, a cow, the heifer-goddess.|
|azi (X. & Z.), a wise man, man of great intelligence.||asi, august, venerable, great, noble.|
|ba (X.), to be.||ba, to be, to be a soul.|
|basa (X.), my father.||pa, the male; pa-pa, to produce; pepe, to engender.|
|baba (X.), to flutter the wings as a bird.||pepe, to fly.|
|bada (X.), a plunderer, a robber.
bakabaka (X. & Z.), the firmament above.
bali (X. & Z.), to reckon; balo (X. & Z.), reckoning, a number.
baxa (X. & Z.), a tree-fork, or meeting of two river branchest.
beba (X.), to bleat like a he-goat.
bedu (X.), a ring.
befu-befu (X.), hard breathing.
beka (X. & Z.), to pay respect and to honour.
beka (X. & Z.), to set down.
beqe (Z.), war ornament, a strip of some wild animal's skin.
bi (X. & Z.), badness, vileness, evil, wickedness.
bila (X. & Z.), to boil water, effervesce, ferment.
bobo (X,), a round, corpulent person, a hole.
buto (X. & Z.), a company of people, soldiers, or cattle.
buxa (X.), to sink, as in a bog.
casa (X.), to break, crush, smash.
cibi (X. & Z.), a lake, pond, sheet of water.
cimi (X. & Z.), to extinguish.
cofa (X.), to feel, press, or squeeze with the hand.
copo (Z.), a corner.
cula (X.), to sing.
da (X,), a limit of land or country.
dala (X. and Z.), old, as old time.
dali (X.), one who creates or originates.
dalo (X.), an idol.
debe (X.), a person who is tattooed in the face.
debe (X. and Z.), a drinking cup or bowl.
didi (X.), rows, as of stones set up.
dodo (X. & Z.), a man, manhood, vir.
duka (X.), lost to view, hidden.
dumo (X.), fame.
duna (X. & Z.), person in authority, a leader, the bull.
ewa (X.), hermaphrodite.
ewe (X.), yes, certainly.
faka (X.), cow's 'faka' when making udder, filling it with milk.
fanta (X.), a cleft, fissure, as in a rock.
febe (Z.), a fornicator.
fene (X. & Z.), a baboon.
fezi (Z.), Cobra species of snake.
fuba (X. & Z.), the bosom, as organ of breath.
funga (X. & Z.), to take an oath, to swear.
gabu (X.), to part in two.
gada (X.), cat.
gagu (X. & Z.), a bold, fearless man.
galo (Z.), a bracelet.
gau (Z.), curve, bend, turn.
gege (Z), gluttony.
gexa (X.), to sway to and fro.
gexo (Z.), a string of beads.
gibe (X. & Z), a snare for game.
gqote (X.), speed, go.
gumbe (X.), a recess, inner chamber.
|bat, bad, infamous, evil, criminal.
per, to show, explain, a time-reckoning.
peka, to divide in two.
ba, the he-goat.
petu, a circle.
pef, to puff, breathe hard.
beka, to bend and pray.
beka, set or sit down, to squat.
bes, skin, protective amulet; pek, magic; pekt, lioness, a dress.
buia, infamous, wicked, hateful, bad.
ber, to boil, rise up, ebullition.
beb, to be round, a hole.
putu, a company of the gods.
beka, to sink down, be depressed.
khes, to ram, pound, crush.
kabh, water, libation, inundation.
akhem, to extinguish.
kefa, hand, lay hold, seize with the hand; kua, tighten, compress.
keb, a corner.
kher, to say, speak, cry, utter.
ta, land, soil, country.
ter, to engender, make, fabricate.
teru, a drawing, a picture.
teb, to seal, be clean, be responsible for.
tebu, anything to drink out of, a jug or jar.
tat, to set up, to establish.
tut, engenderer, procreator, father.
teka, escape notice.
tema, to announce.
ten, to conduct, lead; tennui or tehani, the conductor.
iu, dual, twin.
ia, yes, certainly.
feka, fullness, abundance, reward.
pant, the mythical pool.
pepe, to engender.
ben and aan, an ape.
peshu, to sting and bite.
ankhu, an oath, a covenant.
kab, to double.
khai, a cat, t is the fem. terminal.
kaka, to boast.
ker, circle, zone, go round.
kahu, corner, angle, turn.
kaka, to eat, devour.
khekh, balance, move to and fro.
khekh, a collar; khakri, a kind of necklace.
khabu, a cord or noose; kef, hunt, seize.
khem, a shrine, a shut place.
|hade (X.), a pit.
hanga (Z.), a strong, brave man.
hloni (X. & Z.), not to name.
inye (X.), one.
kaba (X. & Z.), the navel.
kaba (X.), an ear of wheat.
kala (X. & Z.), a crab.
kalo (Z.), a loud cry.
kapi (X. & Z.), a guide.
kawu (X. & Z.), a species of monkey.
kita (Z.), to take by force, plunder.
konde (Z.), a large monkey.
konyana (X. & Z.), the young of animals.
kova (Z.), to sit on the haunches like a dog.
kuba (X. & Z.), a hoe, a pick.
kuba (X. & Z.), to dig.
kuba-bulongo (X.), a large beetle that burrows in manure.
kubi (X. & Z.), evil.
kulumo (X. & Z.), speech.
kwepa (Z.), strength.
kweta (X. & Z.), circumcised lad set apart in a separate abode.
lipa (X.), an inheritance.
lisa (Z.), one who gives joy and pleasure.
ma (X. & Z.), my mother.
mame (Z.), my mother.
mana (X.), to continue, persistently.
mawo (X.), exclamation of wonder and surprise.
memeka (X.), to carry a child.
menzi (X.), the Creator.
minxa (X.), hold fast by pressure, substance between the bands.
misa (X. & Z.), to cause to stand, set up, establish.
mita (X. & Z.), to become pregnant.
monde (Z.), patience, endurance, long-suffering, steadfast.
moya (X. & Z.), wind, air, breath, spirit.
munya or munca (X. & Z.), to suck as a child at the breast.
na (X. & Z.), to rain.
naka (X.), to empower a person to do it difficult thing.
nama (X.), to adhere, stick together.
nonye (X.), none, not one.
nca (X.), to stick to, adhere together.
noba (X.), denotes all.
ntu (X. & Z.), human beings, people, relating to human kind.
nuka (X. & Z.), to smell.
nxiba (X.), to tie, bind, put on, to dress.
odwa (X. & Z), alone, only.
oka (Z.), to search by fire.
pefu (X.), breath.
peki (X. & Z.), a cook.
pepo (X.), a gentle breeze, a light gust.
peta (X.), a bow.
peta (X. & Z ), bind round, make a hem, rim, or border.
pupuma (X. & Z.), to well and bubble up, to overflow.
puta (X. & Z.), to fail and die away.
qabana (X.), to form companionship, fraternize.
qadi (X. & Z.), the chief beam of a house or roof.
|aat, the Hades, the pit.
ank, I, the king of men.
ren, to name; nu, not, no, without.
khepa, the navel.
kapi or ap, the guide.
kaf or kau, a monkey.
khet-khet, to attack and overthrow.
kant, a large long-tailed monkey.
khennu, the child, the young one.
kefa, the hinder-part; hefa, to squat.
kheb, hoe or plough.
Hapi (earlier Kapi), called the digger.
khep, the beetle that covers its eggs with dung.
kefa, force, puissance, might.
khet, to seal and shut up; khati, cut.
repa, the heir-apparent.
mama, to bear, as the mother.
men, to be fixed, be firm.
mana, to bear a child.
menkha, to create.
menkha, pottery, to create, form, fabricate.
mes, to engender, generation; mest, the sole of the foot.
mut, the pregnant mother.
men, to remain firm and fixed, constantly.
ma, wind, vapour, breath, spirit.
menka, nurse, child-suckling.
na, water, to descend.
naka, power, be powerful.
nam, to join, accompany, go together.
nen, no, not, none.
ank, pair, clasp, squeeze, covenant.
net, being, existing; net-sen, they.
ankh, nosegay, living flowers.
unkh, strap, dress, put on, bind on.
uta, alone, solitary.
pes or pekh, to cook.
paif, wind, gust.
put, a bow.
put, a circle.
ber, to swell up, bubble, and exhale; baba, to flow.
fet, to fail; fetk, to exterminate.
kabt, a family.
kauti, to build; kat, built.
|qamba (Z.), to invent and devise.||rem, to invent, discover.|
|qele (Z.), a circlet.||ker, zone, circle.|
|qoma (X.), to serve up meat in the native manner.||kamh, joint of meat.|
|qoqoqo (X. & Z.), windpipe.||khekh, windpipe, throat, gullet.|
|qubu (X. & Z.), swelling, any protuberance of body.||kab, increase; kher, give birth, pregnant, the Great Mother.|
|qula (X.), a well of water.||karaa, lake, pond, or welling water.|
|rauza (Z.), to exalt.||res, to raise up.|
|rwi (X.), to go rapidly, as a shooting star.||raau, swift-going, come near.|
|sa or so (X.), to dawn, morning.||su, day.|
|sanuse (X. & Z.), enchanter, sorcerer, supplier of charms.||san, to charm; shannu, a diviner.|
|satyana (X. & Z.), little children.||set, the child.|
|senga (X. & Z.), to milk a cow or any other animal.||senka, to suck and suckle.|
|sindisi (X.), a saviour; sindino (X. & Z.), salvation.||san, to save.|
|sin (X. & Z.), to shade.||shut, shade.|
|sonta (Z.), to twist a rope, to spin a cord.||senta, to found (determinative, a twisted rope).|
|su (X. & Z.), belly, womb.||sa, belly.|
|sumo (X.), fable, fairy tale, myth.||sem, myths.|
|ta (X. & Z.), corn.||ta, corn.|
|taba (X. & Z.), mountain.||teb, the hill, top, height.|
|tati (X. & Z.), a very durable wood.||teta, eternal.|
|tebe (Z.), fat of animals.||tep, fat.|
|teta (X.), speak, utter, speech, the speaker; teti (X.), a speaker.||tet, speak, speech, tongue, utterance, speaker personified.|
|teza (X.), gather, bind wood up into faggots to carry on the head.||tes, tie up, coil round, tied-up roll, elevate, transport.|
|thawe (X.), one of high birth.||ta, throne, chief; tata, princes, heads, ministers.|
|tixo (X.), god.||tekh, name of a god.|
|tovoti (Z.), temples of the head.||teb, temples of the head.|
|tsha (X. & Z.), new, youth, freshness, the new moon, new year.||sha, denotes all forms of the first, the new, commencement.|
|tshaba (X. & Z.), an enemy, desolator, destroyer.||shefi, terror, terrifying, demonial, malevolent.|
|tsomi (X.), fable, fiction.||sam, myth, similitude.|
|tumu-tumu (Z.), a large assemblage of huts.||tema, a village, city, district.|
|tupa (X. & Z.), the thumb.||tebau, the fingers.|
|tuta (X. & Z.), to carry.||tut, to carry.|
|tuta (X.) an ancestral spirit.||tut, image of the dead.|
|uwa, hermaphrodite.||iu, of a dual nature.|
|vato (X. & Z.), dress, cover, clothing.||uat, colouring matter, plants, rags, wraps.|
|xatula (X.), to make marks or prints.||khetu, seal-ring.|
|xega (Z.), infirm, declining; xego (X.), feeble old age, old man.||keh-keh, the old man bent with age.|
These words have been quoted the parts of speech to which the words belong in forming the Xhosa language. The words are the same in Egyptian where the Kaffir prefixes have been shed, and the language has been constructed on other lines of development. Here we find in the 'click' stage of language that speech and the personified speaker are the same by name as on the monuments, where Taht has become a mythological divinity, the male moon-god. The magistrate and advocate are there under the same names. The very durable tree, tata, the sneezewood of the colonists, has the identical title of the Egyptian Eternal. Tuta, the genius, and the ancestral spirit are represented by the [p.615] mummy image or genius, called the tutu. Tut (Eg.) signifies to unite, to engender, to establish a covenant; and tatana (X. K.), to establish a covenant, take one another according to a sacred rite, as in marriage. Lastly, the root of all these variants is expressed by a 't-t,' the very sound assigned to the kaf-cynocephalus as his especial contribution to the language of clicks. He is the clicking kaf, who preceded the clicking Kaffir, and on the Egyptian monuments he is a type of Taht and An, both of whom represent speech, to speak, and the speaker in person.
This illustrates one of two things; either these words went back from the Egyptian stage to take on the prefixes and include the clicks, or else the Egyptian has shed both clicks and prefixes. No evolutionist can doubt that the clicks denote the earlier stage of language; and the inference is inevitable that the language in which the speaker has risen from the type of the kaf monkey to the status of a god; the ancestral spirit is typified by the mummy figure, and Taht has become the divine advocate and saviour, must have advanced from the Kaffir condition. Other instances of this visible development abound. 'Xoxa' denotes a general and confused conversation, talking together, Kaffir conversation. Xoxa is the name of the frog, which, says W. Davis, is onomatopoetic, and refers to the sound of 'xo-xo,' as that which represents the confused noise of many persons speaking all at once. In the click condition of language, onomatopoeia has a real meaning, and in such sounds as 'xo-xo,' or 'ka-ka,' the frog undoubtedly may have named itself. In Egyptian, 'ka-ka' denotes calling and crying as do the frogs. In Basunde, the frog's 'xo-xo' becomes 'huku,' as the name of the frog. In Egypt the frog has attained the status of Mistress Huku (or Heka), the frog-headed goddess, consort of Num, the lord of the inundation and king of frogs. Huku and huka are modified forms of xo-xo or ka-ka. Uka wears down to ka, for the frog's name; and ka means to cry, call, say. The frog was the caller and crier, and the self-given name was adopted as a type-word for saying and conversing, especially of manifold and therefore frog-like conversation.
It may be noticed, in passing, that the Sanskrit name of the frog, bheka, is the Egyptian heka, with a prefix answering to the Egyptian article the. Thus bheka in the one language is the heka from the other. In a Sanskrit story, Bheki, the frog, became a beautiful girl, and one day she was discovered by the king sitting beside the well. He asked her to marry him. She consented; but warned him against his ever letting her see a drop of water. The king promised that she never should. But one day, when thirsty, she asked the king for some, and he, forgetful of the conditions, gave her water to drink; whereupon Bheki disappeared. Egypt will tell [p.616] us who the king was, for a title of Num is 'King of Frogs.' His consort was Heka, or, as the frog, p-heka. The frog was a type of transformation, as the water-born and breather on the land. Num, king of the frogs, has two characters: in one, as Khnef, he is lord of breath in the firmament above. In the other, as Num, he is lord of the waters. Heka was his mistress in the deep, his water domain. Out of the waters Heka changed characters with the beautiful Seti, the sunbeam. In that phase the king found her sitting beside the well. But when Khnef-Ra (the sun) goes down his consort is Heka, the frog, because of the passage of the waters in the north by night, and the beautiful Seti, wearer of the white crown, disappears as the frog in the deep. This will explain how it is that the story of Bheki, the sun-frog which squats on the water, has been found in Africa, among the natives of Natal.
The evidence of faeryology tends to show that the frog was a lunar type. In a Russian story the fairy bride of the Prince Ivan is a frog that transforms into a lovely woman. When the prince finds her frog-skin empty he burns it. His wife on coming back from the ball seeks for it in vain. 'Prince Ivan,' she cries, 'thou hast not waited long enough. Farewell! Seek me beyond twenty-seven lands in the thirtieth kingdom.' The numbers identify the luni-solar myth. Twenty-seven is the proper number of days during which the moon was reckoned visible, and the three days before it rose again completed the luni-solar month of thirty days, and there is a new conjunction of the sun and moon. In another version the burning of the frog-skin is followed by the flight of the Beauty, who has to be sought for 'beyond thrice nine lands in the thrice tenth kingdom, in the home of Koshchei the deathless.'
In another Russian variant of the story the princess whose fairy skin has been destroyed, has to be sought in the seventh kingdom. That is, the one beyond the six periods of five days each, into which the luni-solar month was divided. The seventh would be the first stage of another new moon. A Turkish story describes the beautiful woman who becomes a frog, and says her 'face when she looked that way was like the moon, when she looked this way it was like the sun,' showing the imagery to be luni-solar, or the exact representation of Num's two consorts who are interchangeable as Heka the frog-headed, and Seti, the sunbeam; the one being his wife by day: the other by night.
In the Zulu tale the frog is represented as swallowing the princess to carry her safely home, which agrees with the transformation into the frog, or Seti passing into Heka as the consort of Num in the waters. But we must identify a few more of the African 'roots' which were developed in Egypt, and are scattered throughout the world.
The nam in the African Kiamba is a goat. In Egypt the goat-headed god is Num. Nome, in Bidsogo, is a serpent, and Num the divinity wears the serpent as one of his types. Num represents the sun of the waters, one of whose types was the crocodile; and in Dsuku, the alligator is nime. The monkey, which is named kefu in Krebo, kebe in Kra, and efie in the Anfue language, is kafi in Egyptian as the cynocephalic type of the god Shu, and the later Hapi a genie of the four quarters.
Nebo, in Ekamtulufu is heaven. In Egyptian, Nupe is the lady of heaven, or heaven depicted in the female form, the typical heaven that supplied the drink of life as nupe, and the breath as neft. The efam is a cow in Akurakura, and in Egyptian afam is the beast, but the original beast is the water-cow or hippopotamus, Khebma, who is a goddess in Egypt and a divine type. The sun in Gafat is named cheber, and in Egyptian, Khepra is the beetle-headed solar god.
Ker (Eg.) is the claw, and ker-ker means to seize, embrace, lay hold, especially to seize with the claw; ker-ker is literally to claw with the claw, or claw-claw. This expresses what the scorpion does; and the scorpion is named kere-kere in Eki and Owaro; kirekire in Vagba; akar-kere, Dsebu, Ife, Egba, and Ota; akekere, Idsesa; ikekuru, Okuloma; kekire, Hwida and Basa; wakure, Padsade; greaswe, Dewoi; kele-kele, Dsumu; kialea, Kiamba; kulis, Timne and Bulom; yare in the Pulo group, and kal, kel, wur, and el in other dialect forms. The scorpion goddess, who seizes and holds the Apophis serpent, is named Serka, worn down from kerka, and the full form is only found in the ker-ker of the scorpion which seizes with its fore-claws and stings with the hinder one, and was consequently named kere-kere or claw-claw.
Here are five divinities, Num, Shu, Khebm, Khepra, and Serk, identified with their types by name in inner Africa.
The bee is keme in Baga and other African dialects. In Egypt it is made an ideograph of kam and kheb. The boy or son is designated tobo in Udso; diube in Kru, and dew in Adampe. He is named after Tef, Tep, or Typhon, the old first mother before the fatherhood was known. This fact is distinguished in Egyptian where tefu has become the name for an orphan or the fatherless child. When the father is individualized it is as the Atef, and this name is assigned to the double crown of the fatherhood.
Tut, in Egyptian, is the male member; tut is the engenderer, procreator, or father; and tata is a type-name for the father in some thirty or forty other African languages. This tut was a type of the Eternal as the re-erector and establisher of the mummy. Papa (Eg.), to produce, supplies forty languages with the name of the father, as papa or baba. The producer under this name, as before shown, was originally the mother, the breather and quickener of life.
Bukeem, in Bola, is the palm-tree, the plural being munkeem; bukiam in Sarar, with the plural munkiam; bekiame in Pepel, with the plural menkiam. Now buk is the Egyptian name for palmwine; and menkam is some kind or quantity of wine. Am (Eg.) means the tree, to give, or find; and buk-am would denote the tree which yielded the palm-wine, called the toddy-palm. Buk (Eg.) is to fecundate, engender, inspirit, and as such it passed into the name of Bacchus, for the spirit of fermentation and wine.
In the African Gbe language fire is nasuru; and in Egyptian nasru is not only fire and flame, the word becomes the type-name for the fiery Phlegethon of the Hades, where the consuming sun of a land which had a soil of fire and a breath of flame, first suggested a hell of heat in that region of the underworld in which the Black Sun (later Red Sun) first impersonated the great judge of the dead.
Star in Hebrew is kokab; Arabic, kaukab; Egyptian, khabsu. But these are abraded forms of a duplicated kab. Seb is a star; this was the earlier Kheb or Khab. Khab also signifies shade or eclipse, and this is determined by the star. Thus shade and star are both khab; these being the two truths of night—the light-and-shade—which are also illustrated by the feather of Shu (light-and-shade). The star then is kabkab as the light in the dark, and in the African Mahari, kab-kob is the name of the star; this is the duplicated form in full.
In Egyptian ma is a type-name for the beast. The accented â (U, eagle sign) is a worn-down fa, so that the word is really 'mfa' and this recovers an African type-name of the beast or animal. The goat is named mfi in Nalu; mvi in Param and Bamom; mm, Isoama; mpi, Pati; mpie, Abadsa; mbom, Orungu. The cow is mfau in Papiah; mfon, Udomi; mfou, Eafen, Pati, Kum, Bagba, Bamom, Param, Bayon, Mbofon, and Ekamtulufu; mpon, animal was otherwise distinguished, and in many African languages in Nki, Mfut and Konguan. The mbame in Wolof is the hog; the mupun in Tumu, a ram. 'The Beast' was a type-name before the the typical beast is the dog, which is mumvo in Papiah; mvo, Param; mfo, Dsarawa; mvi, Tuma; mfa, Murundo; mfa, Babuma; mpfa, Ntere; mbue, Baseki; mpua, Melon; mpoa, Nhalmoe; mboa, Muntu and Kisama; ombua, Pangela; mboa, Basunde, Nyombe, Kasands, Ngoten, Kabenda, Mimbosa, Bumbete; and mu in Konguan. The typical beast appears under this name as mmaft or maft, the lynx, with the determinative of Sut-Typhon. Also, with the lion as determinative, and in the worn-down form maau or mau, the name is chiefly applied to the lion, leopard, panther, or cat, the ideographs of Shu and Tefnut or Pasht. The dog, and Baba, the beast (the hippopotamus), were to a great extent superseded, these being the images of Sut-Typhon, and of the chaos which preceded the lifting of the [p.619] firmament by Shu, and the migration from the celestial Egypt. The older the types, the more do they become inner African. This mf was almost worn out in Egyptian, but survived in the Hebrew ומ, and here it is in full force. Not only with one m, for the goat also in N'goala is momfu; mampi in Pati, and membi in Bagba, where we find the double m expressed by the sound of mim for m, which is still apparent in the hieroglyphic mm or m for with; mm having been the ideographic value. Thus we find that mmau, the beast, is an earlier form of ma, and with the f instead of the accented a, this is identical with the N'goala momfu, and Fati mampi. The ideographic mm which preceded the phonetic m is extant in the Welsh mam for the mother, and in the African Darrunga mimi for the woman, Malemba and Embomma mama, for the mother. In Egyptian the mother is mu, and may be expressed by the phonetic m which was the earlier mim. The Hebrew names of letters like mim and nun are ideographic; this the hieroglyphics prove, and these inner African words are likewise in the ideographic stage.*
* Here is another example of the ideographic stage passing into the phonetic. The hieroglyphic sign of the inundation is both a khent and a fent. The Finns call themselves Qvains, and this name modifies into Quains and Finns, because the ideographic kf deposits a phonetic k and f. So the ape is kafi (Eg.), and aan from an original kfn which will answer for kaf, kan, fan, pan, ban, aan, and an, including the types of Sut, Shu, Pan, and the lunar An. This primate is found in kaften (Eg.), for the monkey. The kaftens, kafns, or qvains are those who derive from the female kaf (kaft), the ape-type of the ancient genetrix, known to the Finns as Kivutar, Egyptian Khept, and British Kêd.
The working of the principle of repetition is not limited to the reduplication of the same sounds. Kaf, for example, the hand, deposits ka, fa, and a; fâ and â also signifying the hand. This accounts for the interchange of gh and f in English; both of which meet in the one word 'laughter,' where the gh has the f sound. The ideographs take the student into a domain of derivation never yet penetrated, not only by the current school of philologists, but by any writer on language. The sisterhood, so to say, of Egyptian, Akkadian, Maori, Hebrew, and English may no longer be seen in syntax or grammar, or be traceable by means of Grimm's Law, and yet the common African motherhood may be visible in what is here termed the typology.
Manka is the type-name for woman, in Udom, Mbofon, and Ekamtulufu; muka, Wakamba; mokas, Babuma; mokas, Ntere; macha, Gonga; machoa, Woratta; muketu, Kasange; manyi, in Makua, and meya, Nda. In Egyptian menkat, maka, menka, and mena are the equivalent names for the typical nurse, the wet-nurse of the child, the lady of the vases and therefore the vase-maker, the potteress and creatoress of many mythologies. The name of the Irish macha—Akkadian Nin-muk; Sanskrit and Greek maya, and Egyptian mena and ma—simply denotes woman in [p.620] the Kaffir languages of the Gabun. These are what the present writer looks upon as the Egyptian roots in Africa beyond, where we can trace by name the natural origins of the types which became symbolical in the hieroglyphics.
To denote the mother, says Horapollo, the Egyptians delineate a vulture, and they signify the mother by it, because in this race of creatures there is no male. 'Gignuntur autem hunc in modum. Cum amore concipiendi vultur exarserit, vulvam ad Boream aperiens, ab eo velut comprimitur per dies quinque, during which time she partakes neither of food nor drink, being too intent upon procreation.' Which means that the vulture, the hieroglyphic type of maternity, royal or divine, was the symbol of the genetrix as the virgin mother, from whom men reckoned their descent in the early times as the sole progenitor. This representation was imitated in the Egyptian tombs by the small aperture opening towards the north, from whence, according to African ideas, came the breath of life which re-begot the god or soul in the womb of the tomb for the second life. The name of the vulture, in addition to its denoting mu, the mother, is narau. This is extant in the English norie, to nourish or nurse; Maori ngare, for the family and blood relations; Hebrew רענ for the young and to bear; Albanian, nieri; Zend, nairi, and Sanskrit, nari; inor (Peel River, Australia), inar (Wiradurei), and inur (Wellington), for the woman. This is the type-word for the name of woman in various groups of African languages, as nvoru in Adampi; nvire in Grebo; nviro in Gbe; nvero in Dewoi; ngerem, Budumah; unali, Biafada. The Yoruba alo for woman probably shows an abraded form, as in the Kouri dialects, Kaure and Legba, nyoro means the head, and woman was not only the first head, but the narau (Eg.), vulture, is also represented by the sign of the vulture's head. Alo is the woman, and abalo the man; the plural for a Kouri population being nebalo, and neb (Eg.) means all, composed of both sexes.
Here we find the hieroglyphic type, the ideograph of the motherhood, both royal and divine in Egypt, which has gone to the other side of the world, extant by name in Upper Africa as the type-name for woman.
In Wolof and Galla, dug signifies the truth; in Egyptian tekh is the moon-god, the measurer, calculator, and reckoner of truth, and the tekh is the needle of the balance of truth. One of the hieroglyphic m's or em's is the sickle, the sign of cutting. From this may be traced the Welsh amaeth, for the husband-man; English math, a mowing; the Latin emeto, to reap, and Greek ametos, a reaping. This has the earlier form of hamtu, the sickle, in the Galla language, and emata in Meto; omata in Matatan, for the farm. Ma-aut (Eg.) is the stalk, and the word [p.621] contains the meaning of that which is cut with the sickle. Still earlier kamadi (Galla) denotes corn, grain, wheat. Amt (Eg.), the abraded kamadi, is a name for food, and a peculiar kind of bread, called amtmu, or food of the dead. The maziko in the African Swahili is a burial-place. In Egyptian the meska, founded on the tomb, was the eschatological place of rebirth for the mummied dead.
Such 'types,' whether in words, customs, things, or personifications, are the root-matters and objects of the present quest. For example, in a paper recently read on the 'different stages in the development of music in prehistoric times,' the author, Rowbotham, showed that although the varieties of musical instruments might be countless, yet they are all reducible under three distinct types: 1. The drum type; 2. The pipe type; 3. The lyre type. And these three types are representative of three distinct stages of development through which prehistoric music passed. Moreover, the stages occur in the order named; that is to say, the first stage in the development of instrumental music was the drum stage, in which drums and drums alone were used by men; the second stage was the pipe stage, in which pipes as well as drums were used; the third stage was the lyre stage, in which stringed instruments were added to the stock. The three stages answer respectively to rhythm, melody, and harmony. And as in the geological history of the globe the chalk is never found below the oolite nor the oolite below the coal, so in the musical history of mankind the lyre stage is never found to precede the pipe stage, nor the pipe stage to precede the drum stage. Now the drum in Egyptian is teb, and the tupar is a tabor or tambourine. Tur means first; ar, to make, and tupar reads in accordance with facts, the first made; the primary type. The drum then bears the name of the genetrix Tef, Tep, or Typhon, who in her secondary phase carried the tambourine as Hathor. The son of Typhon, Sut, Suti or Sebti (in full) gives the name to the oblique flute, named the sebt and the mmu. This mmu and sek to play upon, yields the name for music, thus identified with playing the flute. Sebti or suti (5+2) has the value of number seven, and the octave really consists of seven notes, the eighth being a repetition of the first. Now the races of Central Africa include all three of these musical types beyond which music has not yet gone. The primitive original of the Egyptian harp to be seen in the Harpers' or Bruce's tomb, is extant as the guitar of Uganda. This process of identifying the African origins with Egypt as their supreme interpreter might be continued until volumes were filled. But we have not yet done with 'words.'
The following list, which does not contain one-half of my own collection, is taken from various African dialects on the authority of Koelle, Bleek, Norris, Tuckey, Burton, and others.
|aban (Fanti), a fort.
aboaun (Asante), doorway; opun (Fanti), a door.
achara, (Ibu), hay.
afa (Doai, N’godsin); ipehe (Puka), sun; afa (Yasgua), God.
afahe (Fanti), a feast.
aguba (Biafada), war.
agwe (Ako), a field.
ahom (Ibu), skin.
amate (Galla), embrace.
ame (Bambarra), understand; hime (Galla), interpret; hhama (Wolof), to know.
apata (Mbofia), the thigh.
araha (Bulanda), eure (Akui and Egba), eru (Isoama), eri
(Abadsa), ere (Aro), okirir (Mbofia), goat.
aria (Swahili), a following, faction; herrea (Galla), an associate.
ashiri (Fanti), beads.
asige (Anfue), earring; asika (Puka), chain-fetters; zaka (Basunde), bracelet.
ata (Adampe), ita (Yagba and Idsesa), itaa (Aku), ito (Voruba), eti (Dsumu
and Egba), eta (Aisfue), the thighs.
atah (Boritsu) atua (Asante), kete (Landoro), oats; ketei (Gbandi), guinea corn.
atati (Yau), father; iata or tutu (Nyamwezi), father.
baeri (Goburu), oats.
basa (Z. Kaf.), to kindle as fire.
baso (Z. Kaf.), woman’s word for fire.
bes (Dsarawa), fire.
besi (Toronka, Mandingo, Dsalunlca, Kankanka), charm, talisman, gris-gris;
se (Mano), a gris-gris or charm; saia (N’godsin), earring; za (Boko), a bracelet.
bir (Fanti), pluck.
bur (Wolof), a king.
daba (Baga, Dsalunka, Kankanka, Bambarra), dabo (Mandingo,Kabunga),
debao (Diwala), a hoe.
dagla (Galla), cross.
dan (Mandingo, Kabunga, Toronka, Dsalunka, Kankanka, Vei, Kono,
Bambarra), No. 10; don (Afudu), No. 10.
debo (Mfut), heaven; dioba (Baseke), heaven; doba (Diwala), heaven.
devi (Adampe), a boy; tobo (Udso), a boy, a son; diube (Kru), a child.
din (Banyun), God; uten (Anan), the sun.
dipe (Mano), a bull; dupe (Wolof), fat.
dug (Wolof), duga (Galla), truth.
dugum (Bode), degem (N’godsin), degam (Doai), the king.
duku (Ashanti), dukko (Galla), a veil.
duku (Galla). flour.
e (Setshuana), yes; evi (Yoruba), yes; ye-u (Watutu), yes; ouaa (Yalif), yes.
eboda (Bini), gris-gris, or charm; eboto (Melon), bracelet; ifod (Anan), gris-gris.
epa (N’goala), ovie (Sobo), a king.
efam (Akurakura), a cow.
|abn, a wall, a fortress.
uban, opening of heaven or of Neith at sunrise.
khersh, truss of hay.
af, the sun of the underworld.
afa, to be filled, satisfied; ab, a feast.
uakh, a meadow; akha, green, verdure.
am or kem, to find, discover, interpret, be an expert.
khept, hinder thigh.
kaari and aur, goat.
ashr, tree of life, with seed-pod.
uskh, a jewelled collar; shaka, earring.
aat, an abraded form of khept, the hinder thigh.
khat, a crop; att, grain.
atta, father, priest; tut, the engenderer.
besa, warmth, candle, jet, blaze, dilate.
besa, an amulet, protection; sa, collar; sa, an amulet or charm.
ber, to boil up, be ebullient.
buru, height of supremacy.
tef, a hoe.
ten, weight of ten kat; ten, sign of two hands; tent, a tithe.
tefn, an orphan.
aten, the youthful sun-god of the disk.
tepa, a fat ox.
tekh, measurer, reckoner of truth; needle of the balance of truth.
khem, master, power, force, authority; Tekhem, a god.
tekau, to hide, see unseen.
abtu, the likeness, with mummy-type.
khef, a title; ap, head, chief, god.
afam, a beast; khabm, water-cow.
ogodue (Anfue), ogodu (Isiele), ekuta (Wun and Bidsogo),
wukata (Bola), the loincloth.
ehi (Aro, Ibu, and Isoama), a cow.
ename (Orungu), eneme (Ekamtulufu and Mbofon), gema (N’godsin), namere
(Tiwi), the thigh.
ese (Hwida), ozi (Koro), owase (Murundo), eso (Kaure), eze (Mahi), God; ozai
(Ife), ozoi (Ondo), a fetish image; eso (N’ki), esui (Alege), uosi (Kouri), sun.
eya (Ako), ox.
eyo (Ako), ewa (Nupe, Goali, and Ebe), ohua or iwa (Basa), a serpent.
fatu (Haussa), a cat; boude (Malemba), boode (Embomma) the cat.
fedu (Karakare), no. 4; fudu (Bode, Doai, Haussa, Kano, N’godsin), no. 4;
fodu (Kadzina), no. 4.
fira (Galla), family, offspring.
furu (Biafada), fire.
galb (Beran and Adirar), a bracelet.
gifti (Gallo), a mistress.
gireyo (Mano), greedy.
glipo (Bassa), grepo (Dewoi), God.
gudi (Swahili), dock for ships.
guseba (Bode), chain-fetters for the neck.
gwete (Fanti), silver; kudee (Mandingo), silver.
hanga (Basunde), chain-fetters; yinga (Z. Kaff.), necklace of coloured beads;
ingu (Ako), beads; kunk (Dselana), bracelet.
hart (Adirar, Beran), a farm.
hate (Galla), to steal.
hatte (Galla), to rob.
hesabu (Swahili), an account, reckoning.
himama (Nyassa), mother.
holen (Kisi), the eye.
hu (Wydah), hou (Buduma), God.
huku (Basunde), a frog.
iah (Pessa), ie (Susu), ya (Gbese), yi (Mano), water.
ige (Afudu), fire.
igen (Akurakura), palm oil.
ikum (Fanti), okum (Boritsu), a fetish image.
iri (Isiele), yuar (Penin), yuar (Ibu), kur (Boritsu), hiru (Kaure), no, 10.
kabdo (Galla), pincers, tongs.
keasfi (Kadzina), smallpox.
kelea (M’bamba), an idol divinity.
keme (Baga), kumu (Vei), kumi (Kise-kise), the bee.
kinoo (Swahili), a whetstone.
kiro (Sagara, Gogo, Nyambu, Ganda), night.
kitu (Swahili), a thing, a tangible thing.
kor (Landoma), kuri (Dewoi), gerra (Galla), ekuro (Bini), iyare (Tissi, Kers,
and Beran), the belly.
kristo (Pepel), an idol or fetish.
kuade (Banyun), fire.
kura (Haussa), a beast; arai (Banyun), a cow; horri (Galla), cattle.
leki (Galla), rule.
|khut, to enfold and conceal.
ah or ahi, cow.
hem, the seat, hind part, the ham; nemtt, legs.
as, a statue, the great, august, worshipful.
hefa, snake, viper, serpent.
Peht, or Buto, cat-headed goddess.
fetu, no. 4, the four corners or quarters.
kherp, a first form, or model figure.
Kheft, Great Mother.
ker, claw, seize hold.
kherp, the first, principal, his majesty.
khet, a port.
kes, to envelops with bands.
ank, to clasp; the ankh, a noose, tie, cross, and circle.
hert, garden, park, paradise.
atu, to rob.
ata, or atau, to rob.
hesb, to reckon, calculate.
hem, the female, woman as mother.
ar (earlier har), the eye.
Heka, frog-headed goddess.
hi, water; ia, water, to wash.
akhem, the mummied hawk.
har, no. 10.
kabti, a pair of arms.
kher, divine voice or word.
Kam, Egypt with the bee ideograph.
khetu, things, a god of things.
kar, the belly or womb of Hades; karas, the belly of earth.
karast, mummy type, embalmed, anointed dead; Egyptian Christ.
kheri, a cow.
leku (rek), rule.
|lubia (Wadai), beans; libo
(Zulu), produce of the soil.
makura (Kiriman) cocoanut oil.
mama (Kabongo, Kabinda, and Jiji), mother.
mania (Meto), armlet, bracelet; muen (Ngoten), armlet, bracelet; meian
(Papiah), armlet, bracelet; menu; (N’Goalâ), nose-ring; mni (Nalu), earring.
manso (Kabunga), mansa (Mandingo, Kono, Dsalunka), king.
mas (Kanyika), mosu (Undaza), muazi (Marawi, Mahasi, and Songo), blood.
masi (Puka, Haussa, &c.), spear; massi (Fulah), lance; mese (Z. Kaff.), sword.
masiwe (Tene), a serpent.
mayu (Nyamwezi), mother.
maza (Kongo), water; mazzi (Kabongo and Kabinda), water; mesi (Yau),
maza (Bwende), na-mazi (Jigi), river.
maziko (Swahili), a burial-place.
muso (Afudu), a king.
nab (Guresa), rich.
naba (Koama), a bull; nyibu (Hwida), a cow; nafo (Mose), a cow.
nabi (Galla), a prophet.
nabu (Toma), fire.
nam (Kiamba), goat.
nebo (Ekamtulufu), heaven.
niba (Kru), a river; nabi (Appa), water.
nom (Ham), God; nyama (Nhalemoe), God; nyama (Melon), God;
nyambe (Diwala), God.
nuebe (Mbofia) fetish image.
nyabo (Esitako), nabi (Mutsaya), to seize.
ofie (Egbele), beans.
ofomi (Sobo), upem (Bulom), war.
oha (Orungu), owi (Fulup), monarch.
oka (Aku, Ife, Idsesa), oats; oka (Dsebu, Sobo, Bini, Ihewe, Abadsa), maize.
oka (Ibu), fire; oja, in Ashanti and Fanti, ore (Abadsa and Isieli), fire.
ore (Ihewe), ore (Yagba), yeuke (Wolof), a bull.
oko (Aku and twenty other dialects), a canoe.
oku (Ako), the dead.
onnuku (Ako), active; ounyike (Ibu), able.
ose (Akurakura), a sacrifice.
osi (Ibu), deceit.
ozibo (Igu), idol.
pepe (Orungu), night.
pere (Landoro, Mende, Gbese), a house.
perei (Gbandi and Mano), house.
peri (Kossa), house.
peri (Krebo), beans.
pila (Nyamban), oats or kukus.
pofu (Z. Kaff., bob in others), reddish beads.
rabe (Wolof), cattle.
raja (Ako), to cheat; rake (Galla), idle, lazy.
sa (Bambarra), dead.
saga (Mampo), sacrifice; sake (Kano), sacrifice; sayaka (Toronko), sacrifice.
|repi, a goddess of harvest.
makheru, the anointed, beatified.
mama, to bear; mmu, mu, mother.
mena, collar of the nurse.
su, royal; mena, shepherd, driver.
mas, to anoint, paint, ink, dye.
masha, an archer.
meisi, a serpent.
mehu or mu, mother.
mes, product or source of a river.
meska, the place of rebirth.
mes, a diadem.
Nub, Anubis the announcer.
num, goat-headed god.
Nupe, the lady of heaven.
nebi, to swim and float; nam, water.
nebu, cast or model; nahp, mould, form.
nehp, to seize.
ufa, to chastise and whip.
uau, the one alone, the captain.
ka, a bull.
ukka, the solar bark.
akhu, the dead.
nakh, power personified.
as, a sacrifice.
khesba, lapis lazuli.
bab, the void below.
par, a house.
bubu, beads of Isis, and the mummies.
rept, a beast.
rekai, culpable, criminal, rebels.
sa, the mummy-image.
skau, a sacrifice.
|saguma (Gura), a house.
sahigo (Landora), sword; asaku (Kambali), spear or assegai.
sakume (Galla), to embrace.
santo (Mandingo), heaven.
sathie (Wolof), to rob and steal; sehteh (Flaussa), theft.
sau (Fanti), dance; seo (Fulab), dance; sewo (Mandingo), joy; zeze (Swahili),
a kind of lute.
sefa (Z. Kaff.), to clear the mealie-meal from husks; safe (Galla), to polish.
sera (Galla), order.
set (Fulah), zaite (Galla), oil.
shari (Swahili), evil.
simo (Nalu), hell; zume (Dahome), hell; zume (Dsarawa), dense forest.
sire (Okuloma), the leopard.
siru (Fanti), to laugh.
sogei (Kisekise), God; sko (Nupe), God; seakoa (Puke), God; sokoa (Esitako),
sukwo (Nub), suge (Susu), tsoka (Marawi), dsuku (Mhofia), God; tshuku
(Ibu), a god who has two eyes.
som (Bulanda), war.
soman (Ashanti), a fetish figure.
soni (Pika), a bee.
sor (Bulom), an arrow.
soru (Ashanti), heaven.
sosu (Ashanti), a measure.
su (Fanti), to cry.
susui (N’goala) and zuzo (Papiah), cotton and thread.
taba (Galla), to play.
taba (Z. Kaff.), to rejoice, be delighted.
taffe (Susi), father.
takawe (Galla), to count.
tete (Nhalernoe), a king.
teuba (Wolof), jump, leap, dance.
tibu (Swahili), scent.
toba (Salem), tuba (Timbo), trousers; topa (Yala), tafaro (Landoma), loincloth;
dwaba (Z. Kaff.), skin petticoat.
togei (Kisekise and Salum), beans.
tomu (Gbese), king.
tore (Tene), war; thuru (Swahili), to harm.
tshoma (Galla), fat; shahamu (Swahili), fat.
uden (Boritsu), a king.
uten (Anan), the sun.
uzer (Marike), the sun
waka (Haussa), to sing; waka (Fulah), a song.
zia (Bambarra), the soul.
|skhem, a shrine or sacred house.
sekh, for cutting.
skhen, embrace (compare the Skhem).
shent, crown of the upper heaven; the zenith.
set, to steal.
shu and seshu, the sistrum.
sif, to refine and purify.
sat, to grease.
sami, total darkness.
ser, a camelopard.
sheri, to rejoice.
sakh, illuminator, inspiring influence.
sam, to destroy.
semu, amulets; smen, establish a son in place of the father.
ser, an arrow.
sharu, the lake of sacred principles in Elysium.
sesh, a measure.
sua, to cry aloud, to sing.
shes, flax, linen.
tef, to dance.
tef, father, divine father.
tekh, the reckoner.
tef, to dance.
teba, kind of dress, linen, wrap, mystical.
smeh, to anoint.
atn, to rule, a lord.
aten, the sun.
uka, a festival; kaka, to rejoice.
sa, the soul.
|a, or eio, yes.
a, cry, weep.
an, to beautify, make a show of one’s self.
aup, man, husband, old one.
cabi, to rain.
caigha, fiery, hot.
caisin, to be sick, sick.
cam-cam, to finish, come to an end.
cguri, to pray.
cham, to flog, to whip.
ckam, to be hot.
ckei, to spread, extend.
ckhip, the black rhinoceros.
ckhui, to vomit.
ckhu, to cluster.
ckhums, grace, mercy.
ckhuri, to creep.
ckoi, to be a lunatic.
cnam, to love.
coco, to staunch a wound.
cum, to grow, breathe; cum-cum, to breathe into, make live.
dana, a chief, head over.
dubu, to dive, submerge, dip.
gagha, sly, deceitful.
gakas, a spirit.
gau, to rule.
ghuas, a writing, scripture.
ghui, a thing.
hagup, a pig.
hora-hop, the only begotten.
huka, long ago.
huri, to leap.
ip, likeness, image.
iqu, to commit adultery.
kan-kan, to praise.
kha, to sink.
khabop, a slave.
khai, to rise, stand up.
khuap, a cave.
kurip, a year.
kuru, to create, make.
lan, to make known.
ma, which; ma, give.
ma, to stand.
magu, to trade.
ma-u, to stand holding.
mu, to see.
|ia, yes, certainly.
a, ah, oh, alas.
ma, true, truth.
amakhu, to bless.
an, to beautify, paint the eyes, show.
au, old one; ap, ancestor.
kep or kabh, the inundation.
akha, fire; khakha, venom, sting.
khema, dead; khamui, let fall, drop, render up.
kam, to create; khem, deity.
khep, fluid being, with sign of bleeding.
khur, speech, word, voice, call.
khem, beat, bruise, crush, prevail.
kab, double, redouble; kabt, a family.
shem, heat, summer.
khi, to extend, spread rapidly.
khep, the hippopotamus.
khaaka, to vomit; khakha, man vomiting.
khekh, number, reckoning.
khem, grace, favour.
kheri, fallen, on the ground.
khaku, mad, lunatic.
nam, to join together, to engender.
khekh, to check, to repel.
kam, or kamamu, to create, form, produce.
tem, no, not.
tama, created persons; khep, birthplace.
thani, elevated over, leader, conductor.
teb, bend low, dip; tepht, abyss, deep.
repa, lord; kherp, the first, the god.
aak, Magus, old, wise.
akhekh, dragon, gryphon, typhonian, darkness.
khekh, a spirit.
khu, to rule.
khi, a thing.
har, the only begotten.
hur, to ascend.
abui, likeness, form, image.
kham, to crook in bowing.
kamamu, produce, create.
ken-ken, dance; aken, adore, salute, praise, glorify.
khi, large, vast, extended.
kha, thrown down on the earth.
khaba, less, inferior, lower.
khi, to rise up, be born.
kaf, seize by force.
kep, a sanctuary, retreat, concealed place.
kherp, a first form, model, figure; kher, a course.
ren, to name.
ma, like, according to; ma, give.
ma, to place.
mak, to regulate, balance, scales.
ma, hand holding vase.
ma or mu, to see.
|naba, to shine, lighten.
nam, to talk.
nams, a tongue.
nauip, a spark.
nui, an oath; nu, to take an oath.
oa, to beget.
ami, a house.
ori-aup, a saviour, deliverer.
piriku, the Kaffir tribes. Compare peleg (Heb.), pulug (Ass.), bolg, Irish, the
belgae, and bulgars.
qabap, an ascent.
qap, a river.
qap, one portion.
qkhai-qkhai, to darken.
qkham, to fight.
qkhou-qkhou, to madden, enrage.
qkhup, a lord or master.
qkhup, to crack a whip.
qnai, to blow.
qqam-qqam, to humble.
quagu, opposite to.
sa, to rest.
sau, to keep, save.
somi, a shadow, shade.
soro, to sow.
subu, light, to lighten.
twa, to end, finish.
vaba, a burst.
vka, to go in, enter.
xan, to dwell, inhabit.
xeigha, to be angry.
xhas, the womb.
xhou-omi, a prison.
xka, to wrap round the neck.
xkai, to chew.
xkhou, to seize, take captive.
xkua, to dawn.
xknam, to embrace.
xum, to sleep.
zep, a day.
nub, gold; nahp, emission
nam, speech, utterance, discourse, converse, accompany.
nams, vase with a tongue.
nahp, emit light.
nu, a type, appointed.
am, pavilion, house; khem, house.
har or ar, the saviour-son.
p-rekhu, the people of a district, the race.
ap-ap, to mount.
ar, liquid; kep, inundation.
keb, one corner.
kak, darkness, black, night; akhekh, darkness.
khem, to fight.
khi-khi, extend, enlarge, elongate, quick with arms and steps.
khena, blow, puff away.
khami, lowly, humble.
khaku, stupid, obstinate, madly opposed.
sau, preserve, save.
sart, to sow seed.
ubu, sunrise; s, causative prefix.
tua, slaughter, kill.
paif, wind, gust; papa, produce, be delivered of a child.
aka, to enter; fekh, to burst open.
keb or seb, time.
khen, be within.
khakha, mad, obstinate.
as or has, the womb.
khakri, kind of necklace.
kaka, to eat.
kab, double, redouble.
kahau, to claw, seize.
khu, light, colour.
nam, to join.
sep, a time, a turn, a day.
The following specimen list is taken from the Makua dialect, one of the Eastern group of the Bantu family of languages: —
ihipa, a hoe.
ing'ope, bull and cattle.
heb, earlier kheb, a hoe.
akhekh, the Apophis serpent.
neka, bull, steer, cattle.
|ing'oto, reptile.||neka, the deluding reptile.|
|inkala, crab.||kera, claw.|
|ipipi, darkness.||apap, to rise up vast as the monster (Akhekh) of the dark.|
|ipitu, hippopotamus.||khept, hippopotamus.|
|item, a legend.||teruu, a papyrus roll.|
|kana, young.||hana, youth.|
|kekai, true, perfect.||khekh, balance, mason's level.|
|khmo, no.||khema, no, not.|
|kumi, no. 10.||khemt, no. 10.|
|mahive, arrogance.||maaui, in the power of.|
|makuware, a particular dance.||mak, dance.|
|manyi, mother.||mena, the suckler or wet-nurse.|
|mirao, girl.||mar.t, a female relationship.|
|mluku, god.||rekhi, a pure intelligence, soul or spirit.|
|mshapwe, monkey.||kap or kapi, a monkey.|
|mthatha, hand.||tat, the hand.|
|mtu, man.||mt, the race, the mate.|
|mtuchi, shade.||teka, hide, escape notice.|
|muno, a water-jar.||mun, a water-jar or vase.|
|nam-kweli, a widow.||kharui, a widow.|
|navata, twin.||neb, two, twin.|
|nethi, freedom.||nnuti, escaped, out of.|
|nethi, a gentleman.||nu, nut, nuter, a divine type.|
|niporu, bubble.||nef, breath; uru, water.|
|nrama, check.||remu, the extent, or limit.|
|oheva, bravery.||kefa, force, puissance, potency.|
|onioko, hostility.||neka, provoke, false, criminal; naken, slaughter.|
|paka, cat.||pekh, the cat-headed goddess.|
|taru, no. 8.||teruu, form of no. 8, Sesennu, region of the Eight Great Gods.|
|uchacha, cross.||khekh, the equinox.|
|uhuva, woe.||hes, earlier keb, wail.|
|ukaka, urge.||khekh, whip.|
|ukaka, to push.||khekh, to repulse, repel.|
|ukoma, to come to an end and cease.||khema, dead, ended.|
|ukumi, health, life.||khem, to have power, potency, virile force.|
|ukunula, to unclose, let out.||khanru, to scatter.|
|ukwa, death.||akh, the dead.|
|ukwiri, magic.||huka, magic.|
|ulela, to nurse, to rear.||rer, to nurse, dandle, and rear.|
|unela, to drive.||nar, victory, to vanquish.|
|unethi, civilization.||enti or nuti, existence, being.|
|unuka, smell.||ankhu, a nosegay, living flowers.|
|upara, fire.||afr, fire.|
|upua, to bud.||apu, to open.|
|utai, far, apart.||utui, journey, divorced, apart; utai, solitary, divorced, go forth.|
|uthepia, to persuade.||tep, tongue.|
|uthonya, to guide.||tennu, to conduct.|
|utuka, tie, fasten, imprison.||teka, bind, tie, fix, attach.|
|uvava, jump.||ap-ap, up, up.|
|vathe, out, forth.||fet, to disperse; ut, out, go forth.|
|vathi, bottom, floor.||uati, Lower Egypt, goddess of the North.|
|wapa, secret.||rem, secret, hidden.|
|weta, to walk, go.||khet or uta, to go, journey, expedition.|
|wipa, swell.||kep, fermentation, the inundation.|
|wupa, to create, to shape.||khep, to create, to figure.|
|yotela, whiteness.||hut, white.|
It has been lately asserted by Maspero and Professor Sapeto, that in the speech of some of the negro tribes on the Blue Nile, the clicks, which were deemed a peculiarity of South African speech, are detected; and more than this, that an increase or diminution of the [p.629] prevalence of this linguistic feature could be remarked as the traveller advances towards or from Central Africa. The clicks are not quite extinct in Upper Egypt, as the name of the Copt when pronounced properly is Ckibt or Ckoobt. In Egypt they are no longer extant in uttered speech, but, if the roots of the Egyptian language are to be found in Africa beyond, there ought to be some record of the clicking stage in the hieroglyphic signs. As there is. For instance, the cynocephalic ape of the Upper Senegal is said to utter clicks which contain a distinct d-sound. If so, he has advanced beyond the ancient Egyptians, who had no sign for d. The hieroglyphic pyramid ta, however, becomes the Greek 'Δ' (delta), and if we take the value at t the result is still remarkable, as this ape on the monuments is the representative of language, speech, utterance, as the word or bard of the gods. He represents Taht or Tet, and tet means speech, tongue, language, mouth. As Aan, the ape represented Taht in the northern heaven, and the name signifies speech—speech of, speech from, or speech to. Thus the clicking cynocephalus personates speech under the two names and forms of Taht and Aan. The typical voice or speech then, is represented in the 'click' stage by the clicking monkey. The crane or ibis was likewise a type of Taht; also t is the ideographic t-t or tet; consonantal phonetics being reduced ideographs; and this double t is given by the Bushmen to the Blue Crane in the kind of language especially devoted to it. They insert a tt at the end of the first syllable of almost every word of the crane's language, and this tt in Egyptian means speech, tongue, mouth, and language. T represents one of the chief clicks in the Hottentot dialects, and it can be shown that this click-prefix in the one language was brought on and still survives as the t or feminine article 'the' in Egyptian. It is extant in the word 'tser;' this sheds the prefix but retains the same value in ser, which tends to prove that the t-click still survives in the Hebrew צ (tzer), and Coptic d (djanda).
The Hottentot t-kau is the buffalo. In Egyptian the bull (or typical male) is the ka. T'kui, Hottentot, is man (homo); in Egyptian this also is ka. T'goose (Hot.) is the cow; hes (Eg.) cow; t'na (Hot.) man as vir; t'naa, the head; na (Eg.) chief, head; net, male; t'koa-ra (Hot.) the sun; khu-ra (Eg.) light of day. T'aa (Hot.) a hand; a or aa (Eg.), a hand; t'aifi (Hot.) the typical woman; af, kef—Eve—(Eg.), genetrix, the one born of; t'saguh (Hot.) the eye; saak (Eg.) the eye-type of the illuminator. In these and in other instances the Egyptian article tu (the) completes the Bushman word, and by dropping the prefix, the Bushman word becomes Egyptian. The tu article of the one is the click of the other. These clicks, for reasons which may be stated hereafter, are amongst the oldest sounds in language, and possibly the [p.630] first distinctly conscious imitations of other sounds. The t-click is manifestly the primitive form of the t or the-sound, and according to Bleek, the name of the phonetic sign which distinguishes the palatal click made with the tip of the tongue pressed as flat as possible against the termination of the palate at the gums, and withdrawn with full force, is 'gara,' another name for speech, to speak, utter, voice, word, which in Egyptian is kheru. 'Gara' describes speech or utterance by means of the t-click.
Bleek says, 'the Bushman word for "to sleep" seems to be ׀phkoinye, beginning with a combination of dental click, aspirated labial and guttural tenuis in which three letters are sounded together.' If this complex prefix be omitted we shall have a word answering to the Egyptian khennu, to alight, lean on, and rest; and sleep is synonymous with rest. The dropping of the click is apparent in other cases, as in q'kham, to fight; khem (Eg.), to fight; q'khou-q'khou, for kku-khu; q'khup, for khef; q'qam, for kham; x'khaba, for kab; qkhup (Nam.), a lord and master; khef (Eg.), chief; qqam (Nam.), to humble; khami (Eg.), humble. So in the Makua language the 'um' prefix being dropped mthatha, the hand, becomes tat in Egyptian; mluku, lukhu; mtuchi, tuki; and mshapwe represents kafi, the monkey.
Certain words retain their primal value and are worldwide types. The word kherp (Eg.), for a first formation, a model figure, has been traced to the name of a county in Shrop-shire, and a quarter of the world in Europe. In Coptic it is represented by sorb, the same as in the Roman sorbidunum. Another illustration of kherp is extant in the English selvage, which is not merely self-edge. Self, the first person, is a form of kherp, the chief one, but kherp also means to produce linen; and the selvage is the kherp-edge, the woven edge or first formation—the curb-edge. Kerf is an English name for cloth with the wool left on it; another first formation. This name persists in the Sudan and other parts of Africa, and is applied to the most primitive palisade or rudimentary enclosure for cattle, as the serb or seriba, which is still a first formation and model figure of the beginning.
One of the Central African type-names is expressed by u; the prefix denoting place, just as in Xhosa Kaffir it is the prefix denoting person. The u in such names as Uganda, Ugogo, Usakara or Ujiji, signifies the country of. The Egyptian u, is a sign of land, district, canton, line, boundary, edge, direction, and also means me and mine. It is a point of departure so primitive that its ideograph is a pullet, signifying 'from the egg,' an Egyptian phrase for the beginning. Usakara, the land or district of Saqqara, bears the name of the oldest Egyptian pyramid known. Uganda, which is far south, is [p.631] the country of Ganda answering to Khenta (Eg.), the name of the south.
In Egyptian tun means to divide and separate in two halves; ka is the thing, person, or type. In Xhosa Kaffir the wall that divides is called a donga; the fence or hedge is called a tango. In Zulu the donga is a cutting or division in the land. The thigh which is one of two, the divided part of the body, is likewise tanga in Zulu; tungi, in Musentando; dongo, in Fulah; dango, in Kano; and tanke, in Wolof. The dividing one is the frog, as tongo, in Tiwi; tungua, in Dsuku. Ten, for the division, is also a number 10 in Egyptian as in English, for the two hands, the tithe, and the ten of Ten Kat. This in the form of tan is the name for number ten in the Wi, Kono, Mandingo, Toronka, Kankanka, Bambarra, Kabunga, Dsalunka, and other dialects. In the Makua language, the division is marked in thanu for number five, or one of two hands, and by Tani, number five, in Fan; Tanos in Malemba.
The chief type-name in Africa for palm-oil is mas in the Kanyika, mas, N'goala and Lubalo; masi, Basunde; masi, Kasands; mazi, Nyombe; mazi, Congo; mezeie, Goali; mosoa, Murundo; and in Egyptian mas means to anoint; in Hebrew mashach is to anoint and the name for anointed. Mas in Egyptian applies to anointing, painting, and dyeing. Mest (Eg.) is colour for eyes, the black mestem, kohl, or stibium, made use of for painting the eyes. This was produced from the condensed smoke of incense. So the Maori kauri, used for tattooing, is made of soot from burnt resin, obtained from the kauri (Damanara Australis) tree, and kauruka is the name of smoke. In Swahili masizi is soot, and moshi is smoke; the one being derived from the other. This mas is an African type-name for smoke, as in the Kanyika, muis: Matatan, moes; Basunde, muisi; Meto, moisi; Musentando, muiz; Kabenda, muizi; and others.
In Egyptian, the bae is a hole, cavern, or pit; Talmudic bib for the hollow, the pit; beabh, Gaelic, for the grave, and in Tiwi, bebo; in Melon, babisi is the hell. Baba (Eg.), the beast, is an epithet of the typhonian devil; the Apap is the satanic monster and adversary of souls. In Swahili, pepo is an evil spirit; bibi, Eregba, is bad; ebeb, Eafen, bad; ebibi, Mbofon, bad; ababa, Bambarra, is to terrify, and bebon, Ashanti, means guilty.
The ass was a type of Baba, or Sut-Typhon, and in the Fulah language the ass is babba.
An âper in the hieroglyphics is a preparer of bows, and aper, to equip, has the quiver-case for determinative. In the Papiah language aper signifies war, and the word has earlier forms in kefir (Haussa), a bow; kepora (Landoma), a quiver; and gbaru (Boka), a quiver. The accented â preserves the sign of the original consonant.
Put is likewise an Egyptian name for the bow. In Babuma the bow [p.632] is the bota; and buta in Koro, Utere, Mutsaya, Musentandu, and other dialects. Khershet (Eg.) is a name of war-arrows, and also of the quiver. Shet denotes the arrow. The kuru, in Bornu; koro, in Kisi; kori, in Kandin; ekiri, in Egbele; eheri, in Sobo, is the quiver. Akau is an Egyptian name of the axe; this weapon is aike in Oworo; aga, Opanda; ake, Yoruba; ika, Eregba. kar, or kher (Eg.), is war. This is kare, Wolof; kure, Gadsaga; gere, Mano; gerei, Kise-Kise; okori, Egbele; okoru, Bini; kele, Mandingo, Bambarra, Kono, and Kankanka; kelo, Kabunga; kala, Galla; gale, Solima; gulu, Gio; yoru, Legba and Kaure; hera, Buduma; hare, Salum. This type-name for war is the same as kill, and kar (Eg.), means to kill; the kheri being the fallen victim, or one bound for the slaughter (-).
Another type-name for war is found in eko, Ashanti; eku, Nupe; iku, Basa; oge, Abadsa; ogeasa, Basa; ogo, Isoama; ogu, Aku, and fifteen other dialects; oku, Kupa; okue, Ihewe; yaiki, Haussa; yaki, Kadzina; agiasa, Kamuku; ukiwa, (Swahili), desolation. In Egyptian uka signifies to rob. Thus two type-words deposited in the hieroglyphics as kar and uka show that primitive warfare was simple murder and robbery.
Stanley describes the muster for an attack on his party, and says the enemy 'came on boasting, Meat! meat! we shall have meat today; we shall have plenty of meat! Bo-bo-bo-bo Bo-bo-bo-bo-ooh! Buu is the Egyptian boast, and bu-bu, ba-ba, or bo-bo, signifies boasting.
In another instance the cries of the battle onset were 'Oohhu-hu Ooh-hu Ooh-hu-hu.' In Egyptian ua-ua means hurl yourselves on them! and 'Hu-hu-hu-hu' reads strike! drive! seize! pluck!
Again, Stanley writes: 'Tippu Tib, before our departure, had hired to me two young men of Ukusu—cannibals ... as interpreters. These were now instructed to cry out the word senneneh, "Peace," and to say that we were friends.' The 'pathetic bleatings' described by the traveller may derive a touch of additional pathos from the meaning of 'Sen-nen-neh' in Egyptian. According to Stanley, the word made the most earnest proclamation and protestation that the new corners were men of peace. In Egyptian sen means blood; nen is the negative and prohibitive no; neh is to vow, request, pray. 'Sen-nenneh' is good Egyptian for 'We vow and swear that we are not men of blood,' or, more literally 'No blood! we entreat you!'
'Wake, wake, waky, huh, huh,' ending with clapping of hands, is a greeting accompanying what Stanley calls a 'most tedious ceremony' of welcome at Uvinza. If we may read the words by Egyptian, they indicate the hailing, addressing, and invoking, as at a [p.633] festival of rejoicing. Uak, or uaka (Eg.) is some kind of festival, or rejoicing; 'haiu,' means ah, oh, hail, address, invoke, and huh is to seek, search, wander (to sunshine), which would particularly apply to the greeting of the travellers. Hu (Eg.) also means white.
Another exclamation of the natives at sight of white-skins was 'Wa-a-a-a-a-antu.' Wa is a prefix to denote persons, they, the people of a place, answering to ui (Eg.), for they, them. Antu (Eg.) denotes a bright light, sun-like colour. In Kaffir, andu signifies for the first time. Andulela is the name of a particular bright star which appears at the end of autumn. These travellers were the wa-antu in both senses. Hantu, in the Mintira (Micronesian) language, means a spirit.
In Kivo, and other places, the intoxicating juice known to Europeans as palm toddy is called 'zogga.'
Sekh (Eg.) is drink, and khu is spirit; sekhkhu would be drink with spirit in it, the English sack. Sekhu (Eg.) is spirit in another sense; it means the illuminating and inspiring spirit, from sakhu, to illumine, influence, inspire, excite mentally. Sakhu likewise denotes fermentation; sakhu-hut is fermented bread.
This name for drink and divinity is represented by the goddess Sekhet, who is the deess of drinking. The inner Africans were also beyond the alcoholic stage of spirit, and had their divine mental illuminator, under the same name.
The divinity, or god, is designated suge in the Susu dialect; soko in Nupe; sokoa in Esitako; sogei in Kise-Kise; sokwo in Null; tsoka in Marawi; tshuka in Ibu. Sekhet is the feminine form of the same word.
Egyptian may help us to a meaning for the name of the half-human-looking soko.
Sekha (Eg.) is to represent, depict, paint, portray, make a picture. The sekha, personified, would be the portrait or likeness. Sekab is to reflect and duplicate the image; and as the soko is so like the human type, that the imitation—the ape—sometimes runs close to the later development, there is nothing more likely than that the name is derived from sekha, and means the animal of the recognized likeness. The soko being a menstruating ape, the likeness to the human creature would increase the similitude. Shoka, in Swahili, is the woman's word for menstruation. Ts'ki, in Japanese, is the monthly period, and sekha (Eg.) is the flood.
Seck in Sacramento Indian is blood. This was the first form of suck in symbolism. It was also the earliest ink or paint of the writer. Hence the menstruating ape was made the image of the word. Sekha (Eg.) means to paint, write, memorize, and remember. The monkey, udumu (Ass.), is named in relation to blood as an earlier Adam, the feminine Atum or Dam.
Sami-sami, the name for red beads, corresponds to the Egyptian [p.634] sam, for a representative sign. Sem-Sem means genesis: 'Great is the mystery of Sem-Sem,' and the first form of that mystery we shall find was the red source, represented by the red, the lower crown. Sem is an Egyptian name for myths and symbolical representations, and in the Oji language of West Africa the spider myths are called Ananse-sem; ananse being the spider, and sem a fable.
'Tara-Tara' Stanley gives once as paper, and once as a mirror. 'Our people saw you yesterday make marks on some Tara-Tara.' But the Tara-Tara was written on; ergo, it was writing-paper. The notebook, pronounced fetish, was so on account of the marks or writing. Teru (Eg.) signifies drawing and colours, with the reed pen.
The teruu is a roll of papyrus, and as a plural the word is equivalent to teru-teru. Paper, like the mirror, is a reflector of the image! Teru (Eg.) also means to invoke, adore, rub or drive away, in relation to charms, spells, or incantations.
There is a set of figures used in Africa called gobar, as the name is rendered by the Arabs whose traditions affirm that gobar, the name of these figures, means dust, from the fact that they were introduced by an Indian who made use of a table covered with fine dust for the purpose of ciphering. But the primitive figurer here meant is khepr, whose name signifies the former, or figurer, who made his figure, or shaped his ball, out of the dust of the earthi.
The first figure ever made was a circle, which to this day bears the name of Khepra, as a cipher, synonymous with the French chiffres, for figures. The cipher, as primordial figure, still gives the crowning value to all the rest. Khepra and shaper are identical, and Khepra, who shaped the first figure in rolling up his ball with the seed within, was adopted as the figurer. Figures are types, and khepui (Eg.) denotes types. These had various forms, but the earliest type or figure, the cipher, was shaped in the reckoning by quipu, or tying knots in a cord as a mode of ciphering. The quipu bears the name of khep (Eg.), to form or figure. The cord in Egyptian is khabu. Kheb, the goddess of the north, who carries the knotted cord or noose in her hand, as the figure of her period, her quipu, is the still earlier cipherer, as the maker of the first circle and cycle of time in heaven. There was also a lunar form of Khepra.
The mantis, the most prominent figure in bushman mythology, is charged with putting evil thoughts into the sides of men's throats, where the Bushmen are said to place the mind (query: as organ of utterance?). The proper name of the mantis is t'kaggen. It may bear on this that khekh (Eg.) is a name for the throat, the gullet, the place of utterance, in the guttural stage of language. The Dutch render the t'kaggen by the devil, and he is accredited by [p.635] the native mind with the works of darkness. Kak (Eg.) is darkness; the akhekh was the old dragon of darkness, and Kak is the god of darkness. As a type the mantis of the Bushmen equates with the Khepra (beetle) of Egypt; and the divinity which it represents, called Touquoa by Kolb, a little crooked-legged, crabbed, inferior captain, answers perfectly to Khepra-Ptah, or Ptah-Sekari.
Peter Kolb has related how the Cape Hottentots regarded the Mantis fausta. He says that if one should chance to visit a kraal, it was looked on as the descent of the divinity among them, and the man or woman on whom it alighted was overshadowed by the divine presence, to be considered sacred for ever after. The fattest ox of the kraal was killed as a thanks offering, and the caul of the animal, powdered with bukhu, was twisted into a rope, and put on like a collar, to be worn till it rotted off.
Entrails were a primitive kinds of gris-gris. The twisting of the hog-pudding and sausage had the same significance. Hence the white pudding of Easter, and the black-(blood)-pudding of Michaelmas; and the symbolic sausages still preserved in the pantomime of Christmas.
The beetle, in Egypt, represented the maker of the circle, which was imitated by the twisted caul. In the Ritual the beetle Khepra is designated the 'twister of the horns'; that is, the curver into a circular shape, the earliest beetle being emblematic of the moon. It also denoted generation, or an only-begotten; the scarabaeus being typically a creature self-produced, and therefore a symbol of the self-begotten god.
In Whydah, if one of the snakes, which are kept in the temple called the serpent's house, and permitted to leave at will, should, in its wanderings, chance to touch a child, the priests immediately demand the child of its parents, to be brought up as an initiate in the mysteries. This is a type to be read hieroglyphically. The serpent which became a phonetic t was an ideographic tet. Tet not only denotes the tongue, mouth, language, and to tell; the word also signifies unction, to anoint. Taht personified was the tongue, the teller, the anointer of the gods. But in Whydah the tet, as teller or foreteller, was the snake itself, the living ideograph, which was afterwards drawn as a pictograph to express the same idea.
In the hieroglyphics the ostrich-feather is the sign of truth in its dual aspect; this has many illustrations. One of these was light and shade, the eternal transformation. It was worn by Ma, whose Two Truths applied to day and night, this life and the next. Now the Bushmen have a myth of the revival of a dead ostrich by means of one of its own feathers. A male ostrich is killed and carried home by a Bushman. One of its feathers, stained with blood, floats on a [p.636] gentle wind, and falls into the water, where it gradually becomes a young ostrich. This is compared by the natives to the renewal of the moon. All other mortal things, except the moon and the male ostrich, die outright; these two revive again. These are the Two Truths of Egypt, typified in both instances by the ostrich-feather. Horapollo says the sign was adopted because the wing-feathers of this bird are equal on every side. The feather was probably first of all a symbol of the Two Truths of light and shade in the equatorial land of equal day and dark.
In Dahome the rainbow is the heavenly snake that makes the bobo beads; and bunu in Egyptian is the name for beads, especially the symbolical beads of the collar worn by the gestator Neith, who was sometimes represented not by, but as a rainbow. The heavenly snake or rainbow is named danr (Dahome), and tahn is the Egyptian name for crystal and material used in making glass or other reflecting substances which typified the eye of Horus, and the mother-mirror.
The African 'honga' is looked upon by travellers as mere tax or tribute. But if the word be read by Egyptian it is of greater interest. Ankha means a covenant on oath; ankh is life, the sign is the cross of life (÷), the covenant of the ankh is equivalent to swearing 'by my life' on the cross.
The Maori hongi is the salute by touching each other's noses, and smelling and sniffing, a more primitive mode of making the covenant, identical with that of the animals. The honga is also called Muhonga; and maa (Eg.) means to come, approach, offer gifts. Mhu is to please, satisfy, fulfil.
In Egypt the king was the ankh (or ank), the living and everliving; it being a theory that the king never died, but only transformed. Father Merolla describes the high priest or supreme pontiff of Congo as the ganga chilerne, who is reputed to be the god of the earth. He was a form of the ever-living one, who was able in death to confer his character on another chosen for the purpose. He boasted, says the father, that his body was not capable of suffering natural death, and to prove this, when he found his end approaching he called for the one of his disciples who was intended to succeed him, and pretended to communicate to him his great power; and afterwards, in public, where this tragedy was enacted, he commanded his attendants to tie a halter about his neck, and strangle him therewith. The reason for this being done in public was to make known the successor ordained by the last breath of the predecessor. The halter or noose is an ideographic ankh.
The Basutos hold a kind of parliament, in a court formed by a circle of rushes and boughs, in which public affairs are discussed, and justice is administered; it is designated the khotla, and the chief councillors of the king bear the honorary title of men of the [p.637] khotla, an appellation signifying the men of the court. The Egyptian khet was a minister, and ta is the throne. Also khetf means an accuser, and ta is the magistrate or judge.
At the court of Uganda the warrior chiefs were received by the king with a pot of test-beer. The emperor says, 'Drink if thou darest!' The chief turns to the gathered warriors and cries aloud, 'tekeh.' Tekeh is then shouted in response by the multitude. Being tested or weighed in this manner and found tekeh, the warrior drinks, Stanley renders tekeh by worthy—'Am I worthy?' and 'Thou art worthy!'
In the hieroglyphics tekhu means weight or weighing, and a supply of liquid; drink or drunk. The word tekhu also signifies full, and it is the name of tekh for the god of the moon at full. The tekhu was a vase which corresponded to the needle of the Egyptian balance, used for measuring weights. This tekh, for weight or weighing, is the root of the Hebrew לקת for weighed; the weighing, as testing, being equivalent to the Uganda tekeh, where the mode of measuring or weighing includes the tekh of the full cup, which is used as the means of testing and weighing. These warrior chiefs of Uganda were a kind of king's thegns, or thanes.
The name of the Kaffir can be traced a little farther than the root kaf. For example, kâfir is a name for the darkness of night in the old Arabian poets. The accent shows the vowel to be a reduced consonant, and the full form is found in kak (Eg.), for darkness, blackness, shadow, and night. The Kaffir, then, is the kakfar; in Egyptian, he, him, or it (f) who is created (ar) black (kak). We do not anywhere reach the origins in the phonetic stage of language. The ideographic signs show that the phonetic k was an ideographic kk; n was nn; m was mm; r was rr; t was tt; p was pp; and kak, nun, mem, rer, tet, and pep deposited the syllabics kâ, no, mo, ru, to, po (in the process of evolving the vowel-sound from the consonant), and finally the phonetics k, n, m, r, t, and p. These origins, however, must be reserved for a section on the 'Typology of Sounds.'
Beyond the root kaf then, there is a kakf, which in Egyptian would read the black person or thing, and show the Kâfruti were the black race, as the kâf is the black monkey; and quaiqua is a self-given name of the Hottentots. Chikokhe is the title of a little black image used as a fetish figure at Loango. Khe (Eg.) denotes a spirit, and kak is black. Kak was the black god, the sun of the underworld.
Quaiqua may possibly represent another meaning than kak, for black, darkness, and the name of the sun of night. Kaka (Eg.) is the tongue of the god Hu, and the tongue is a type of speech. [p.638] Kaka (Eg.) is to cackle. Khak, in Amoy, is the clearing of the throat by expectorating. Ka-ka (Eg.) is a duplicative form of ka, to call, cry, say, and therefore finally to speak. The Quaiqua may have named themselves as the speakers, or, as we might say, and as Egyptian says, the cacklers. The Kookas of India derive their name from a peculiar sound which they make with their mouths. They likewise are a kind of kak-urs, or cacklers, who still preserve this sign of the clickers. The caqueux and cagots of France possibly retain their names from this origin. In Magyar the dumb are called kuka. Khekh (Eg.), the gullet, quack and cough (Eng.), and quakle (Danish), illustrate the status of the quaqua, as the mere quacks and pretenders of speech.
Horapollo tells us that speech was symbolised by a tongue and a hand beneath, the principal sign of language being the tongue the secondary the hand. In such hieroglyphics we have a visible deposit of the remotest past. The tongue and hand have been found as the symbols of har, the Messiah, Word, or logos. The ancient genetrix Typhon was the first tongue-type of the word; the ape (Kafi or Shu) was the hand, the earliest scribe; kaf being a name of the hand. Tet (Eg.) is the name of both tongue and hand; and tongue and hand, in the Bushman-Hottentot language, are t'inn-t'aa, which, with prefix and terminal, would become ho-tinn-taa-t. It is not unlikely, therefore, that the Hottentot name was derived by the early settlers from the native names for tongue and hand, the types of language in the early stage of click and gesture speech. Tt denotes the especial language of the Blue Crane; tet is speech in Xhosa and Zulu Kaffir; teti is the speaker, who, under the same name in Egyptian, would be the stammerer or clicker with the tongue.
The name Hottentot is thought to be a coinage of the Dutch to express the clicking; and the word Hottentotism has been adopted as a medical term for one of the varieties of stammering. In Egyptian tet is speech, language, and tongue; teti means to stammer. The earliest language, or tet, with the tongue, would be that of the clicks, and the fact seems to be registered by the tet or tt of the Blue Crane, and the clicking cynocephalus, the personified tet of language in the earliest phase.
The present writer heard a clicking Kaffir at Sir James Simpson's, in Edinburgh, who was able, according to his own account, to converse in clicks alone. If the Hottentot be named as the utterer of preverbal language, we see how the title of Hottentotism would be derived and applied to some particular form of impediment or non-development of faculty.
Haut-en-Tet, in Egyptian, would denote those who were first of speech. This, on the way from the ape, the still earlier type of the [p.639] clicker, would become a title of distinction. The 'speakers' is a primordial name. The people of lisanu, tongue, language, speech, was a title in Sumir. The Basques call themselves 'those who have speech.' The tungri, quadi, and leleges are the speakers, or those who have a tongue. This is primitive naming, which does not depend on the later differences between one language and another. It implies the languageless or mouthless beings in the background, who bequeathed a type-name for the barbarians and savages as the 'speechless' and 'tongueless' people of later times. For instance, it is observable that tamme or tamma is 'the tongue' in several Hottentot dialects; demo, in Tumu (Gabun); demi, Kisama; timi, Fertit; and that one meaning of tem (Eg.) is the mouthless and dumb, as the tem or created people were (figuratively) in the earlier time. Tem (Eg.) is a type-word for the race of created persons—the same word as Atum or Adam the Red. But the red was not the created race, because it was developed from the black race. It was urged on a previous page that the Ethiopic rutem is the earlier form of rema for the aborigines; Coptic romi, men. In like manner netem abrades into nem, and sutem into sem; sutem, the antecedent form of sem, hearing, being shown by the ear, which is an ideograph of 'Sut' and 'At'; and this ear is missing from the phonetics of the word sem, and has to be added by the determinative.
The value of ru-tem is that it names the tem, the created people who have found a mouth or language. Ru (Eg.) is mouth, discourse, or utterance. The antithesis of this is shown by tem, the name of the created persons, also meaning the dumb, the mouthless people, i.e., the tongueless or languageless, as the clickers would be considered by those who had advanced a stage. These, then, are the rutem of the Ethiopic inscription; the created people who have found a tongue. Rotuma is the name of a Polynesian language.
Rutum is the type-name for tongue in the African languages, where, however, the l represents the r. The tongue or a tongue is ardim in Runda; ludimi, Basunde; ludim, Kanyika; ludimi, Musentando; ludimi, Nyombe; lathem, in Bakele.
The wearing-down of rutem into rema, previously asserted, can be shown in the African dialects. Ludimi abrades into limi for tongue; limi, Lubalo; limi, Kasange; lemi, Songo; limi, Ntere; lammi, Wanika; lamei, Wolof; limelima, Bullom; erem Sobo; olemi, Egbele; ulimi, Swahili; lelim, Babum; ouleme, Mpongwe; lilim, Mutsaya; lelimi, Undaza; lawem, Nkele; lelimi, Mbamba; ramez, Timmani; telam, Kanuri; telam, Munio; lamba, Gurma; esuroma, Keamba; derim, Mfut; tekerema, Ashanti; pulema, Padsade. These languages are all African.*
* This and other names for tongue passed out of Africa as nalem, tongue, Ostiak; nelma, Vogul; elmye, Tsheremis; limtsi, Akush; ramare, Arago; ramare, Papuan. Also, ras is tongue in Egyptian, and lisi, Pika; lusu, Karekare; milaso, Kaffa: melasi, Gafat; lasron, Hebrew; lisanu, Assyrian; lishan, Arabic; leshono, Syriac. Again, tep and tet are both tongue in Egyptian, which shows the wearing down from tepht, and the tongue is duvi, in Brahui; duva, Singhalese; topono, Yarura; tope, Purus; tupe, Coropo; tafod, Welsh; tavat, Cornish; teod, Breton.
The relationship of tongue and nativity is, of course, most intimate, and this type-name for tongue, in the abraded form of rema, Egyptian, means the natives, the indigenous, the aborigines. In this stage we have the Romany, Rumanyo, Ramusi, Lamut, Lampong, Limbu, and other languages or tongues. The tem (Eg.) are the created races of mankind, not the descendants; and the name is extant in the Damara tribes. Two of these are known as the Damup. Read as Egyptian, tem-ap signifies created first—the race first created. Two tribes of the Damup live on the hills and in a valley, or on the drainage of a lake. The hill-men are called the ghou-damup. And in Egyptian khu is the hill, or height, on the horizon.
There is a tribe of Bushmen proper known as the Kubabees; these likewise belong to the Damup (or Damara) land. In Egyptian kabeb means the source. Khab is born of, and ap is the first ancestor. The process of wearing down from kubab to ab or ap is apparent in the Hottentot names of kaab, saab, and sap, which they apply to themselves. In Namaqua xaip, for time, is earlier than seb (Eg.), time. The sap are the earlier kab, still earlier kaf (Kaffir), or Kubabees. Now Seb or Kheb (Eg.) is called kak-ur, the cackler, as the great kak, under the type of the goose.
The Hottentots identify the baboons with a tribe of the Ama-fene people, or ape-men, also called the Amatusi, who became apes through fastening pick-handles to their bodies, and these turned into tails. Ama denotes the men, in Kaffir. Fene, the baboon, in Xhosa and Zulu, represents the Egyptian aan, earlier fen, whence ben, the ape. Thus the ape-men, in Kaffir, are the monkey-men in Egyptian, named in the image of the ben, fen, or aan, the dog-headed ape, or clicking cynocephalus. Fani (Kaffir) means resemblances, things that resemble each other, which shows the Ama-fene are the ape-like. This ape was a type of the typhonian Kefa, as her portraits prove, and of Shu (Kafi), after whose image the Ama-fene are named. In the second stage the Fen or Ben, as the Aan or Aani, gives its name to the Ainus of Yesso, who are ape-like in their hairiness. The Ainus are mothered and fathered by the Great Bear and Dog or Sut-Typhon. The bear is their chief divinity. They kill it, but, in dissecting, make elaborate obeisances and deprecatory salutations. They place its head outside their habitations, as a protection from misfortunes. Their first human being was a woman who dwelt alone on an island, where she was visited by a dog, who was the [p.641] father of the wild hairy Ainus. The dog, or jackal, was a type of Sut; the dog-headed aan, a type of Shu; but Anup is also a name of Sut, and the dog and bear are Sut-Typhon. It is assumed that the name of the Bosjesmans, or Bushmen, merely denotes the men of the bush. But it is far more likely to be a native name. Besi, or besish (Eg.), means nomads or wanderers, and pes-sh is to range and extend. Baca, or bacisa (in Xhosa Kaffir), is likewise applied to homeless wanderers. If native, it may be the name of the betsh, or besht (Eg.), applied to the Eight Great Gods of the first time, who were born of Chaos; a parallel to the Carib women calling upon the schmen (smen) as the spirits. Pittjo is the Lap name of the bitch; petz the Swabian name of the bear, and the party of the betsh (Eg.), the children of inertness, revolt, and hostility, were the eight of the Bear and Sut.
Petshei is no. 8 in Pujuni, and pasht in Deer. The word for eight, in many languages, identifies that number with Taht, as that in Thounglhu; Thata, Angami; tete, Albanian; tita, Appa and others; Taht having been the eighth as lunar manifestor of the seven. Sut was still earlier, and his name supplied the type-word for no. 8 in various languages. Even Sut-Anush appears in the ansh for no. 8 in Kashkari and Arniya; and Bar-Sut in the Ingash and Tshetsh bar, and the Sasak balu, for no. 8.
The earliest put company of the Egyptian gods was not the nine, but the eight great gods. Api(ta) is found with the meaning of no. 8; and api is the first, the head and chief. To this beginning we can trace the English fat for eight bushels; pat, in Cantonese, for eight; pet, in Laos, Ahom, Khamti, and Siamese, for no. 8; and in Xhosa Kaffir, si-boso is eight, bozo being the type-word for eight or the eighth. The bozo, or betsh, would derive from the eight, i.e., from Sut-Typhon, and this origin would supply a root for the betja or bishari, the bedjas described by Burckhardt; the bashi, the bushmen, and others, who may be considered as belonging to the first batch of people. The beetjuan dialect is akin to the Bosjesman, and retains in its name the Egyptian betsh or besht.
In a letter sent by Bishop Callaway to the Academy periodical, the writer says he has been 'much interested in examining some drawings made from those in Bushmen caves; among them were some amusing pictures of contests between the pigmy Bushmen and the gigantic Kaffirs, the latter being represented always as disproportioned, stupid giants, and getting the worst of it, like the giants in Jack the Giant-killer tales. But what interested me more was the existence of what no doubt are mystical symbols of an old religion—a rayed sun, a crescent, a sun and crescent in conjunction, a cup in a circle, and an eight-rayed circle.' The eight-rayed circle is that of the Nnu [p.642] and the Betsh, the eight gods of Smen who were in the time of Chaos. The sun and crescent may be seen on the head of Khunsu, the soli-lunar child who slew the giants as the piercer of the proud, in what was probably the original of the battle between the pigmy Bushman and the giant Kaffir.
This beginning with the eight or the seven-one of the Great Bear and Dog-star, the earliest of the origins which survived even in the Seven Sleepers of the cave at Ephesus and their dog, was extant with the North American Indians in the shape of the eight ancestors assigned to all men by the Pawnees, Ottoes, and others. The Iroquois, when leagued together in the most perfect state of their organization, had eight totems at the head of eight classes of warriors and hunters, and the descent of chiefs was in the female line.
The Californian Indian tribes, near the Trinity River, relate that when their ancestors came down from the north-west they quarrelled with the great divinity worshipped there, who handed them over to the powers of evil or devils. The first of these devils is Omaha, who possesses the shape of a grizzly bear. The second is Makalay, a fiend with a horn like a unicorn.
Now, the goddess of the Great Bear, in Egypt, was dethroned, and became the evil Typhon or devil, and in the Magic Papyrus the crocodile Makai is the son of Typhon; the single horn, the unicorn, being a type of Typhon or Sut. Typhon, as Great Bear, was superseded by the lunar and solar deities, the change being marked by the migration out of the mythical Egypt, or the seven caves of the sunken Atlantis in the American traditions, and the Mangaian Savaikai of the Seven Isles.
The coast-dwellers of Northern California tell of a mysterious people, called the Hohgates, to whom they ascribe an immense mound of mussel-shells and bones still existing on the table-land of Point St. George, near Crescent City. These Hohgates are said to have come to the place seven in number, in one boat; and now they are the seven stars in heaven, that all men know of; their boat having been one day caught up into the vast, to swim the upper sea, and these seven stars are the seven Hohgates that once lived where they built the great shell-bed near Crescent City. In this legend the typical number is seven, as with the seven great gods of Assyria, to whom Assur, the greatest, was the eighth, and the seven origins or Eundas of the Damaras. The mound-builders are analogous to the builders of the Babels and towers of the seven stages, and the seven Hohgates repeat the seven encirclers of the polestar in the Great Bear. The name of the Hohgates read by Egyptian means the circle-builders or mound-makers. Heh is the circle, the emblem of the Aeon, Age, Eternal. Ket means to build circle-wise. The Hohgates or Hehketi were the circle and mound-builders, who, in Britain, 'lifted the stone of the Ketti.'
It has been shown how the north is the region of the great mother, as goddess of the Great Bear; and how that quarter was considered the hinder-part, and the south the front. When these came to be considered as the male and female, Sut, the son (also the phallus), typified the south or the front, and the mother Typhon the north or the hinder-part. This imagery is still sacredly preserved in the custom of the Bongos, who bury their dead facing the north and south; the females having their faces turned towards the south, and the males towards the north. These too are children of the Great Bear and Sothis.
Captain Burton describes an African negro as calling on 'mama, mama,' his mother, as an expression for a feeling of fear. Mama is the mother in Tongo and Landoma; mma in Kiriman. This is the Egyptian mama, to bear, carry, be pregnant. But it is in the ideographic stage with the double m. The worn-down form of mu remained as the mother-name; Mut with the feminine terminal. The first mama above was the goddess of the seven stars, and in the Wakamba dialect mam is the name of no. 7.
The last present of many in the long and curious wooing of the Basutos is a fine ox, given by the suitor to the parents of the bride; this is called the 'ox of the nurse,' and is identifiable with its mythological type. In the Ritual we have the 'Bull of the Cows,' or seven Hathors. Hathor was the nurse, who was the still earlier Ta-urt, goddess of the seven stars, who is not only styled the nurse, but is the great mother and nurse of Kamutf, the bull of the mother and nurse.
The Hottentots used to affirm that the name of the first parent was Noh, and that he came into the country through a window or doorway. His wife's name was Hing-Noh. These taught their descendants how to keep cattle. Kolb fancied this fragment of tradition was derived from the Hebrew story of Noah. Both came from one original, which was African, and the Hottentot version can be traced in Egypt, whence it was carried forth afresh in the Hebrew writings.
Noh represents the Egyptian Nu, Num, or Nef, whose name, in the time of the Twelfth Dynasty, is found in the tomb of Nahrai, at Benihassan, to be written Nuhu. Nuhu, or the Nuach of the Hebrew, may be read nu (Eg.), water; hu, or akh, spirit; that spirit of the waters (breath) which is the meaning of Nef. Nu, Nef, Num, Nuh, or Nuach was called the father of the gods, the breath of those who are in the firmament, i.e., the souls. His consort is named Ankh, the Onga of the Phoenicians and Onka of the Gephyreans. Her name identifies her as the mother of life. Hing is an earlier form of ankh, just as king is the still earlier. Noh and Hingnoh are the inner African forms of the Egyptian Nuh and the goddess Ankh, who wears the primitive crown of Hema, or Hemp, on her head, as her sign of the weaver of the web of life.
According to Skertchly, the supreme divinity of the Dahomans is named Mau. The worshippers deny the corporeal nature of this deity, and assign him a kind of spiritual status; doubtless the primitive type, which was breath as the basis of the Egyptian Mau-Shu, who was a god of spirit as breath, Ma or Mau having that meaning in Egyptian. In relation to this deity we find a primitive form of the Two Truths and the Judgment. Mau is said to have an assistant who keeps a record of the good and evil deeds of every person by means of a tally-stick, the good being notched on one end, the bad on the other. When a man dies, his body is judged by a balance struck between the two ends of the stick, if the good preponderates, the body is permitted to join the spirit in Kutomen, or the land of the dead; but if the evil outweighs the good, the body is annihilated, and a new one is created for the use of the spirit. Here the balance of the tally-stick takes the place of the scales of the Two Truths in the hall of the dual justice or twofold right. Mâ signifies the truth; and the earlier form of the word is Mak or Makha, which is the name of the balance or scales of Ma. Mau is possibly a form of Shu (Mau-Shu), whose feather is a type of the Two Truths. He is the great chief in An in the Ritual, and was an earlier god than the solar Tum and Osiris. In the judgment hall of Ma (Truth), Taht is the assistant who keeps the record of the good and evil deeds, and he also employs a form of tally-stick as the recorder and reckoner of the earth—an earlier type than the pen. The dead-land, Kutomen, corresponds to the Egyptian khut, the horizon of the resurrection, and mena, for sleep, rest, and death.
A most ancient and significant name of the moon occurs in the Bushman language as tkau karuh. Tekh is an Egyptian name of Taht, or the moon. Akh and ka are the still earlier forms of ah, and with the article these become tka or tekh. Kheru is the word, to speak, speech; and tekh was the word (logos) of the gods. TekhKheru is the word personified in Tekh, the oldest name of the male lunar deity, and of another measurer, the goddess of the months, Tekai.* Another Hottentot name of the moon is T'ha, in Egyptian the ha, or ah (moon), the softened form of Tekh. So t'gachuh is the older form of akhu. T'gachuh is the sky. In Egyptian, akhu is the elevated heaven, the upper of the two.
* The Chinese twelve characters for the double hours of day and night are called techi.
Huh is an Egyptian name of the dual deity, also called Hu and Iu; and among the Dahoman gods hoho is especially the preserver of twins, who are dedicated to this deity.
The af-sun of Egypt and Assyria is found in Afa, the Dahoman god of wisdom, answering to Hen, whilst Ofan is the name of the [p.645] Egba divinity of blacksmiths. So Hephaestus (Ptah), the smith of the gods, was a form of the Af-Ra, or the sun in the lower firmament. Atin-Bodun is a Dahoman deity whose domestic abode is represented by certain curious specimens of Ceramic art. Aten (Eg.) means to create, as the potter at the wheel. Ptah was represented as the creator by the potter sitting at the wheel.
There is a cave, says Livingstone, near the village of Sechele, called Lepelole, which none of the Bakwains dared to enter. It was declared to be the habitation of their deity, and no one who went within had ever come out again. The deity was crook-legged, and the descriptions of him reminded the traveller of the Egyptian god Ptah. in the crook-legged form Ptah is called Sekari, and by reading the word Sechele with the r instead of 1, as in Egyptian, we obtain the name of Sekeri, the very title of the crook-legged Ptah. The cave represented the meskhen of new birth. Lebe, in the Kaffir languages, is the name of the pudendum feminae, the meskhen, the place of transformation, which would account for the tradition that those who entered never returned. The solar god who appears on the monuments as Ptah-Sekari, the crooked-legged abortion, the embryo, is certainly one with the Hottentot and Kaffir Utixo or 'wounded knee.'
Amongst the Namaquas in South Africa he is known as Tsuikap (otherwise Kabip and Eibip), which signifies 'wounded knee.' The 'wounded knee,' a leg with a knife thrust through the knee, is a hieroglyphic sign (Ð) which denotes the deprivation of power and being overcome. It is the determinative of sekar, to sacrifice, as in the person of Sekari, or Sikkuth, the god deprived of power, the cut, wounded, castrated, or unvirile deity. The original of these representations was the sun below the earth, which was typified as the embryo in the womb, the infertile, feminine, infantile, gelt, or wounded sun, maimed in his lower members, and even as blind, and going on one leg, hopping, and groping his way by the sense of touch. So primitive and near to nature was the imagerial vesture of the early thought.
With the Zulus the deity Utixo was the hidden god, who was said to have been concealed by Ookoolukooloo, the first ancestor, and in consequence he could not be seen by any one. The character still keeps the meaning of the name in Egyptian, where teka is to be concealed, to see unseen. When personified, this is the one who sees unseen, like Utixo.
In his letter to the Academy periodical, Bishop Callaway says: 'One very interesting discovery was that of the name Ukqamata for the Creator among a tribe of frontier Kaffirs. It is a name almost universally unknown to white men, and entirely so to white missionaries. [p.646] What the natives said of this Being was more remarkable, more like "theology" than anything I have met with. And what was especially interesting is that my informants told me it was their tribal name for Utixo before they came into contact with the Hottentots, when they gave it up for the Hottentot word Utizo.'
Now when the sun attained the horizon, as the pubescent, virile god, it was in the image of Khem or Khepra, the erector; the god who was Khemt or thirty years of age, or the trinity in unity (khemt the adult; khemt, three). Kama (Eg.) also means to create, and Ukqamata probably represented Khepra or the Khemt-Horus, the sun upon the horizon. Another of his names is Eibip, and Abeb is the sacred scarabaeus, the type of Khepra's transformation. Another name is Kabip. With the Namaquas, Kabip has a son, named Urisip, the whitish one. Khem-Horus was the white one. Un (Eg.) is the elder, the chief, first, oldest son, as in Har-ur; and sip means the son. Mokoma, or 'him above,' the god of the mountain Bushmen, and Ikqum'u, the 'Father above,' another form of the same name, are identical with Khem-Horus, the begetter, as the sun on the horizon. The Damara god Omakuru is identical with Makheru.
The Yoruba worship the lord of heaven under the name of Olorun. Olo agrees with ar (Eg.) or har, the lord who was the child of the mother, the earliest lord of heaven, as Sut, Sut-Har, and afterwards as the solar har. He was the renn, a nursling of the mother, who became Saturn as Sut the renn. Olorun echoes Al, the renn. Another title of the youthful god is the repa, or heir-apparent. Seb is designated a veritable repa of the gods, as a repeater of the time-cycle; and Ruvi is the name of the supreme god of the Ediyahs of Fernando Po.
The type-name of the solar god as the son of the mother is Horus, the Egyptian har or ar for the child, the Hebrew el. The earlier form is khar, as in the khart, the elder Horus, who was always the child of the mother. These names of the sun-god are African names of the sun, as yakaro, Musu; guiro, Kru; giro in Kra and Basa; giru, Gbe; wuro, Boritsu; horu, Idsesa; har, Wadai; erei, Udso; erua, Okulma; iuro, Bassa; ore, Sobo; oru, Egba, Eki, Ife, Ondo, Yoruba, Yagba, Oworo, Dsebu, and Dsuma. Kuru is god in Baga; gara, in Toma; and these also supply the type-name for heaven, the Egyptian aaru or Elysium, in various African dialects.
Written with the letter l instead of the r, we have the divine names of kelea, M'bamba, a god or idol; hala, Bulanda, god; yala, Wolof; alla, Mandingo (and twenty-eight other African dialects); allo, Kabunga; allah, Haussa and Swahili: ala, Mano, Munio, and Nguru; ale, Soso; hale, Landoro, an idol; ele, Yoruba, Dsebu, and Aku, an idol or divinity.
Horus, the child, the khart, was maimed in his lower members, which condition was at one time represented by his legs growing together, and having to be divided by Isis the genetrix. This is still the deity of the Barolings, one of the Bechuana tribes, who is described as having only one leg. This representation of the limping one-legged sun of night would be the original of the Zulu half-men, a tribe of beings with one leg, who found the Zulu maiden in the cave and thought she must be two people. After close inspection, they made the admission, 'The thing is pretty; but oh, the two legs!' Here the cave shows the underworld, and these beings were created in the image of the lower sun. The One-half-people were represented by Miru the deformed hag of the Mangaian Hades, who had but one breast, one arm, one leg, and was altogether one-sided. Religious customs of standing, and games of hopping on one leg blindfolded to break eggs, have the same origin as the one-legged creatures. The Zulu keke is a one-sided, deformed person, who corresponds in name and nature to kak, the Egyptian god of darkness, the blind and lame one who went by touch.
The Batoka tribes said they knocked the front teeth out of their children's mouths at puberty—a custom which they performed at the same age that circumcision was in other tribes—to make them resemble oxen or bullocks, i.e., the bulls which have been gelt. This can be read in the same way. It was a lesser form of the sacrifice practised in circumcision by castration in the cult of the Aten Sun, the Hebrew Adonai, and of the semi-castration formerly practised by the Hottentots. When Lucian left his hair as an offering to the goddess and her son in the temple at Hierapolis, the meaning of the rite was the same, although the type of adultship had been changed. Hair, tooth, or testiculus, was each a type of puberty and of testifying.
In the hieroglyphics, the tooth Hu has the same name as the sun in the upper heaven. Hu also signifies the adult, whether applied to the sun or man. Mu was the white and pubescent form of the solar god (Tum), and Kak the black, impubescent and unvirile form. The tooth knocked out at puberty was a sacrifice to the god of darkness and the underworld, who was the blind god, the lame and limping god, or the Hottentot 'wounded knee.'
So when the aborigines of the Garrow Hills effect their 'transformation into the tiger,' or the Khonds of Orissa, who claim to possess the art of mleepa, become tigers, they are still enacting the representations that belong to the drama of mythology. They transform according to the mould in which the lion-god Shu changed into the cat, leopard, or tiger-type. The Jakuns of the Malay Peninsula hold that the transformation occurs just before the man-tiger makes his spring. This agrees with the change from the [p.648] lion-god sitting to the leopard up-springing, or Anhar standing up and marching. The Khonds say that one of the man's four souls goes forth to possess the beast; and by the four souls we can identify Shu as the god of the four corners, four feathers, and four genii or souls. As Shu means both soul and feather, the four feathers of Shu are equivalent to the four souls, one of which assumed the tiger or leopard type.
When the French describe the twilight as the time between dog and wolf, that is in continuation of the imagery set in heaven, where the dog imaged the day-star, and the wolf was the herald of the night; and just as Sut (dog) transformed into Anup, and that transformation was enacted in the mysteries, so does the typology underlie the supposed transformation of the werewolves of France. Exactly in the same manner the type of Ptah with his feet turned backward, to represent the sun of the antipodes or lower heaven, was imitated in the description of beings who dwelt in the world of myth and monsters, and who went with their feet turned backwards, and were called Antipodes. This sun of darkness, represented as black from the first, and imitated by the blackened faces of our Mummers, has the character of an evil deity in the later phase of various mythologies; but that was not the original significance. The worship was directed to the power which groped its way through the lower half of the circle by night and rose again with the dawn, to become the type of the saviour in the human darkness; the Kristo or the Karast one, the god, whether stellar, lunar, or solar.
The Hottentot god Heitsi Kabip, who transformed and appeared at one time with his hair short and at another with it growing down to his shoulders, and who died and came to life again, is a recognizable form of the double Horus; Horus the child, and Horus the hairy or pubescent, the sherau, he who died in one character and arose as the sun of the resurrection in the other.
One particular feat ascribed to the miraculous child, the messiah of mythology, is that of speaking before birth. Apollo was fabled to have spoken from the womb of Latona. In the Mohammedan account of the delivery of the Virgin Mary, the Child-Christ speaks from the womb. And in the Zulu nursery tales, Uhlakanyana, the Zulu Jack or Boots, performs the same feat of speaking before he is born.
The Basutos have the myth of the saviour, son of the mother, in a very early form. In this we are told that 'once all men perished.' A prodigious animal, called Kammapa, devoured them all, large and small. It was a horrible beast; it was such a distance from one end of his body to the other, that the sharpest eyes could hardly see it all at once. There remained but one woman on the earth who [p.649] escaped the ferocity of Kammapa, by carefully hiding herself from him. This woman conceived, and brought forth a babe in an old stable. She was very much surprised, on looking closely at it, to find its neck adorned with a little necklace of divining-charms. 'As this is the case,' said she, 'his name shall be Litaolane, or the diviner. Poor child! at what a time is he born! How will he escape from Kammapa? Of what use will his charms be?' As she spoke thus, she picked up a little straw to make a bed for her infant. On entering the stable again, she was struck with surprise and terror; the child had already reached the stature of a full-grown man, and was uttering words full of wisdom. He soon went out, and was astonished at the solitude which reigned around him. 'My mother,' said he, 'where are the men? Is there no one else but you and myself on the earth?' 'My child,' replied the woman, trembling, 'not long ago the valleys and mountains were covered with men; but the beast, whose voice makes the rocks tremble, has devoured them all.' 'Where is this beast?' 'There he is, close to us.' Litaolane took a knife, and, deaf to his mother's entreaties, went to attack the devourer of the world. Kammapa opened his frightful jaws, and swallowed him up; but the child of the woman was not dead; he entered, armed with his knife, into the stomach of the monster, and tore his entrails. Kammapa gave a terrible roar and fell. Litaolane immediately set about opening his way out; but the point of his knife made thousands of human beings to cry out, who were buried alive with him. Voices without number were heard crying to him on every side, 'Take care, thou art piercing us.' He contrived, however, to make an opening, by which the nations of the earth came out with him from the belly of Kammapa. The men delivered from death said, one to another, 'Who is this who is born of woman, and who has never known the sports of childhood? Whence does he come? He is a monster, and not a man. He cannot share with us; let us cause him to disappear from the earth.' With these words they dug a deep pit, and covered it over at the top with a little turf, and put a seat upon it: then a messenger ran to Litaolane, and said to him, 'The elders of thy people are assembled, and desire thee to come and sit in the midst of them.' The child of the woman went, but when he was near the seat he cleverly pushed one of his adversaries into it, who instantly disappeared for ever. Then the men said to each other, 'Litaolane is accustomed to rest in the sunshine near a heap of rushes. Let us hide an armed warrior in the rushes.' This plot succeeded no better than the former. Litaolane knew everything; and his wisdom always confounded the malice of his persecutors. Several of them, while endeavouring to cast him into a great fire, fell into it themselves. One day, when he was hotly pursued, he came to the shores of a deep river, and changed himself into a stone. His enemy, surprised at not finding him, seized the [p.650] stone, and flung it to the opposite side, saying, 'That is how I would break his head, if I saw him on the other side.' The stone turned into a man again; and Litaolane smiled fearlessly upon his adversary, who, not being able to reach him, gave vent to his fury in cries and menacing gestures.
This belongs to the typology of the first period. It is the myth of the mother of time and her child, who was the earliest star that was observed to reappear periodically. Litaolane is the prototype of the Messiah who in the Book of Enoch is the son of the woman, and of all the saviours and messiahs who have conquered the monster of darkness and death by passing through it. The announcer, who was Sut-Anubis in Egypt, is proclaimed by the little charms of divination; and he is here called the diviner.
A perfect parallel to this may be found in a Neeshenam tradition, which relates that long long ago there lived a terrible old man, the great devourer of the Indians. Around his wigwam on the plains of the Sacramento the blood of the Indians flowed a foot deep. The Indians made war on him in vain. Then the clever old coyote took pity on them, and rushed to kill the devourer. So the coyote got into a pit, just outside the great circular dance-house into which the enemy used to go to slay the Indian chiefs. When he came next time, the coyote, armed with a knife, jumped out and slew the slayer. The coyote answers to Sut-Anubis.
Litaolane is the renn (Eg.), the nursling of the old first mother. The one woman in the world was the ancient genetrix (Typhon), whose name of Apt also signifies the stable or manger, the crib, the abode, the place of bringing forth. The stone into which Litaolane transformed himself is the sign of Sut.
The imagery can be read in the earliest Egyptian myth, almost effaced from the monuments, because Sut, the Sabean son, who rose as the daystar, and set and passed through the underworld, or the devouring monster of the dark, and re-arose as the Wolf or Orion, the glorious warrior and conqueror of the Akhekh or Apophis dragon, was superseded by the lunar light borne through the night by Taht and the solar god as Horus the son of Osiris. Kam-appa (Eg.) reads the Apophis of darkness. In matter like this—and there is much of it among the Zulus, Bushmen, and Hottentots—we reach the roots of Egyptian thought in Africa.
In various parts of Africa it is related that in former times men knew the language of animals, and they could converse together. This is but another way of saying that the animals formed certain ideographic types by aid of which the primitive men could express ideas. Language uttered by means of animals became the language of animals in the later description. In like manner when Pliny relates that the hippopotamus has the cunning to walk backwards [p.651] and thus deceive and baffle its pursuers, he is doing precisely what a is done in the Hottentot fables; the character of the typical animal is conferred on the natural one. The types evolved from the animals are confused with them. The only hippopotamus that ever walked backwards was representative of the Great Bear constellation.
The men who employed the living types were the first hieroglyphists, and these living types were not only the pictures in the book of nature first opened, the early men also represented the types as expressing the human ideas, views, and sentiments. These are the speakers of the African fables, who had to talk because the human speakers were not in possession of any other mode of thinging their own thoughts and of getting them rejected by any other kind of types. The printer's types talk with us, and we have lost the secret of the animal language because we can no longer read the primordial hieroglyphics. Still, the ancient language is not lost: the types have been translated or were continued in pictographs and hieroglyphics.
Egypt remains the mouthpiece to Africa, and renders the language of animals intelligible to us. Many of the animal prototypes are still identifiable in the fables with the ideographic types extant in the monuments and mythology of Egypt.
When we see the exaltation of the leopard as the type of ShuAnhar the lion-leoparded, and the Nimr of Nimrod set among the starry hosts of heaven, it may help to explain why the Africans should consider it a kind of consecration to be killed by a leopard. They are not the only sacrificial victims of typology and mythology.
The fables of animals such as those still extant amongst the Hottentots and Amazulu are not the myths of Egypt in their decadence. These do not denote the senility and decrepitude of a second childhood following a maturity attained in the mythology of Egypt. They still represent the primitive childhood, and in them the child was father to the man. They have now to be studied in the light of evolution, and not to be judged according to the doctrine of degradation; and evolution teaches us that here as elsewhere we have to begin for the first time.
In the South African tales the crab is considered the mother of the tortoise. The giraffe says to the tortoise, 'I could swallow you.' 'Very well,' says the tortoise; 'I belong to the family who are accustomed to being swallowed.' The giraffe swallows the tortoise, who eats its way out again. In an Ojibwa legend the tortoise goes underground and wins the race. In the Bushman version, when the tortoise has thus killed the giraffe, it proceeds to the crab, its mother, and they two live on the giraffe for the rest of the year. This is astronomical imagery. The tortoise on the monuments, called Shet and Apsh, was evidently one of the most ancient typhonian symbols which were superseded in later Egypt. Two tortoises were [p.652] placed in the zodiac where the Scales now are. The giraffe is an ideograph of ser, which means to dispose and arrange. The ser was the disposer, organizer, and overlord; also the name of the measuring line, and a title of Sut or Sirius.
In these fables the jackal plays the part of the cunning one who always outwits the lion, as in Europe the fox gets the better of the bear. What has been termed the beast-epic of Reynard the Fox is one with the Bushman's celebration of the jackal, and both are identical with the jackal of Egypt. The jackal and wolf were types of Sut-Anup, an earlier form of Seb; Seb-ti being a dual Seb corresponding to the dog and wolf or the jackal and wolf. The jackal is Seb, the wise beast; Seb is a name of the councillor.
The jackal in the Hottentot fables is the same wise animal as the fox in the beast-fables of Europe, and the coyote or prairie dog of the North American Indians. The jackal is the guide of ways to the sun, one of these being on the earth or in the lower heaven; and in the Hottentot fables the animal is said to have the long black stripe on his back where he was burnt in carrying the sun, whom he picked up on the earth as 'such a fine child.' This wise beast was placed in the zodiac as the guide of the sun's two paths at the place of the spring equinox. The folklore of his travels as the solar guide is not extant in the yet recovered literature of Egypt, but it is to be found all over the world, especially in America. Also, the nursery tales of other nations were outgrown in the older land, or have been lost along with the books of Taht; but the mythical and astronomical imagery remains for identification.
Here it may be pointed out that the African mythology survives among the American Indians in a far ruder form than is to be found in monumental Egypt. Egypt was the developer and perfecter of the African typology, and remains its interpreter; but the earliest likeness to the origins is to be found with the Indians, Maori and other of the decaying races who probably migrated before the valley of the Nile was inhabited. In these stories the prairie-dog, the coyote, is representative of the jackal, the wise animal, Seb, of Egypt, who is personated by the fox in Europe.
The coyote is credited with doing wonderful things; amongst others, he procures fire for man. This is usually assumed by the advocates of the fire-myth to mean actual fire, because they have not known that the fire of mythology was that of star and sun. The notion of Brinton and others, that the early man was so enraptured with the element of fire, when the discovery was made, that he went on his knees at once in front of it and kept it alive ever afterwards with the breath of prayer, is an utterly false interpretation of mythology.
In a legend of the Cahrocs when the creator, Chareya, first made [p.653] fire, he committed it to the charge of two old hags, and the wise coyote arranged a line of animals from the home of the hags to the edge of the water. Then he stole the fire, and as the hags pursued, the living line of animals passed it on from one to the other, like a row of kindling gaslights, until it came to the water's edge, and there it was received by the frog, who, just as the hags were about to snatch the fire, swallowed it, leapt into the water, and gained the other side with the fire secured. To go no further back than the solar allegory, this can be read by the Egyptian types. The fire is the sun which crosses the waters of the underworld. The two ancient hags are the two divine sisters who attended the solar god in his burial and resurrection. One form in which the sun crossed the waters was that of the frog-headed god Ptah, or Num, the king of frogs. The line of animals takes the place of the series of transformations extant in the Ritual. The coyote represents Anup, who is the guide of the sun and the souls through the lower region.
The two foremost and greatest animals in the coyote's line of fire-bringers are the cougar and bear. These answer to the Great Bear, and the lion-leopard, Shu.
Another Cahroc legend corroborates this. Chareya, the 'old man above' who made the world, as he sat on a certain stool still in possession of their chief medicine-man, gave to man the power of assigning to each animal its place and duty, as in the Hebrew Genesis Adam gave names to all cattle.
The man determined on giving to each of the animals a bow, the length of which should measure the rank of the receiver. He called the animals together, and told them that early next morning the distribution of bows would take place. The coyote was very desirous of having the longest bow, and he kept awake all night to be the first at the division. But, as luck would have it, he fell asleep at the last moment, and did not appear until all the bows except the shortest had been given away. That is why the coyote had the shortest bow. The man, however, took pity on him, and pleaded his case with Chareya, who decreed that the coyote should become the most cunning of animals, as he still is to this day.
The bow of Seb has been already described.
Aper, a name of Anup, means a preparer of bows. Anup, as guide of the sun in the underworld, is associated with the lessening light and shortest day, typified by the smallest bow of time. After the passage of the waters by Aper (Anup) the crosser, his station is at the place of the vernal equinox, just when the bow is beginning to be drawn from the equinoctial level, the fullest, largest bow being stretched out at the summer solstice. Shu, the lion-god, had the great bow. Moreover, this little bow of Seb and the jackal may be seen at the centre of the zodiac of Denderahi, where the jackal is depicted [p.654] as standing on the bow, which is faintly figured in the present copy, but is distinct enough in the original.
This imagery, with the same apportioning and proportionment, is found in another sun-myth of the Pallawonaps, in which it is said, 'The sun's rays are arrows, and he gives a bundle to every creature; more to the Lion, fewer to the Coyote.' Besides which, in this myth, the coyote is stationed at the spot, or over the hole through which the sun comes up. And here the coyote, who, as the jackal of the monuments, is the guide of roads to the sun, quarrels with the sun respecting the right of way; the sun insisting that he is travelling on his proper course; the coyote telling him to go round another way, as this was his road. Then after the altercation, the coyote asks the sun to give him a ride round the bow, or upper part of the circle. This the sun does; they ascend a path with steps like a ladder. It gets hotter and hotter for the coyote, but he holds on, winking and blinking, until the sinking sun is level with the western verge of the world; then the coyote steps off and finds firm ground again; he who as Sut-Aper was the equinoctial guide of the sun.
These myths are neither corrupt nor degraded; they mark the earliest stage, and are precious in proportion to their primitiveness. They are the literature of the nursery, which was African, but arrested at a stage outgrown by Egypt itself many thousand years ago. Yet so certainly do they belong to the ancient mother, that she only can tell us what they mean when we point to her symbols and jog her memory.
The Toukaways, a wild predatory tribe in Texas, celebrated the solar resurrection in a most primitive manner. They are said to have made the ceremony typical of their origin. One of them was buried in the earth stark naked; all the rest, being clothed in wolf-skins, howled and sniffed the air round and round the grave wolf fashion. Then they dug up the body with their nails, and a bow and arrow was placed in the hands of the newly risen man by the leading 'wolf.' That wolf was the living image of Seb, the wolf, and the jackal of Egypt, whose station in the heavens was at the place of the spring equinox, as the guide of the sun on his way. The bow was the 'bow of Seb.' The buried man represented the sun of the resurrection, ascending from the winter tomb, and emerging just where Seb, the wolf was waiting to set him on his way. These also were werewolves.
This was their mode of performing the suffering of Osiris, the descent into hell by Atum, the resurrection of the saviour messiah as Horus the Christ, at Easter. This was an annual festival, and the burial was followed by a dance. It makes one's heart ache to think how faithfully these poor despised outcasts of earth have cherished their ancient traditions. Even when the surroundings of their existence were the veriest dust and ashes of life, with these they strove to [p.655] keep the dying spark of light alive, and hid their treasures in their rags and dirt.
The Dog-star was the announcer of the coming inundation, and the soul of Isis, the Great Mother, was said to be the dog, or to dwell in the Dog-star. The Cherokees have a legend of the deluge, in which a dog prophesies the flood. Isis, the ancient, is she whose son is the sun, and the Mandans, and other Mexican tribes, had their old woman who never died, and whose son was also the sun.
The Acagchemem tribe of Upper California are said to worship the 'Panes' bird. They hold an annual festival of the Panes at which they kill a bird, sometimes said to be the eagle, at others a turkey-buzzard.
Tradition represented this bird as having once been a woman, whom the god Chinigchinich had met in the mountain ways, and transformed into a bird. The Panes was killed annually, one part of the ceremony consisting in not losing a drop of blood. The bird was next skinned with great care to preserve the feathers, which were used in making the feathered petticoat and diadem, as part of the tobet; and the body was either burned or buried within the sacred enclosure, with signs of weeping and wailing from the old women.
It was held that as often as this bird was killed it was made alive again, and also that the birds killed in various places at the same festival were all the same bird. How this could be they knew not, but so it was. Here the Panes was their phoenix, the type of transformation and renewal. The phoenix of the hieroglyphics is the bennu, or nycticorax, a bird of passage with a remarkable double plume.
The bennu, says the Book of the Dead, is Osiris, who is in Annu. That was the sun in the place of the resurrection or rebirth. But it is properly the bird of the western equinox, the type of transformation where the sun made his change into the feminine half, or entered the female phase. Again, at the time of the spring equinox it was figuratively said that the Osiris had made his change into the divine hawk, the soaring circle in the heaven, or that he had received the head-dress of the lion gods; he was feathered, in short, for the ascending flight. But to return. The part played by the wise or cunning Seb is well illustrated in the story of a man who found a snake lying fast under a great stone. He set the snake free, whereupon the snake wanted to eat him. The man objected, and made appeal to the hare and hyena (both belonging mystically to the snake side); and they said the snake was right. Then the jackal was inquired of, but he doubted whether the snake could lie under the stone, until he saw the thing for himself. The snake lay down once more; the man rolled the stone on her. 'Now,' said the jackal, 'let her lie there.' This is a Hottentot fable, and it reproduces the jackal as the wily [p.656] councillor, Seb in facsimile. The role of the hyena and hare is true to the original typology in their being on the side of the serpent.
One of the Hottentot stories tells how frightened the leopard is at sight of the ram, and he needs all the encouragement the jackal can give for him to face the ram. This is a readable apologue. The winter sun was represented by the leopard or cat, as the maneless lion, the type of the sun when shorn of his strength. The sun in the Ritual is called the great cat (or leopard) in Annu, the solar birthplace, where the young lion was brought forth, or the sun was renewed. This point was in the Fishes, the place of the spring equinox. Here was the station of the jackal, the guide of the sun in both his phases and on both his roads. The sun of winter was in his feminine phase; hence the cat, leopard, or lioness, the maneless type. This feminine phase is depicted by the fear of the leopard at sight of the ram. It was not from an observation of natural fact that the leopard would be dramatized as in fear of a ram. But the ram signified was celestial, which the sun in his feminine phase or type never entered. The transformation had to take place in the double holy house of Anup, i.e., the jackal, in Abtu, and the Hottentot fable may be read as a germ of the Egyptian mythology.
Shu and his sister Tefnut appear as the brother and sister of the Bushman tales. When the cannibals of the cave or underworld pursue the sister, she climbs up into a tall tree, and is described as carrying a vessel of water. The vessel breaks, and the water drips on the cannibals below, who hear the water dripping down with the sounds 'Kho-Kho.' These relate to the tree and the water of life in the Egyptian mythos. Tef, in the name of Tefnut, has the meaning of drip, drip; and Nut denotes the goddess or receptacle of the water; she who carries the vase of water on her head.
In another story the sister has a brother who goes out hunting with his dogs. He sees his sister in the top of the tree, like Nut in the Egyptian drawings, and the cannibals hewing at the foot of it to cut down the tree. He sets his dogs at them, and these kill them all. These answer to Shu and his dogs in the Ritual, who in company with his sister Tefnut are the destroyers of the devouring demons of the underworld, here called the cannibals of the cave. Shu may he likewise traced in these stories under his types of the ape and the lion. In the Bushman fables the types appear in their primitive conditions, which were humanized and divinized in Egypt. Also in these fables there is a lion which transforms into a woman in one story, whilst in another the woman transforms into a lion. This is the exact similitude of the lion-god Shu, who was represented in one half of his role by his sister Tefnut, who was the woman or the lioness as a goddess. These two likewise transformed into the character of [p.657] each other, when the lion Shu became Tefnut in the feminine phase and Tefnut became the lion in the masculine phase.
Amongst the other fables is one called the 'Judgment of the Baboon.' In this we have the same formula as in the English story or allegory of the 'pig that would not go.' The cat bites the mouse, the dog worries the cat, the stick beats the dog, the fire burns the stick, the water quenches the fire, to elicit the hidden truth. In the Sepher Haggadah there is a similar allegory in which the holy one slays the angel of death, who slew the butcher, that killed the ox, that drank the water, that quenched the fire, that burnt the stick, that beat the dog, that worried the cat, that ate the kid. The 'Holy One' of the Hebrew Haggadoth is the youthful solar god, who was preceded by the lunar word and by Shu and Sut. When the baboon has succeeded in his work he says, 'From today I will no longer be called Jan, but Baboon shall be my name.'
Now aan is the name of the dog-headed baboon or kaf-monkey of the temples and hieroglyphics. The kaf was originally a type of Shu the star-god, and a determiner of sidereal time before lunar and solar or luni-solar time was established. When the phases and lunations of the moon were reckoned, and the eight gods of Smen, the 'children of inertness,' the 'sluggish animals of Satan,' were superseded by the new creation, in which Taht the moon-god built the ark, and became the measurer and recorder of the gods, the aan monkey was made the representative of the moon in the northern heaven. This change is analogous to the change of name in the Hottentot fable. The aan baboon was the type of the moon in the hind-quarter of the heaven, and imaged the hinderward phase or face of the moon, and in one of these fables it is narrated how the baboon once worked bamboos, sitting on the edge of a precipice. Up came the lion to steal upon the baboon. But the baboon had fixed some plates, round glistening plates, on the back of his head. Seeing these dazzling plates the lion supposed they were the face and eyes of the animal. So that when the baboon turned round to look, the lion thought that the real face was the hindward part. This gave the baboon the advantage; he could watch the lion advance, and when the lion made his leap, the ape bent forward, and the lion went over both the baboon and precipice. This was the Hottentot way of depicting the hindward image of the baboon. The curious reader may see the plates which the baboon wore behind painted in brilliant hues on the back of the cynocephalus, blue at the head and red at the tail, in the plates of Champollion's Pantheon Egyptien. Blue and red are the colours of the Two Truths, here applied to the dual lunation. The plate or disk at the tail of the animal signifies the aan as representative of the hindward part, the lunation of the waning half of the moon. A description in the Ritual of some mystical animal [p.658] whose mouth is said to be 'twisted when he looks, because his face is behind,' agrees with the Hottentot portrait of the baboon with its face behind. The origin of the worldwide allegory of the pig that would not go may be traced to the Great Bear, one type of which was the sow Rerit. This, being the primordial timekeeper, was found too slow when judged by moon and sun; hence the 'children of inertness,' the 'sluggish animals of Satan' (Sut-Typhon), and the 'pig that wouldn't go.' Thus the roots of the mythos developed in Egypt, with worldwide branches, can be laid bare in Africa beyond. The sow Rerit of the North Pole may also be traced in the world-supporting hog of Celebes.
In the hieroglyphics, bennu is the name of Osiris redivivus, of Horus as Khem, and of the phoenix type of the resurrection. Also the ben is the mount, the cap, tip, and supreme height of the god—the pyramidion. This in the pyramid shape, with the seven chambers, was synonymous with the tower of seven stages and the mount of seven steps. The phoenix is not only an emblem of the manifesting spirit, but as the rekh it is a determinative of dreaming. The Manganja people worship a spirit or deity who dwells on the top of a mountain called Choro. He is a beneficent divinity, the dispenser of peace and plenty, like the Egyptian Nefer-hept. Priestesses are dedicated to him as his consorts, as were the Pallakists of the temples in Egypt; the temple in this cult being the mountain-top on which the consort dwells alone with the god. When the people need the spirit's advice, they ascend the mount and lay the necessary offering on the sacred ground in front of the hut, stating their difficulty and desire to the priestess. They then retire, and the priestess goes for the night to the hut of the god, who appears to her in a dream, and inspires her with the message which she is divinely commissioned to deliver. Here the mount takes the place of the temple of Belus in Babylon, to the summit of which the priestess retired for the night, to be visited and inspired by the god in a dream. The name of the Manganja deity is Bona.
The Masonry or mystery of the people of Senegal is known as 'Porra.' The person to be initiated in this porra has to dwell in the porra bush for a certain time, apart from the population. No female must look on him, and he is said to be eaten by the porra devil. When he reissues and has had the new name, one form of which is Banna, another Cong, the porra name conferred on him, he is said to be delivered from the belly of the porra devil.
With the Kamilaroi of Australia the rite of initiation into the duties and privileges of manhood is called the Pora. Also the Eastern Australians have a mystical dance in a mystic ring, named [p.659] the Porrabung. According to Threlkeld, por means to drop down, to be born. Poro, in Maori, means to finish and come to an end; porae is to anoint. Peru (Eg.) means the coming forth, the manifestation of the adult sun-god as Osiris-Bennu, or Horus-Bennu, i.e., Horus as Khem in the image of the begetter. The bennu is the phoenix type of transformation, and the Manganja bona, Senegal banna and Tasmanian bung, are probably forms of the bennu or phoenix. Cong is the earlier form of ankh (Eg.), the living one, applied to the sun or soul that issues from the belly of the Hades, and the meskhen of rebirth.
When the Kaffir youths attain puberty and offer themselves to be made into men, a part of the ceremony consists of making their faces white with pipe-clay. So when Horus, or Tum, attained puberty in his second character as the virile sun of the vernal equinox, he was the white god. White, says Plutarch, is the colour of Horus. The white sun-god at this time of attainment assumed the hut, the white crown. The pipe-clay of puberty, with the Kaffirs, is the exact equivalent of putting on the white crown, and must have been an indefinitely earlier act of the same symbolism. Herodotus relates how the Ethiopians, when going into battle, smeared one half of their bodies with chalk and the other half with red ochre. These are the colours of the double crown of the pharaohs and gods of Egypt; the red (lower) and white (upper) formed the complete crown. Chalk and red ochre were typical of the Two Truths, to judge of their survival with the most primitive races of the earth ages before metal crowns were fashioned, or even a fillet of cord could be twisted. In this wise Africa lies behind, and its symbols are anterior to Egypt.
The Namaqua Hottentots allow their young men or boys to eat the flesh of the hare until the period of young-man making, when they are admitted to the status of manhood, with certain ceremonies of initiation; after which the hare is forbidden food, because it is a type of things forbidden, relating to ceremonial uncleanness. The type is ostensibly connected with the moon, but has a more secret significance. The root of the matter is, that the initiates are taught to respect the times of feminine periodicity, and not to eat of the forbidden food, the hare having been adopted as the external figure and representative or ideograph of that particular idea. In the hieroglyphics the hare is un, the sign of periodicity and of an opening. Horapollo says the hare was chosen to denote an opening, because the animal always keeps its eyes open. It has been suggested by Sharpe that the open period, un, means the lawful, the unprohibited. In one sense it was so, the period of puberty having arrived. But in the secret sense the 'open' was [p.660] also the prohibited period, the negative of two, and on that account the hare was a type of uncleanness. The two different messages attributed to the hare by the Hottentots correspond to the two meanings of the type, as the hieroglyphic of un, open. The Namaquas relate that the moon once sent the hare to say to men, 'Like as I die and rise to life again, so you also shall rise again when you die;' but the hare went to men and said, 'Like as I die, and do not rise again, so shall you also die and not rise again.' This made the moon so wrathful with the false messenger that the moon struck the hare with a hatchet, and made the cleft, or opening, in its lip, which has remained ever since. The hare is a type of periodicity; hence its relation to the moon.
The earliest typical customs relate to puberty and periodicity, and the most primitive and permanent types are also emblematic of periodicity, or, as the Ritual has it, of 'time or renewal, coming of itself.' One of the chief ideographs of time is a shoot of palm, the determinative of the ren (with the suffix, renpu), the plant, branch, or shoot of renewal. This root ren is found in earn, Irish, barley; eorna, Gaelic, barley, the sprouting grain; arhan, Manchu Tartar, the germs or sprouts of grain; arhanambi (ib.), to sprout; roine, Irish, hair or fur; roineach, hairy; roma, Sanskrit, pubes, hair. Rome and Rom permute in Irish, Sanskrit, and other languages.*
* In like manner, auburn and abram are interchangeable names for red in English, and in deriving the name of abram, considered as the red sun of the lower world, it might have been claimed that abram was permutable with Ab or Af, the renn (Eg.), the nursling child of the Great Mother, who preceded the fatherhood, but the writer desired to take as little advantage as possible of the law of permutation in dealing with the Hebrew mythology.
Horus, the renpu, the branch, the shoot, was the hairy or pubescent god in relation to this particular type of renewal. He was the sheru, and that is a name of barley. The sheru is the adult, the manly, the man. The true type of virility is found as the ren, in the hollen, for the holly; aulane, French Romance for the hazel; Hebrew, alon, the oak; and Swedish ollen for the acorn. At Brough, in Westmoreland, the eve of Epiphany is celebrated as 'Holling's Eve', when there is an annual procession with an ash tree, which is lighted at the tops of its branches; the ash being also a tree of life, or a hollen, that is, a len (or ren), branch or shoot of the year. This was the day on which 'kings were created by beans'; and on the next day the bean was placed in the cake of Twelfth Day, to determine who should be king, the bean being the type of the first Horus, the renn, who transformed into the renp, the new shoot, the divine king.
The renn, nursling, and renpu, the branch, plant, or shoot, were the two forms of Har, the solar god; and in the [p.661] African Dsekiri the sun itself is oruna; in Kambali, urana; in Hindustani, arun; in Sanskrit, aruna or marina, which names are represented by the Gaelic grian and Welsh greian, for the sun: whilst in the Timne dialect the heaven or sky is arianna; in Mandingo, aryena; in Soso, aryanna; in Doai, slina is heaven. Now, the Zulu ranana is a person with an abundance of beard or large bushy whiskers. He is a form of the sheru or renpu personified. And in the African Wun language, the oronyo is the king, exactly the same as the Breton roen, a king. In the permuted form, romi, in Coptic, is the male; rom, in Gaelic, is the membrum virile, the lingam, another type of Horus, the adult. Rom, in English Gipsy, is the husband; and to be rommed is to be married. Ren and rom supply type-names for man, as vir or homo, in rin, Gyami; runa, Quiche; urun, Murung; oruni, Landonia orang, Malay, Atshin, Sibnow, Sakarran, Tshamba; reanci, Sapiboconi; ranuka, Tanema; rum, Khong; olma, Lap; ermeu, Coretu, Lan, Thoung-chu; lenni, Minsi; ileni, Shawni; amlun, Korawi. The Egyptian ren (Welsh, pren), for the branch, probably furnished the name of the reindeer, not merely from reni (Eg), cattle (as in runt, Eng., for an ox), but from the typical branch and shoot. Rena (Mao.) is to stretch, or shoot out. The reindeer is remarkable for its branchy horns, which it shoots periodically. Marina, in Sanskrit, is a name of deer, antelope, stag; one of five kinds. Iremu (Georgian) is also the stag. Harina also means green, and both green and horn are based on ren. These are types of renewal and puberty, named from the same root and for the same reason as luna; Maori, runa, Celtic, luan; the titles of the renewed and horned moon. Ranpick is an equivalent, in English, for stag-headed. The head of the stag is depicted (although rarely) on the monuments as an emblem of renovation. The horns appear inverted, that is, shed, in the judgment scene copied by Bonomi from a tomb in Thebes.
Schoolcraft gives the grave-post of Waboojeeq, a famous Indian war-chief, who died about 1793. He belonged to the clan or totem of the reindeer; at least the reindeer is depicted on the tomb-board in the reversed position that denotes death, which agrees with the reversed deer's horns in the Egyptian judgment scenes. In this connection it should be noted that the reindeer's horns were the chief material used by the artists of the early Stone Age for incising their figures on, the ren being the cartouche in Egypt for the royal names; and to ren was to name; also irana in Sanskrit, renga in Xhosa-Kaffir, mean to proclaim and publish. Thus the reindeer's horn, the branch and shoot, the type of shedding and renewing, was the Palaeolithic cartouche and means of renn-ing found in the caves, which were also the graves; so ancient is the type. The stag's horns, according to Horapollo, signify long duration. But the duration [p.662] was also manifested by transformation and renewal; not merely by the dead bone, but also by the live shoot of the young horn; the type was emblematic of both. The same writer says the 'bone of a quail signifies permanence and safety, because the bone of this bird is difficult to be affected.' In a note the editor observes that the quail's bone sign probably signifies 'son.' Dr. Birch reminds me that the bone here called the 'quail's' is more probably the calf's bone. The calf, aa, denotes the infant, and the word means substance, to beget, issue, and be born. As a determinative the bone, with flesh on it, signifies aa, au, issue, engendering, birth, born of; aua and auf (or af), flesh; shaa, the substance born of; sheb, flesh. In the form ab, flesh and bone, or horn, have one name. Flesh and bone were considered to be the substance born of. This bone is especially the determinative of the shoulder, and is therefore a guide to the prevalent use of the shoulder-blade. The Chippewa Indians made their magic drawings on shoulder-blade bones, which they threw into the fire to divine by. The Laps, Mongols, and other races drew upon and divined by the shoulder-blade. The flat smooth surface of this bone adapted it for incising or drawing. It was the leaf of a very primitive book. Lap in Magyar is the leaf of a book—lapas in Lithuanic—and lapalka (lb.) is a shoulder-blade. The calf being the type of an infant, its bone becomes a hieroglyphic guide to the bones of children which have been found within adult skulls. The idea of permanence and safety was connected with the type of renewal and reproduction, which would likewise be represented by the bone of the child, the substance born of, and therefore an ideograph of rejuvenescence and rebirth.
It is with the greatest probability that the Quiches are reported to have slain children on purpose to make a paste of their blood, wherewith to cover the green stone in making up their mummy-type of the resurrection—an early form of the bloody wafer of sacrifice continued by Rome.
Thus the apparent problem presented by the trepanned skulls found in the burial-caves of France can be solved by the typology, which enables us to interpret the primitive ideas by their extant ideographs. These skulls had been trepanned, and flint arrowheads, together with the bones of infants, had been inserted within the cavity of the skulls. Now when the beetle was buried within the skulls found in Egypt, that was as a type of transformation and rising again; Khepra being expressly the re-erector of the dead. The arrow-head, in common with the axe, represents the nuter of the hieroglyphics—the ideograph of renewal, permanence, protection, summed up as power or divinity; that is, the ability to renew, make permanent, and protect, personified as a god or goddess, was represented by this type of the [p.663] Celt arrowhead, the hieroglyphic plane called the nuter. It was Horus the Younger, the sun of the resurrection, born at the vernal equinox, who rose again; and it was he whose types included the hair or beard, and the palm-shoot of the renpu. We are told that Horus defended himself against his great enemy, Satan, with a palm-branch, that is with the type of renewal—the renpu-shoot which he himself impersonated; an image of continuity by reproduction. This type belonged to Taht in the lunar mythos, in relation to the renewal of the moon. In each case the god and the branch are equivalents: both were types of the same fact of renewal, and nothing more. Both were preceded by Sut, whose name is identical with the shoot, the son of the genetrix, the tree of life. With Sut-Anup, son of the oldest genetrix, we get back to the arrowhead, adze, or axe forms of the nuter type. Anup is an Egyptian name of the stone adze, plane, or nuter; and, in passing, it may be noticed that the jackal, wolf, or fox is a type of Sut; the fox in Europe taking the place of the fenekh, wolf, or jackal in Africa. Sut-Anup, in his degradation, was made the representative of evil, and became our Satan. Now the Japanese still identify the Celts of the Stone Age as weapons of the Evil Spirit, whose type is the fox, and they call them fox-hatchets and fox-planes; and these are identical in name and nature with the Egyptian nuter, a plane or adze called Anup, after the divinity whose symbol was the fox, or its African equivalent, the fenekh, or the jackal.*
* The axe. Abram is said to have taken the opportunity, while the Chaldeans were abroad in their fields, of entering the temple in which the idols stood, and breaking them in pieces with an axe; and in order that he might the more fully convince the worshippers of their folly, he hung the axe on the neck of the chief idol, which is said by some writers to have been Baal, as if he had been the author of all the mischief. The same story is told by the Jews, who relate that Abram, the Iconoclast, demolished the images in the workshop of Terab. Baal is Sut-Anup, the opener, whose ideograph is the axe, and the story testifies to the Egyptian origins.
The old British broadsword was likewise named a fox. The arrowheads, then, are emblems of the son of the genetrix, when he was Sut of the Dog-star. He was the first 'opener,' and the stone was his type. In this image of the child of the mother were the dead buried in the cave of the genetrix and placed in the posture of the foetus in the womb. The skull was opened, and the type of the opener, Anup, was inserted, to represent another opening out of the underworld, or the rebirth. The typical trepanning was probably founded on the observation of the unclosed skull of the infant; they were reproducing the child in the womb. This conjecture is corroborated by the bones of the infant being placed within the skull of the adult as another type of renewal and rebirth.
In one shape or another, in one place or another, the most primitive types of early expression appear to have persisted and survived. The arrowhead, as a stone monument and emblem of protection, is developed and continued in the gravestone. The shells and beads of [p.664] the talismanic gris-gris are represented by the rosary. The 'Cross of Christ' reproduces the Egyptian ankh and tat, which were buried with the dead. The palm-branch of Taht, the shoot of the renpu with which Horus defeated Typhon, is still gathered and carried on Palm Sunday by the boys in various parts of England.
The earliest form of ideography was acted before ideas could be otherwise registered, and this still exists in the customs and rites of the primordial drama. These are yet extant where they have never had any other expression. In the absence of literature and pictures the ideography is performed. Thus the 'shooting of the Horns' is represented by the African Bongos in a funeral ceremony. These people still bury their dead according to the custom of the Palaeolithic age. They place the corpse in a crouching posture, with the knees forced up to the chin, like the Peruvian mummies. The body, being bound and compressed to preserve that position, is then sewn up tightly in a skin.
The Bechuanas prepare to fix the body in this bent posture by calling in the aid of death. When a person is dying, they throw a net over the body, and hold it in the sitting posture, with the knees brought in contact with the chin until it is rigid in death, which is a very early kind of mummy-making. The body is then carried to the grave in a sitting posture, the head being covered with a skin.
The skin was a type of renewal. In the hieroglyphics the nem (skin) has the name of repetition, and a second time. In the 'chapter of placing warmth beneath the head of the spirit,' the deceased calls the lion (paru) the 'lord of the numerous transformations of skins,' which suffices to connect the skin with the shooting and shedding of the hair, as illustrated by Horapollo. The deceased also says his body has been put away; but, addressing the god, he cries, 'Thou makest to me a skin;' that is, something to appear in, to cover the nakedness of death. The skin in which the Bongos wrapped their dead always appears in the judgment scenes. He is 'sound at the evil altar,' and has not been dragged to it; that is, at the judgment-seat, where the spotted skin (nem) was always present as a symbol of the judge. Horapollo calls it the undress robe of royalty, which the king wore only in presence of the priest who was as the eyes of the gods. The skin of the Bongos was their undress robe, worn by the dead in presence of the gods.
In making their graves, the Bongos sink a perpendicular shaft for about four feet in the earth, and then hollow out a niche in the side of the grave, and insert the corpse into this, so that it may not have to bear any pressure from the earth in filling up the grave. This is a primitive form of the chambered tumuli and tombs. A heap of [p.665] stones, the cairn, is then piled over the spot in a cylindrical shape, and supported by strong stakes driven into the soil all round. On the top of the pile a pitcher is placed, frequently the same that had been the drinking-vessel of the deceased. The site of the grave is then marked by a number of long forked branches, which are sharpened into horns at the ends, and carved with numerous notches and incisions. The friends of the deceased are invited to the funeral, and all take part in preparing the grave, in rearing the memorial urn, vase, or pitcher, and in erecting, shaping, and ornamenting the horned sticks. 'When the ceremony is finished, they shoot at the stakes with arrows, which they leave sticking in the wood.' Schweinfurth says, 'The typical meaning of these horn-shaped stakes, and the shooting at them with the arrows, had long since fallen into oblivion; and notwithstanding all my endeavours to become acquainted with the Bongos, and to initiate myself into their manners and customs, I could never get a satisfactory explanation.'
Now the fact is, such customs are too simple for the meaning to be lost by those who have not lost their own simplicity in passing on to other planes of thought. The Bongos and others know the meaning of these customs more or less; but the imposing ignorance of the Europeans is too much for them; it shuts them up by making them conscious for the first time of their utter simplicity, and their nearness to naked nature. Remembering the typical palm shoot, the reversed deer's horns in the judgment scenes, the use of the shed horns of the reindeer, and the skin which shoots its hair, we may infer that the Bongos were enacting the 'shooting of the horns,' which was one of the earliest signs of 'renewal, coming of itself,' and was therefore applied to the human being in death. Volumes might be filled in tracing these typical customs to their root, and then the explanations be laughed at. But the profound ignorance of the knowing present concerning the past, will fail to impose on the writer of this explanation; he does not mind the laugh; the Bongos and other races do.
On the West Coast of Africa the negroes form figures, apparently made of sand and ashes, which are laid on the rock to dry and indurate, when they look like stone sculptures in low relief. According to Captain Tuckey the fetish-rock on which these rude figures are found is considered to be the peculiar residence of the spirit named Seembi. This is analogous to that of the Carib zemi; the West Indian cemi; the Zimmu of Zanzibar and Uganda; the zemes of the Mayas, and the shemau of Egypt. The ozohim, in Igu, is a spirit, rendered by the missionaries a devil; the usoahim being the same in Egbirahima. These are identical with the saman Fanti, a ghost; schim, Dutch, ghost or spirit; schemen, German, phantom or shadow; English, sham; and the sem (Eg.), an amulet, figure, emblem, image, the mummy-type of the departed. The earlier [p.666] form of these names of spirits is khem, the Egyptian name for the dead.
The Manchu Tartars place a pole or rod at their doors, to make known to the passers-by that they are offering to some spirit. The pole is called a somo; and the act of making known, showing and explaining is called sambe. So in French Romance a funeral service is called a seme, the Egyptian sem, to conduct a ceremony. The makers of the rude raised figures on the rock of seembi were also representing and commemorating their dead. One of the figures copied by Captain Tuckey is the hippopotamus—the oldest type of the Great Mother in Egypt. Another is the rock-lizard. This is the ideographic determinative of the words ash, amma, mat, ejmt, and shenbi, all of which denote many, numerous, multiplied. By permutation of the m and n, shenbi is equivalent to seembi. The rock-lizard, in Egyptian thought, if applied to the dead, would be the sign of wishing the life renewed a myriad or a million times.
Bastian states that the natives of Bamba say their great fetish dwells in the bush, where he cannot be seen by anyone. When he dies, the priest carefully collects all his bones, so that he may preserve and nourish them, that they may revive again when they acquire new flesh and blood. In the Mangaian myth Tangaroa is a god who dies and rises again in three days. When he dies Maui carefully collects his bones, puts them inside a coconut, and gives them a 'terrible' shaking, and, like the dry bones which were shaken in Ezekiel's vision, and came together again, the bones revive, and on opening the coconut shell the dead god is found to be alive. This is the doctrine of the mummy, as in Egypt, exactly the same as setting up the tat image of establishing for ever, and of making the mummy itself. The image was emblematic of the moon, sun, or soul in the underworld, and when the Hebrew priests are said to bring the atzem, bones, mummy-type, or self-sameness of Joseph up out of Egypt, the original significance was the same as in the act of the priest of the bamba fetish, who is said to collect and keep the bones of the god until they are clothed again for their resurrection. Also the atzem of Joseph, whether the mummy image of Self or some other figure, has its equivalent in the African Akurakura, esem, a gris-gris or charm.
Captain Tuckey says the word fetish, meaning a charm, magic, and witchcraft, is in universal use among all the tribes of the western coast of Africa. It is supposed to be derived from the Portuguese fetiço, which implies a form in tiko analogous to the New Zealand and Peruvian tiki. In the modified form of tes, the fetish can be traced to the Egyptian tes, the very self, the enveloped form, the soul, as we say. Tes also means to tie up, coil round, as in making [p.667] the mummy, based on the embodying of the child by the mother, called Tesas-Neith. Tes (Eg.) may be resolved into the (t) sa, that is the mummy image, also the soul which was typified by or as the sa, earlier ka. Sa further denotes an amulet for protection, help, efficacy.
One form of the sa amulet is the tie or noose emblem of reproduction, but the type of types was the mummy-figure. This sa, tsa, or yesa, is represented by the Assyrian tsi, for the life; Greek zao, also saoo, to preserve and save; and sos is safe and sound; the Ashanti sisa, one who may be born again; Chinese tsoo, to preserve, help, aid, succour, and assist; Fijian so, to help; Kaffir sizo, means help, assistance, succour. The ze is a fetish in Kiamba; ozai, Ife; ozoi, Ondo; and zazo in Ebe. The mummy image was the saviour, the karast, which represented the primitive Christ, the embalmed or anointed, the original type of the Pepul kristo, a fetish image which was not derived from the missionaries. The Egyptian tes for the self, and the sa (t-sa), as the mummy image, is well preserved in the Chinese tse, the self; himself, or likeness of himself.
With the Egyptian masculine article as prefix the ka or sa becomes the besa (Eg.), amulet, for protection; English bosh, a figure; and pax, an image of the Christ on the cross; Gaelic bas for the dead body; Coptic basi, the corpse; the Egyptian god bes; Polish bozy or Syn Bozv (Son of God), the Hindu deity pasu; Manchu Tartar pousa, an idol; Persian pash, Hindustani bhes for a likeness, and the Chinese p'ak, for the corporeal soul.
The roots of these things are to be found in Africa, where the types are still extant in their most primitive form, as they were before the movement down into the Nile Valley led to the existence, development, and civilization of Egypt itself.
In the African Legba and Barba dialects, the idol or fetish figure is named toru, the equivalent of the Welsh and Cornish delw, for an idol or statue. In Xhosa-Kaffir the idol is called dalo, and tarah in Dselana. This was the tara-tara, applied to Stanley's notebook, and also to a mirror, the reflector of the image—the book being a reflector of the image of thought. These words were represented in the hieroglyphics by teru, for the shoots of time and season; teru for drawings and colours, teru and draw being synonymous. In Akkadian, tar means to cut and carve; toreia, in Greek, is carving in relief; turei, Malayan, to cut, carve, engrave; dolo (Latin), to cut and carve; dala, Xhosa-Kaffir, to create. In Gaelic the created, cut, or carven image, figure, or statue is the dreach. In the monuments the divine artisan Ptah, who is the modeller and potter, appears as the draughtsman in the act of portraying the child Horus. Teru (Eg.) also means to invoke, evoke, and adore.
One African name of the fetish, as idol, charm, or talismanic ornament, is the gru-gru or gree-gree. This gree-gree, in the [p.668] African Kiriman, is the okuiri; ltkwiri in Meto; ekuru in Kupa; giri in Krebo. Gree-gree duplicates the type-name, one form of which is akar (Eg.) for the charm and silence.
The necklace and bracelet were early gris-gris. Ekuru, Kupa; ewaru, Egba; giro, Dewoi, denote chain-fetters for the neck. The ekuru, in Kupa, is also a bracelet or armlet; the agor in Ekamtulufu, a bracelet; aukarat, Arabic, a spherical amulet or charm; churi, Hndustani, bracelet; kara, Persian, bracelet; kevura, Sanskrit, bracelet; whilst coi, in Fijian, means to string beads. The beads with which the Europeans have swindled the Africans out of their own valuable products were all invested with a sacred character on account of this primitive symbolism. The mixed red-and-white bead, so eagerly sought for in Central Africa, as we learn from Livingstone (or Waller), was as much the type of the Two Truths of mythology as the later red and white crowns of Egypt.
Plutarch tells us that Isis, finding herself enceinte, hung a certain charm or amulet around her neck on the sixth day of the month Papophi (Oct. 4th in the Alexandrian year), which amulet or charm when interpreted in Greek, signifies a true voice. The voice in Egyptian is kheru, and the true is ma; Ma-Kheru being a title of the voice, word, or logos. This was the amulet of the gestator, one form of which is found in the nine bubu or beads of Isis. Still earlier than beads were the berries and the seed-pod of the acacia-tree of life, as a determinative of the seeded or pregnant wearer, the Mutsnatem or netem. These berries and bubu or beads of Isis were the prototypes of a network of bugles and various coloured beads, made use of in the preparation of the mummy, and worn over all the other wraps and bandages, the network being a symbol of the net (of Neith) with which Horus the child was fished out of the waters of the Nile. The regeneration of the mummy in the tomb, founded on the generation of the child in the womb, was typified by the scarabaeus of Khepra, the transformer, which was woven into this network of beads.
The charm akar and the khart (child) or mystic word, have the same name as the gris-gris, the bracelets, the beads, the berries, and the trees on which they grew, as in ghar (Persian), laurel; keer (Eng.), the rowan-tree; garrus (French), holly; kauri (Maori), a pine, the resin-tree; achourou (Spanish), American bay-tree; hickory (American), tree; aar (Scotch), alder, and English holly, all of them being forms of the tree of life, first personated by the mother as bearer.
When Isis wore the akar charm, she was rounding, was enceinte, which has the same meaning; and achar (Welsh) is rounded, encircled; gyroo (Greek), to round or surround; ghera (Hind.), a circle or circumference; gyre (Eng.), a circle; and guru in Sanskrit means the pregnant. Her child was the voice, the kheru or [p.669] khart that first prophesied and foretold as a type of time, hence chrao, chreo, or chreso (Greek) is to deliver an oracle, to chresthen, the divine response; agouro (Portuguese), divination, a soothsaying; oghur (Turkish), augury; Latin, augur; carie, (French Romance), a kind of witchcraft; hor (Persian), a nativity; horoscopos (Greek), and many more.
The African gree or gru-gru is just the Egyptian khru, the voice (vach), the word, the utterer, and utterance, the logos when personified. Khru is the original of the kudos, the khar of the virgin mother, called the khart or child-Horus. Khar modifies into mar, the Horus of the upper heaven and higher life. One of these represents the foreshadow and phantom of reality; the other the True Word.
The typical word, logos, or messenger, is universal under this name. For instance, Taht, the lunar word, was represented by the crane, which in various languages has the Egyptian name of the voice or word, as in the Gaelic corra, a heron or crane; Scottish gru, a crane; Manchu Tartar kerou, a stork; Irish corr, the crane or stork; Italian gru or grue; Latin gruis, a crane; Sanskrit khara, a heron.
In India the khuru became the guru, a name of the teacher, as utterer of the word of wisdom. Also in Sanskrit kara is the word, the feminine, or a secret messenger; celi (Welsh), the mysterious and secret one; gair (Welsh), denoting words; korero (Maori), to speak, tell, say; gul (Kanuri), to say; karu (Ass.), to invoke; kolli (Mandingo), to swear; gole, (Cornish), to swear; kol (Lesghic), a mouth; kelo (Goram), the tongue; klai (Chinnook), to cry. The poor African's gru or gris-gris was a primitive form of the kheru, voice or cry.
Another name of the gru is kla, the tutelary genius of a person which can be evoked by magical arts. The Ashantis call the kla the spirit of a man. If the name be used in the masculine gender they say that it stands for the voice that tempts a man to evil, and if used in the feminine it denotes the voice that persuades him against the evil; which identifies the kla with the Egyptian kharu, the voice or word of two natures or aspects impersonated by the two hars.
This duality of the kheru (mar) is denoted by the repetition in grugru; and 'ju-ju' is also a name of the grugru. Iu (Eg.) is two, twin, dual, duplicative, and therefore the equivalent of ju-ju. Written with the hi, we find hiu, whence Hu, the tongue-deity of twofold character; the tongue is painted of two colours, and Hu means a spirit of good or evil, the equivalent of the twofold word. Also Hu is a name of the twy-formed sphinx. Huhu is likewise a [p.670] name of this biune being, and the Dahoman deity Hoho is the double-natured god to whom twins are dedicated.
When the person dies the Ashanti kla, or tutelary genius corresponding to the Egyptian ka image or genius, the living double of the self in this life, becomes a sisa, and the sisa may be born again with which we may compare the Egyptian ses, to breathe, reach land and respire as a living soul after the passage of the waters or in death. Sessah also means to perambulate and make the circle of the ever-living gods. Ses is the opposite to de-cease. Susa in Zulu Kaffir means the cause, ground, and origin of a thing; sus (Arabic), root, origin; ziz (Ass.), as before, as you were, restored, and flourishing; sois (Irish), at rest; soso (Zincali), rest.
The ka-la or personal spirit of the Karens of Burma is the same as the kla of the Ashantis, and this is abbreviated into the la of madness or epilepsy, or others of the seven demons so named. The ka is identical with the Egyptian for the personal la, hence the kala or kla. The objection of the primitive races to having their portrait taken is well known; the portrait, being the image, is, in a sense, the kla, or Egyptian ka, the living image of the self and personality, an objective form of that which they conceive to be the subjective self and permanent or reproducible part. The sun-god Ra has fourteen kas or images, which are founded on the fourteen days of growing light in the first half of the lunation, his light being reflected fourteen times by the moon, these fourteen reflections are called his kas, as fourteen impersonations of his second self.
The Maori karakia is a prayer, incantation, to say prayers, repeat a formula of words at a religious ceremony, perform a religious service. The name of the Papuan kar-war, in presence of which the native squats to divine the right and the wrong of a thing, is a form of the gris-gris of Africa, and bears its dual name, and these are identical by name and in their nature with the Egyptian kheru the voice, word, logos, and the Greek chrao or chreo, to deliver an oracle.
The first oraculum was the mother, and the inner voice was the child of two utterances. The fact of this life was then applied to another in the eschatological phase, and to the voice within in the sense of the conscience.
The Hebrew atzem or gatzem, which is applied to the bodily self, the bones of the body, the bones of the dead, and likewise to the foetus within the womb, as the body which is a fruit of the body, explained by the Egyptian khat, the body, corpse, or child, and sem, the representative sign and likeness, is derived from this origin of the fetish. The joint of the backbone, especially the end one, the bone called luz by the rabbis, was the same type as the hieroglyphic usert, a sceptre formed of the vertebral column as the sign [p.671] of sustaining power. A man was held to rise again in the next life from luz in the backbone, the nucleus of his resurrection body. Luz represents the Egyptian rus, to rise or raise up. The bone, the berry, and other primitive forms of the symbolic sem or amulet were worn long ages before the mummy itself could be preserved, and these earlier types have been continued in inner Africa.
The gris-gris worn by Isis denoted the other self, as the child in the womb with which she was guru (Sansk.) The gris-gris of beads or berries worn by the marriageable maiden signified the other second self of womanhood; the gris-gris worn by the queens of Egypt in the shape of the vulture or the double uraeus serpent was the crown of this second self duplicated in the maternal phase. The shabti or mummy type placed in the tomb was the gris-gris or double, representing the other self hereafter; the child of another life in the womb of death. This was one aspect of the kla, the tutelary genius which was finally portrayed as the other self, the voice within, the voice of that which lived on through death, ultimately called the voice of conscience within ourselves.
Now, when the Bechuana women who are married find themselves in the condition of Isis, they begin to carry about with them a doll, as the outward and visible sign of the inward grace, and when the child is born, the doll is put aside. One of these, now in the London Missionary Museum, is simply a calabash wound round with strings of beads. The Basuto women make use of clay dolls for the same purpose. These are treated as children, but the names of tutelary genii are likewise given to them.
When the Ashanti woman finds herself enceinte she not only puts on her gris-gris of beads or berries to show that the flower has set and seeded, she goes at once to the oracle of the priest to have a spirit-consultation, and obtain particulars from the kla or tutelary genius respecting the ancestry and future career of her child. According to the missionary here quoted, the Ashanti hold that the kla or soul existed before the body, and has had a very long existence indeed, it having been continued and passed on from generation to generation from the remotest time. But does not this consultation concerning the ancestry point to the indefiniteness of promiscuous intercourse before the fatherhood was known and acknowledged? In mythology the first divine child is the self-begotten; the paternity not being taken into account. This inquiry concerning the fatherhood would be an early form of seeking for a Creator. Bastian saw the Indian women in Peru carrying the doll image on their backs as the atzem or sem type of the child that was dead.
What is the origin of the image and idol but the endeavour to portray an objective form of an inner and unseen self, the idea of which begins with the child in the womb? This is illustrated by an [p.672] expression in the Ritual 'en-tuk ka em khat' which, according to the primitive thought and hieroglyphic imagery, is literally 'thou art the image or soul in my womb.' The beetle within the body was the type of transformation and becoming for the future life. It was an image of life in the dead body, as in the womb of the tomb, because the mother-type had been applied to the earth or the void as the place of burial and rebirth of the star, moon, and sun that re-arose from the underworld, and the meskhen of the new birth. These were both phenomenal and physical, having no relation to a 'perception of the Infinite,' and on their bases was reared the superstructure of eschatological typology.
The womb was the first είδωλειον, as the chamber or house of the image mentioned in the texts, which had become the place of the ka-images set up by the Egyptians with their dead. The symbolry of sex, and the mother-mould of expression, adopted by the natural desire to produce, were continued when the feeling to be expressed was the desire to be reproduced. Now the bone-caves have yielded up their buried secret, we find that so far back as the record goes the desire to be reproduced is as manifest as the desire to produce, and in these sentiments only do we reach the root of the phallic origins. No written language is found in the caves or the mounds to tell us what were the ideas of the men of the Palaeolithic Age, but these primitive types, the most ancient records of the past, are often more eloquent than words, and their kith and kin are still extant above ground in Africa today, awaiting the comparative typologist to become their interpreter, as a means of entering into the minds of those who are still the children of that remote and dumb primeval past. We shall learn more of the tangible roots of these ideas in Africa than from all the classical literature of Greece and Rome, or sacred books of the later religions of the world, and it is exasperating to feel that matter far more precious for the present purpose may be lying unavailable in Dr. Bleek's unpublished collections.
In some languages, to say and do are synonymous; but the doing precedes the saying, and the earliest utterance was that of visible speech. The primordial forms of this doing and saying, or expressing by means of the first intelligible signs, originated with the black races who are so despised and misunderstood by the magnificent 'Caucasian' conceit of 'mean whites,' who send missionaries to create in them a sense of their nudity—the absence of which ought to show that they do not belong to the 'fallen' race—and a consequent need of being provided with English clothing.
These types, this imagery, the visible expression of a nature otherwise dumb, are to me infinitely more pathetic than the most perfect utterances of poetry. They constitute the root-origins of symbolism; they were primarily the signs of the simplest, most aboriginal of human needs, those of the outward expression and visible configuration [p.673] of thought and feeling. The religious is their final phase, and in this they have persisted until the present time; for it will be demonstrated that much of the outfit and wardrobe of our current theology was primarily furnished through Egypt by the naked races of Africa, and that we, in common with them, have been the ignorant victims of misinterpreted typology.
One last illustration of a masculine type. There is a bell in the Edinburgh Museum of Antiquities which was taken from St. Fillan's Chapel. On the top of it the male emblem is figured; the ancient type of Khem-Horus, who was the potent and prevailing har (or hal) of the resurrection. This was the first part of the mummy that re-arose in death, and the Christian was a simple, at times a very simple continuation of the Egyptian iconography. The god of this image was the appearing, emanating, and manifesting son, i.e., per-renn, or the renp, the masculine, pubescent Horus. It was in the person of Khem-Horus that the son became the father and was considered as both the child and husband of the mother in one.
Now the name of fillan is word for word identical with per-renn (the vir-renn) the manifestor in the masculine type represented by the male image, which has the same meaning on St. Fillan's bell as on the deer horn of the Palaeolithic age; the African fetish Legba, or in the portraits of Khem, Mentu, and Horus the renn, whose epiphany is celebrated unwittingly on Hollen's (or Holling's) Eve, which still retains the name of har, the renn who was the Hairy One. Harren in English signifies the hairy, or made of hair, and the Hollen (Holly) is the typical tree and namesake of the Har-Renn. Naming, in the same way and from the same type, is represented in the Maori language by the word tara, which denotes the mentula, manly mettle, the hair on the skin, the pubes, things prickly and pointed, and the rays of the sun on the horizon. Fillan is probably the Scottish form of 'Perran,' the Cornish saint who has preserved the meaning of renn (Eg.), the Little One, in the place-name of 'Perran the little.'
Sufficient has now been said of the roots in Africa beyond Egypt.
In conclusion, a word of explanation on the plan and object of this work, which cannot be fully unfolded in the first two volumes. It is a sine qua non for the Egyptian origins to be thus far established as the foundation of all that has to follow, and, to some extent, correlation must and would commence in this comparative process, before the myths themselves had been related, and the fundamental nature of typology interpreted. For this reason, conclusions already attained by the writer had to be occasionally stated, glanced at, or implied, which must appear to the reader the sheerest, and sometimes most unwarrantable assumptions, until the evidence for such conclusions can be completely set forth.
Allusions to matters not yet in the reader's mind will of necessity [p.674] cause some present perplexity. This was unavoidable. The writer was compelled to talk the language of typology, so to say, before the grammar had been presented to the reader. Also, there are things here of which an Egyptologist only can have any previous inkling. But nothing has been asserted without warrant. Nothing has been introduced wantonly. All that is new, and strange, and startling, has its place, or will find it, and be found in it. There is nothing mystical in mythology, but some doctrine, dogma, or religious rite will be traced to it in the sequel. The following volumes will be devoted to the typology of the whole subject: the science of typology; the typology of the Genesis, Eden, the Tree, the Fall; typology of the Deluge and Ark; typology of the Gods, the Great Mother; the Mother and Messiah son; the Two Truths of Egypt; the Biune Being, the triads and the Trinity; typology of Time, of Number, of the word, or logos; typology of the Cross, and the crossing; typology of the Mummy and the ka; typology of naming and of sounds; typology of the astronomical allegory; the great pyramid and the great year. Each one of these types will supply further evidence of what is here termed the Egyptian origin, in corroboration of the present witnesses in words and myths. The first thought of the reader may be that the typology should have preceded these two volumes. But the writer had to show cause why the world should be troubled at all on the subject of typology, and offer some reasonable ground for hope that a bottom might at length be found in the hitherto unbridged abyss. It remains to be shown how the 'types' originated in phenomena, of necessity and for use; how they became the symbols of expression in mythology and language, and how theology by its perversions and misinterpretations has established a reign of error through the whole domain of religion.
The last volume will be chiefly devoted to tracing the current theology and eschatology as the outcome, deposit, development, and final form of the ancient typology and mythology; it will also contain a copious index to the contents of the whole work.
The writer hopes to be able to furnish a not altogether inadequate representation of the primitive system of thought and its expression in types and myths, so far as it has been possible for him to recover the broken moulds and piece together the scattered remains.
Any help that may be kindly offered will be thankfully accepted, and all errors in matters of fact which may be pointed out shall be frankly acknowledged in the next volume. A pioneering work of a nature so preliminary and primitive will be certain to contain mistakes, oversights, redundancy of details, and still graver errors. That which was probable in any case is inevitable in the present. But,
If half my grapnels hold their ground,
An anchorage made firm and fast
Will serve to show that we have found
The old sea-bottom of the past.
This page last updated: 29/04/2014