A BOOK OF THE BEGINNINGS

NOTES TO SECTION 1

[1] [Birch, Ancient History from the Monuments; Zincke, Egypt of the Pharaohs; Warner, Mummies and Moslems; Reade, Martyrdom of Man; Smyth, Life and Work at the Great Pyramid. See Bibliography for full details of these titles. I give an example of the Victorian attitude towards Egypt and its people from one of these works.
    Warner, op. cit., pp. 87-90. 'About the Great Pyramid has long waged an archaeological war. Years have been spent in studying it, measuring it inside and outside, drilling holes into it, speculating why this stone is in one position and that in another, and constructing theories about the purpose for which it was built. Books have been written on it, diagrams of all its chambers and passages, with accurate measurements of every stone in them, are printed. If I had control of a restless genius who was dangerous to the peace of society, I would set him at the Great Pyramid, certain that he would have occupation for a lifetime and never come to any useful result. The interior has peculiarities, which distinguish it from all other pyramids; and many think that it was not intended for a sepulchre mainly; but that it was erected for astronomical purposes, or as a witness to the true north, east, south, and west, or to serve as a standard of measure; not only has the passage which descends obliquely three hundred and twenty feet from the opening into the bed-rock, and permits a view of the sky from that depth, some connection with the observation of Sirius and the fixing of the Sothic year; not only is the porphyry sarcophagus that is in the King's Chamber, secure from fluctuations of temperature, a fixed standard of measure; but the positions of various stones in the passages (stones which certainly are stumbling-blocks to everybody who begins to think why they are there) are full of a mystic and even religious signification. It is most restful, however, to the mind to look upon this pyramid as a tomb, and that it was a sepulchre like all the others is the opinion of most scholars.
    Whatever is was, it is a most unpleasant place to go into. But we wanted one idea of Cimmerian darkness, and the sensation of being buried alive, and we didn't like to tell a lie when asked if we had been in, and therefore we went. You will not understand where we went without a diagram, and you never will have any idea of it until you go. We, with a guide for each person, light candles, and slide and stumble down the incline; we crawl up an incline; we shuffle along a level passage that seems interminable, backs and knees bent double till both are apparently broken, and the torture of the position is almost unbearable; we get up the Great Gallery, a passage over a hundred and fifty feet long, twenty-eight high, and seven broad, and about as easy to ascend as a logging-sluice, crawl under three or four portcullises, and emerge, dripping with perspiration and covered with dust, into the king's chamber; a room thirty-four feet long, seventeen broad, and nineteen high. It is built of magnificent blocks of syenite, polished and fitted together perfectly, and contains the lidless sarcophagus.
    If it were anywhere else and decently lighted, it would be a stylish apartment; but with a dozen torches and candles smoking in it and heating it, a lot of perspiring Arabs shouting and kicking up a dust, and the feeling that the weight of the superincumbent mass was upon us, it seemed to me too small and confined even for a tomb. The Arabs thought they ought to cheer here as they did on top; we had difficulty in driving them all out and sending the candles with them, in order that we might enjoy the quiet and blackness of this retired situation. I suppose we had for once absolute night, a room full of the original Night, brother of Chaos, night bottled up for four or five thousand years, the very night in which old Cheops lay in a frightful isolation, with all the portcullises down and the passages sealed with massive stones.
    Out of this blackness the eye even by long waiting couldn't get a ray; a cat's eye would be invisible in it. Some scholars think that Cheops never occupied this sarcophagus. I can understand his feeling if he ever came in here alive. I think he may have gone away and put up "to let" on the door.
    We scrambled about a good deal in this mountain, visited the so-called Queen's Chamber, entered by another passage, below the King's, lost all sense of time and of direction, and came out, glad to have seen the wonderful interior, but welcoming the burst of white light and the pure air, as if we were being born again. To remain long in that gulf of mortality is to experience something of the mystery of death.
    Ali Gobree had no antiquities to press upon us, but he could show us some choice things in his house, if we would go there. Besides, his house would be a cool place in which to eat our lunch. We walked thither, a quarter of a mile down the sand slope on the edge of the terrace. We had been wondering where this Sphinx was, expecting it to be as conspicuous almost as the pyramids. Suddenly, turning a sand-hill, we came upon it, the rude lion's body struggling out of the sand, the human head lifted up in that stiff majesty which we all know.
    So little of the body is now visible, and the features are so much damaged, that it is somewhat difficult to imagine what impression this monstrous union of beast and man once produced, when all the huge proportions stood revealed, and colour gave a startling life-likeness to that giant face. It was cut from the rock of the platform; its back was patched with pieces of sandstone to make the contour; it head was solid. It was approached by flights of stairs descending, and on the paved platform where it stood were two small temples; between its paws was a sort of sanctuary, with an altar. Now, only the back, head and neck are above the drifting sand. Traces of the double crown of Upper and Lower Egypt, which crowned the head, are seen on the forehead, but the crown has gone. The kingly beard that hung from the chin has been chipped away. The vast wig—the false mass of hair that encumbered the shaven heads of the Egyptians, living or dead—still stands out on either side of the head, and adds a certain dignity. In spite of the broken condition of the face, with the nose gone, it has not lost its character. There are the heavy eyebrows, the prominent cheek-bones, the full lips, the poetic chin, the blurred but on-looking eyes. I think the first feeling of the visitor is, that the face is marred beyond recognition, but the sweep of the majestic lines soon becomes apparent; it is not difficult to believe that there is a smile on the sweet mouth, and the stony stare of the eyes, once caught, will never be forgotten.
    The Sphinx, grossly symbolizing the union of physical and intellectual force, and hinting at one of those recondite mysteries which we still like to believe existed in the twilight of mankind, was called Hor-em-Khoo ("the Sun in his resting-place"), and had divine honours paid to it as a deity.
    This figure, whatever its purpose, is older than the Pyramid of Cheops. It has sat facing the east, on the edge of this terrace of tombs, expecting the break of day, since a period that is lost in the dimness of tradition. All the achievements of the race, of which we know anything, have been enacted since that figure was carved. It has seen, if its stony eyes could see, all the procession of history file before it.']

[2] [Stobaeus, Eclogarum physicarum et ethicarum libri duo, p. 992, Ed. Heeren. 'And Horus said "Why is it then, mother, "that the men who dwell beyond the borders of our most holy land (Egypt) are not so intelligent as our people are?" "The earth," said Isis, "lies in the middle of the universe, stretched on her back, as a human being might lie, facing toward heaven. She is parted out into as many different members, as a man; and her head lies toward the South of the Universe, her right shoulder toward the East, and her left shoulder toward the West; her feet lie beneath the Great Bear, and her thighs are situated in the regions, which follows next to the South of the Bear."' W. Scott's tr., in Hermetica, 1924, p. 192.
    Many authorities are of the opinion that this extract from Stobaeus is fraudulent and has nothing to do with the author of the Poemandres. Chambers, in The Theological and Philosophical of Hermes Trismegistus, Christian Platonist, 1882, p. ix, says: 'The majority of the Fathers, in their uncritical mode, even Lactantius himself, confounded the original Hermes with our author, in the same way that they ascribed to the Sybilline verses a far too high antiquity; and the later Fathers, moreover, especially Lactantius, made no distinction between the genuine works of our Hermes and others which falsely bear his name; some of them, as, for instance, "Asclepius," having been written at least a century later; and those, as, for instance, "The Sacred Book" and the Dialogue between Isis and Horus (Stobaeus, Physica, 928, 1070, edit. Meineke, i. 281, 342), to which it is impossible to assign a date, are all indiscriminately ascribed to the same Hermes, although it is absolutely certain that the author of Poemandres never can have written them.'
    Ibid., p. 130. 'Stobaeus, Physica, 928, makes a long Extract purporting to be from "Hermes Trismegistus," from the Sacred Book that called "Virgin of World" (Patrit., p. 276; Meineke, i. 281), but it is alien from the genuine writings of our Hermes, being a dialogue between Isis and Horus, and [Greek]; Greek and Egyptian Deities to whom no allusion is made in the other writings of our author, which are also manifestly inconsistent with any belief in the existence of such beings.'
See also AE 1:303.]

[3] [Piazzi Smyth, Life and Work at the Great Pyramid. Unable to trace in this work.]

[4] [Brugsch, 'The Great Mendes Stele,' RP, 8, 91. See p. 99, line 17.]

[5] [The Attic (or Athenian) Nights, vol. 3, p. 127. 'The grammarians have given the name of Rhophalic to such verses as begin with a monosyllable, and progressively increase, as  what names of cities and countries had undergone a change, as Boeotia, which was formerly called Aonia; Egypt, which was called Aeria; and Crete, by the same name Aeria; Attica was Acste; Corinth, Ephyre; the coast of Macedonia, Æmathia; Thessaly, Haemonia; Tyre, Sarra; Thrace, Sithon; and Sistos, Poseidonium.']

[6] [Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. The Second Series, vol. 2, p. 48.]

[7] [Ibid., vol. 2, p. 46. 'Egypt, as might be reasonably expected, was among the Deities worshipped in the country. She is represented with the emblem of purity on her head, and another apparently signifying "cultivated land," which also enters into the names of the Goddess Kahi, and the Deity of Tentyris. In one hand she holds a spear with a bow and arrows, and in the other a battleaxe and the sign of life, illustrative of the military power of the country. In this she resembles one of the forms of Neith or Minerva. I had imagined this Goddess to be the Genius of the "Eastern Bank," opposed to another of similar character, whom I have called the "Western Bank of the Nile;" but the hieroglyphic legends appear to authorize the conclusion of her representing Egypt itself.']

[8] [Egyptian room, British Museum, 9,900.]

[9] [Brugsch. Uncertain of ref, but see History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 2, p. 228. 'In the course of time, the power of the Ethiopians extended beyond the southern boundary of Egypt; till at last the whole of Patoris came into their possession, and the 'great city' of Ni-'a, that is, Thebes, became their capital in that region. While the Assyriain regarded Lower Egypt—the Muzur so often mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions—as their permanent fief, the districts of Patoris were virtually an Ethiopian province. Middle Egypt formed a 'march' contested on both sides between the two kingdoms, and likewise a barrier which tended to hinder the outbreak of open hostilities between the one and the other.']

[10] [Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 136. 'Among the Egyptians there is a certain tablet called the Old Chronicle, containing thirty dynasties in 113 descents, during the long period of 36,525 years. The first series of princes was that of the Auritae; the second was that of the Mestraeans; the third of the Egyptians.'
See also BB 1:28.]

[11] [Hebräisches und Chaldäisches Handwörtenbuch?]

[12] [Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 82. 'Another of his sons was Khum, (i.e., Ham), who is called by the Greeks Asbolus, the father of the Ethiopians, and the brother of Mestraim, the father of the Egyptians. The Greeks say, moreover, that Atlas was the discoverer of astrology.' Extracted from Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica, bk. 9.]

[13] [Gen. 10:14. 'And Pathrusim, and Casluhim, (out of whom came Philistim,) and Caphtorim.']

[14] [Gen. 26:2. 'And the LORD appeared unto him, and said, Go not down into Egypt; dwell in the land which I shall tell thee of.']

[15] [Pettigrew, A History of Egyptian Mummies, p. 221. 'The scarabaeus has been regarded as emblematical of the sun. It is generally represented with its ball, and according to Plutarch these insects, casting the seed of generation into round balls of dung, as a genial nidus, and rolling them backward with their feet, while they themselves look directly forward, are considered solar emblems. As the sun appears to proceed through the heavens course contrary to the signs, thus those scarabaei turns their balls toward the west, while they themselves continue creeping toward the east; by the first of those motions exhibiting the diurnal, by the second the annual motion of the earth and the planets. It is also a type of spring, of fecundity, and of the Egyptian month anterior to the rising of the Nile, as it appears in that season of the year which immediately precedes the inundation.']

[16] [Horapollo, Hieroglyphica, bk. 1:10. 'To denote an only begotten, or generation, or a father, or the world, or a man, they delineate a SCARABÆUS. And they symbolise by this an only begotten, because the scarabæus is a creature self-produced, being unconceived by a female; for the propagation of it is unique after this manner:—when the male is desirous of procreating, he takes dung of an ox, and shapes it into a spherical form like the world; he then rolls it from the hinder parts from east to west, looking himself towards the east, that he may impart to it the figure of the world, (for that is borne from east to west, while the course of the stars is from west to east): then, having dug a hole, the scarabæus deposits this ball in the earth for the space of twenty-eight days, (for in so many days the moon passes through the twelve signs of the zodiac). By thus remaining under the moon, the race of scarabæi is endued with life; and upon the nine and twentieth day after having opened the ball, it casts it into water, for it is aware that upon that day the conjunction of the moon and sun takes place, as well as the generation of the world. From the ball thus opened in the water, the animals, that is the scarabæi, issue forth. The scarabæus also symbolizes generation, for the reason before mentioned—and a father, because the scarabæus is engendered by a father only—and the world, because in its generation it is fashioned in the form of the world—and a man, because there is no female race among them. Moreover there are three species of scarabæi, the first like a cat, and irradiated, which species they have consecrated to the sun from this similarity: for they say that the male cat changes the shape of the pupils of his eyes according to the course of the sun: for in the morning at the rising of the god, they are dilated, and in the middle of the day become round, and about sunset appear less brilliant: whence, also, the statue of the god in the city of the sun is of the form of a cat. Every scarabæus also has thirty toes, corresponding with the thirty days duration of the month, during which the rising sun [moon?] performs his course. The second species is the two horned and bull formed, which is consecrated to the moon; whence the children of the Egyptians say, that the bull in the heavens is the exaltation of this goddess. The third species is the one horned and Ibis formed, which they regard as consecrated to Hermes [Thoth], in like manner as the bird Ibis.'
See also BB 2:317, 635, NG 1:37, 119, NG 2:59-60, 194, 303, AE 1:235, AE 2:732.]

[17] [Ebers Papyrus, cited in Brugsch, History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 1, p. 58. 'The information of the monuments is silent about a physician of the name of Tota, Atot, or Ata; mention is only made of a roll of a very ancient book bought in Thebes by Mr. Ebers, which, when Teta sat on the throne, was prized as a means for making the hair grow. More important than this information, interesting at most to hair-dressers, is the fact that the writings of the pharaohs on medical subjects reach back as far as the first dynasty of the Thinites.']

[18] [Ibid., vol. 1, p. 58. 'As an example we will allude to the great medical papyrus discovered in the necropolis of Memphis, which was added to the collection of the museum of Berlin, about fifty years ago. As we have elsewhere shown, this precious document contains a quantity of receipts for the cure of a certain number of maladies of the nature of leprosy, and many other diseases. In a simple, childish exposition of the construction and mechanism of the body, the writing explained the number and use of the numerous 'tubes.' This manuscript was composed in the reign of Ramses II., but there is a passage in it which throws back the origin of one part of the work to the fifth king of the table of Abydos. This is what the text says on this subject. This is the beginning of the collection of receipts for curing leprosy. It was discovered in a very ancient papyrus enclosed in a writing-case, under the feet (of a statue) of the god Anoobis, in the town of Sochem, at the time of the reign of his majesty the defunct king Sapti. After his death it was brought to the majesty of the defunct king Senta, on account of its wonderful value.
    And behold the book was placed again at the feet and well secured by the scribe of the temple and the great physician, the wise Noferhotep. And when this happened to the book at the going down of the sun, he consecrated a meat and drink and incense offering to Isis, the lady, to Hor of Athribis, and the god Kho-Dsoo-Thut of Amkhit.']

[19] [Rit. ch. 130. Cf. Renouf.]

[20] [Rit. ch. 42. Cf. Renouf.]

[21] [Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. 1, p. 18. 'Now, as we shall see in the second book, the practice of human sacrifices was abolished in the Old Empire at the end of the seventh century after Menes. This is the only explanation we have, but it is a sufficient one, of a circumstance which led even Wilkinson to question the truth of the well-ascertained fact, that the Egyptian monuments, in so far as known to us, offer no representation of human sacrifice, although we there find every other kind of sacrifice and offering frequently and distinctly exhibited.']

[22] [Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. The Second Series, vol. 5, p. 352.]

[23] [De Rouge, (Recherches sur les monuments qu'on peut attribuer aux six premières dynasties de Manéthon?) p. 46-7.
Bunsen, Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. 5, pp. 719, 720.]

[24] [The Monuments of Upper Egypt, p. 67. 'The Pyramids are already six or seven thousand years old, but there is no reason why one hundred thousand years hence they should not be in the same state as we see them at the present day, provided no ignorant or profane hand be laid against them.']

[25] [Lepsius, Königsbuch der Alten Ägypter.]

[26] ['The Simplen Pass,' in The Poems of William Wordsworth, Ed., N. C. Smith, vol. 1, p. 312.
    'The stars of midnight shall be dear
    To her; and she shall lean her ear
    In many a secret place
    Where rivulets dance their wayward round,
    And beauty born of murmuring sound
    Shall pass into her face.']

[27] [Birch, 'The Praise of Learning,' RP, 8, 145. See p. 148.]

[28] ['Proverbs of Ptah-hetep', RP, 8, 148. Massey errs here. It does not appear in this vol. or any other. But see the Precepts.]

[29] [Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. 4, p. 71. 'The result of philology is that the Hellenic race and other Arian peoples held in common the fundamental idea of the Divinity as ether and creator, though it contained likewise some Phoenician elements. But, as regards Egypt, it also proves, when compared with older religious records and monuments, that Semitic roots are found in the names of Egyptian gods, but not the converse, namely, Egyptian roots in the names of Semitic gods. This fact we think we can now carry considerably farther. We hope to be able to show that the Semites invented Theogony for the other peoples, especially for the Hellenes; and that the Egyptians retained, together with the Theogony, the mythology which preceded it, essentially the same as that which the Hellenes invented for themselves.']

[30] [As above note.]

[31] [Ibid., vol. 1, p. 12, pref. 'In order to make a practical use of this method and the formulas discovered by means of it, I had likewise sought at an early stage of my inquiries for a lever applicable to universal history; for what is true in a small circle must also be so in a larger and the largest. In consequence of the unexpected light thrown on history by the discoveries in hieroglyphics, the Egyptian language at last appeared to me to offer such a lever. It clearly stands between the Semitic and Indo-Germanic; for its forms and roots cannot be explained by either of them singly, but are evidently a combination of the two. If, then, it be of Asiatic origin, and consequently introduced by colonisation into the valley of the Nile, where it became naturalised, it will enable us to pronounce upon the state of the Asiatic language from which it sprang, and consequently upon an unknown period of mental development in primeval Asia.']

[32] [Vendidad, West's tr. Massey errs here. He means the tr. by Bleeck. See Bibliography.]

[33] [History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, (2nd ed.) vol. 1, p. 8. 'Whatever relations of kindred may be found to exist in general between these great races of mankind, thus much may be regarded as certain, that the cradle of the Egyptian people must be sought in the interior of the Asiatic quarter of the world. In the earliest ages of humanity, far beyond all historical remembrance, the Egyptians, for reasons unknown to us, left the soil of their primeval home, took their way towards the setting sun, and finally crossed that bridge of nations, the Isthmus of Suez, to find a new fatherland on the favoured banks of the holy Nile. Comparative philology, in its turn, gives powerful support to this hypothesis. The Egyptian language which has been preserved on the monuments of the oldest time, as well as in the late-Christian manuscripts of the Copts, the successors of the people of the Pharaohs in no way shows any trace of a derivation and descent from the African families of speech. On the contrary, the primitive roots and the essential elements of the Egyptian grammar point to such an intimate connection with the Indo-Germanic and Semitic languages, that it is almost impossible to mistake the close relations which formerly prevailed between the Egyptians and the races called Indo-Germanic and Semitic.']

[34] [As above note.]

[35] [Source.]

[36] [History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, (2nd ed.) vol. 1, p. 20. 'The land of Egypt resembles a small narrow girdle, divided in the midst by a stream of water, and hemmed in on both sides by long chains of mountains. On the right side of the river, to the East, the chain of hills called Arabian accompany the stream for its whole length; on the opposite, the Western side, the low hills of the Libyan desert extend in the same direction with the river from South to North up to the shore of the Mediterranean Sea. The river itself was designated by the Greeks and Romans by the name of Neilos or Nilus. Although this word is still retained in the Arabic language as Nil, with the special meaning of "inundation," yet its origin is not to be sought in the old Egyptian language; but, as has been lately suggested with great probability, it should be derived from the Semitic word Nahar or Nahal, which has the general signification of "river."']

[37] [See Lepsius, Königsbuch der Alten Ägypter, taf. 3.]

[38] [Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, vol. 2, p. 426.]

[39] [Of Isis and Osiris, ch. 12.]

[40] [Group in Musée du Louvre, Salle des Dieux.]

[41] [History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 1, p. 479. 'As is well known, the Semitic nations used to turn the face to the East, the quarter of the rising sun, and accordingly they called the East the 'front side,' the West the 'hinder side,' the South therefore the 'right' and the North the 'left'. In opposition to all this, the ancient Egyptians regarded the Western side as the right, the Eastern as the left (semah, whence the word Asmach, cited by Herodotus as meaning 'those who stand on the king's left hand'). Consequently they turned the face to the South, or, as they used to say, 'upwards' (hir) or 'forwards' (khhont), so that the North lay at their back, and hence its appellation of the 'lower' (khir) or 'hinder' (pehu) region. Now, having regard to all this, the appellation of Elhar, in the sense of 'hinder land,' could only have originated with such peoples as had their fixed abodes to the East of the land of Khar, that is, on the banks of the Euphrates. Thus Babel and its famous tower appear unmistakably as the great fixed centre (Markstein) whence the directions of the abodes of nations were estimated in the earliest antiquity.']

[42] [Sarcophagus in Soane Museum. (Massey may here be referring to the sarcophagus of Set I in Sharpe's The Alabaster Sarcophagus of Oimenepthah I, with the plates drawn up by Bonomi. It is difficult to determine precisely to which plate he is referring, or see what he is actually getting at. I therefore include here only the overall view of the sarcophagus in plate 1 rather than the more detailed views in the other plates.]

[43] [Rit. ch. 147. 'I know the time the day I came like the Sun through the Gate of the Lords of Kal.' Birch's tr. Cf. Renouf.]

[44] [Eisenlohr and Birch, 'The Great Harris Papyrus, Part I,' RP, 6, 21. See p. 31, line 8.]

[45] [Pierret, Vocabulaire Hieroglyphique. 'Ab, the Left.']

[46] [Source.]

[47] [History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 1, pp. 2-3. 'Every one who considers the features, the language, and other peculiarities of the ancient Egyptians, will feel convinced that they are not of African extraction, but that, like the Abyssinians and many inhabitants of the known valley of the Nile, they bear the evident stamp of an Asiatic origin; and Juba, according to Pliny, affirms that the people of the banks of the Nile, from Syene to Meroe, were not Ethiopians, but Arabs. And if feature and other external appearances are insufficient to establish this fact, the formation of the skull, which is decidedly of the Caucasian variety, must remove all doubt of their valley having been peopled from the East: and some may even consider it directly alluded to in the Book of Genesis, where Ham, the son of Noah, and his immediate descendants, are said to have inhabited the lands of Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, and Canaan. The name of Ham is, in fact, the same as that of Egypt, Khem, or Cham; and Moses may hare pointed out the eastern origin of the Egyptians by introducing him as a son of Noah. But it is more reasonable to suppose that a colony of Asiatics settled in Egypt at a subsequent period, and that to this cause we ought to attribute the marked distinction between the head of the Egyptians and that of the Negroes.
    There has always been a striking resemblance between the Egyptians and Asiatics, both as to their manners, customs, language, and religion; and some authors have considered the valley they inhabited to belong to Asia rather than to Africa: others, again, have divided the country into two parts, the east and west banks of the Nile, assigning the former to Asia, the latter to Africa, and taking the river as the boundary line of the two continents. In manner, language, and many other respects, Egypt was certainly more Asiatic than African.
    There is no appearance of the Hindoo and Egyptian religions having been borrowed from one another, which many might be induced to conclude from their great analogy in some points, yet it is not improbable that those two nations may have proceeded from the same original stock, and have migrated southwards from their parent country in Central Asia.']

[48] [An Essay on the Superstitions, Customs, and Arts, Common to the Ancient Egyptians, Abyssinians, and Ashantees?]

[49] [Art. in journal?]

[50] ['Geographical Distribution of Mankind,' JES, 1871.]

[51] [See Section 21.]

[52] [Owen, JAS, 1874.]

[53] [Ibid., p. 247.]

[54] [Montfaucon, Antiquity Explained and Represented in Scriptures, pl. 47.]

[55] [The State of the Cape of Good Hope, vol. 1, pp. 50-1.]

[56] [Spencer, 'Ceremonial Institutions,' part 4 of Principles of Sociology, pp. 116, 121-4. 'Among the Coast Negroes, if a native "goes to visit his superior, or meets him by chance, he immediately falls on his knees, and thrice successively kisses the earth." In acknowledgment of his inferiority, the king of the Brass people never spoke to the king of the Ibos "without going down on his knees and touching the ground with his head."'
    'Of the other simulated signs of pleasure commonly forming part of the obeisance, kissing is the most conspicuous. This, of course, has to take such form as consists with the humility of the prostration or kindred attitude. As shown in certain foregoing instances, we have kissing the earth when the superior cannot be approached close enough for kissing the feet or the garment. Others may be added. It is the custom at Eboe, when the king is out, and indeed indoors as well, for the principal people to kneel on the ground and kiss it three times when he passes;'' and the ancient Mexican ambassadors, on coming to Cortes, "first touched the ground with their hands and then kissed it." This, in the ancient East, expressed Submission of conquered to conqueror; and is said to have gone as far as kissing the footmarks of a conqueror's horse. Abyssinia, where the despotism is extreme and the obeisances servile, supplies a modification. In Shoa, kissing the nearest inanimate object belonging to a superior or a bioreactor, is a sign of respect and thanks. From this we pass to she came to him and then licked his feet, all the women in the town saluted their husbands in the same manner. Slaves did the like to their masters. So in ancient Peru, "when the chiefs came before [Atahaallpa], they made great obeisances, kissing his feet and hands. Egyptian wall-paintings represent this extreme homage; and in Assyrian records Sennacherib mentions that Menabem of Samaria came up to bring presents and to kiss his feet.'' Kissing his feet was part of the reverence shown to Christ by the woman with the box of ointment. At the present day among the Arabs, inferiors kiss the feet, the knees, or the garments of their superiors. Kissing the Sultan's feet is a usage in Turkey; and Sir R. K. Porter narrates that in acknowledgment of a present, a Persian "threw himself on the ground, kissed my knees and my feet."
    Kissing the hand is a less humiliating observance than kissing the feet; mainly, perhaps, because it does not involve a prostration. This difference of implication is recognized in regions remote from one another. In Tonga, ''when a person salutes a superior relation, he kisses the band of the party; if a very superior relation, he kisses the foot." And the women who wait on the Arabian princesses, kiss their hands when they do them the favour not to suffer them to kiss their feet or the borders of their robes. The prevalence of this obeisance as expressing loving Submission, is so great as to render illustration superfluous.
    What is implied, where, instead of kissing another's hand, the person making the obeisance kisses his own band? Does the one symbolize the other, as being the nearest approach to it possible under the circumstances? This appears a hazardous inference; but there is evidence justifying it. D'Arvienx says the inferior has touched it; then the inferior puts his own fingers to his lips and afterwards to his forehead.
    This I think, makes it clear that the common custom of kissing the hand to another, originally expressed the wisher the willingness to kiss his hand.
    Here, as before, the observance, beginning as a spontaneous propitiation of conqueror by conquered, of master by slave of ruler by ruled, early passes into a religious propitiation also. To the ghost and to the deity developed from the ghost these actions of love and liking are used. That embracing and kissing of the lower extremities, which was among the Hebrews an obeisance to the living person, Egyptian wall-paintings represent as an obeisance made to the mummy enclosed in its case; and then in pursuance of this action, we have kissing the feet of statues of gods in pagan Rome and of holy images among Christians. Ancient Mexico furnished an instance of the transition from kissing the ground as a political obeisance to a modified kissing the ground as a religious obeisance. Describing an oath Clavigero says "Then naming the principal god, or any other they particularly reverenced, they kissed their hand, after having touched the earth with it." In Peru the manner of worship was to "open the hands, to make some noise with the lips as of kissing, and to ask what they wished, at the same time offering the sacrifice," and Garcilasso, describing the libation to the Sun, adds "At the same time they kissed the air two or three times, which ... was a token of adoration among these Indians." Nor have European races failed to furnish kindred facts. Kissing the hand to the statue of a god was a Roman form of adoration.
    Once more, salutatory movements, which being natural expressions of delight become complimentary acts before a visible ruler, become acts of worship before an invisible ruler. David danced before the ark. Dancing was originally a religious ceremony among the Greeks: from the earliest times the "worship of Apollo was connected with a religious dance." King Pepin, "like King David, forgetful of the regal purple, in his joy bedewed his costly robes with tears and danced before the relics of the blessed martyr." And in the Middle Ages there were religious dances in churches; as there are still in Christian churches at Jerusalem.']

[57] [Africanische Reisen, p. 143.]

[58] [The Wonders of Elora, p. 236. 'They considered the universe destined to dissolution by fire, a phoenix which had already perished more than once and that as often as it arose from its ashes, the events which had before taken place were repeated. Perhaps this repetition constituted the heathen idea of eternity. The cobra capella, or hooded snake, being unknown in Africa, except as a hieroglyphic, it may be concluded (as also from other arguments) that the Egyptians were the depositaries, not the inventors of their mythological attainments.']

[59] [Across Africa, vol. 2, p. 289. 'Snakes are not numerous, and the greater portion are not venomous, though the cobra de capello exists and is much dreaded. There is also a snake which is said to be able to project its saliva to a distance of two or three feet; and when that saliva falls on man or beast, a lingering and painful wound results. Arachnidae are common, and of several varieties, scorpions being by no means rare in the native huts; while the webs of gigantic spiders festoon the poles forming the roof, and are sometimes seen covering whole trees in the jungles.' Or p. 449, single ed.]

[60] [Source.]

[61] [Histories, bk. 2:14. 'At present, it must be confessed, they obtain the fruits of the field with less trouble than any other people in the world, the rest of the Egyptians included, since they have no need to break up the ground with the plough, nor to use the hoe, nor to do any of the work which the rest of mankind find necessary if they are to get a crop; but the husbandman waits till the river has of its own accord spread itself over the fields and withdrawn again to its bed, and then sows his plot of ground, and after sowing turns his swine into it—the swine tread in the corn—after which he has only to await the harvest.' Tr., Rawlinson.
'It is certain however that now they gather in fruit from the earth with less labour than any other men and also with less than the other Egyptians; for they have no labour in breaking up furrows with a plough nor in hoeing nor in any other of those labours which other men have about a crop; but when the river has come up of itself and watered their fields and after watering has left them again, then each man sows his own field and turns into it swine, and when he has trodden the seed into the ground by means of the swine, after that he waits for the harvest.' Tr., Macauley.]

[62] [EBR 8, 8, 421.]

[63] [Library of History, bk. 1. 28-9. 'They report, that afterwards many colonies out of Egypt were dispersed over all parts of the world: that Belus (who was taken to be the son of Neptune and Lyhra) led a colony into the province of Babylon and fixing his seat at the river Euphrates, consecrated priests and, according to the custom of the Egyptians, freed them from all public taxes and impositions. These priests the Babylonians call Chaldeans, who observe the motions of the stars, in imitation of the priests, naturalists and astrologers of Egypt.' Booth's tr.]

[64] [Ibid., bk. 1:44. See full text here.]

[65] [Birch, 'Inscription of Una,' RP, 2, 1. See p. 3, lines 5-7.]

[66] [Eisenlohr and Birch, 'The Great Harris Papyrus, Part I,' RP, 6, 21. See p. 26.]

[67] [Source.]

[68] [Not in Lectures on Man. Source.]

[69] [The Languages and Ethnology of the Indian Archipelago.]

[70] [The Last Journals of Dr. David Livingstone, vol. 2, p. 259. 'The small, well-rounded features of the people of Nsama's country are common here, as we observe in the salt-traders and villages; indeed, this is the home of the Negro, and the features such as we see in pictures of ancient Egyptians, as first pointed out by Mr. Winwood Reade.']

[71] [Basutos, p. 10.]

[72] [Travels in Southern Africa, vol. 2, p. 224. 'I devoted a considerable time to observing these men very accurately; and though, according to all that is related above, I must allow the validity of their claims to be classed among rational creatures, I cannot forbear saying that a Bosjesraan, certainly in his mien, and all his gestures, has more resemblance to an ape than to a man. One of our present guests, who appeared about fifty years of age, who had grey hair and a bristly beard, whose forehead, nose, cheeks, and chin, were all smeared over with black grease, having only a white circle round the eye washed clean with the tears occasioned by smoking, this man had the true physiognomy of the small blue ape of Caffraria. What gives the more verity to such a comparison was the vivacity of his eyes, and the flexibility of his eye-brows, which he worked up and down with every change of countenance. Even his nostrils and the corners of his mouth, nay, his very ears moved involuntarily, expressing his hasty transitions from eager desire to watchful distrust.']

[73] [Cust, 'Report on Anthropological Proceedings at the Oriental congress at Florence,' JAI, 8, 286. 'In the first section an interesting fact was stated by M. Mashero and Professor Sapeto: that in the speech of some of the Negro tribes on the Blue Nile, the clicks, which were deemed a peculiarity of South African speech, are detected, and more than this, that an increase or diminution of the prevalence of this linguistic feature could be remarked as the traveller advances towards or from Central Africa.
    Another remarkable fact became the subject of discussion, and we await with some interest the fuller details which the report will supply. Professor Lieblein, of Christiania, noticed the Egyptian antiquities, which had been disinterred in Sardinia; and Signor Fabiani exhibited specimens of others found in a tomb at Rome, under the wall of Servius Tullus. The remains were chiefly Egyptian Divinities. It was argued by Fabiani, that the site of Rome must have been occupied at a date anterior to the well-known era of "Urbs Condita." Phoenician remains were also found, supporting the hypothesis that there must have been a Phoenician and Egyptian influence in the pre-historic Italian civilisation. Many distinguished scholars took part in this discussion.']

[74] [Not in Œdipus Judaicus. Source.]

[75] [Muller, Ac., 1874, 548.]

[76] [Massey's own words.]

[77] [Gen. 10:5. 'By these were the isles of the Gentiles divided in their lands; every one after his tongue, after their families, in their nations.']

[78] [Lefebure, 'Book of Hades,' RP, 10, 79. See pp. 109-10.]

[79] [Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 136. 'Among the Egyptians there is a certain tablet called the Old Chronicle, containing thirty dynasties in 113 descents, during the long period of 36,525 years. The first series of princes was that of the Auritae; the second was that of the Mestraeans; the third of the Egyptians.'
See also note 10 above.]

[80] [Syncellus, Chronicon, 51; and Eusebius, Chronology, 6. In Cory, ibid. See above note.]

[81] [Wilkinson, (Materia Hieroglyphica.?), pl. 32, figs. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10.]

[82] [Source, pp. 5, 28.]

[83] [Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 136.]

[84] [The Monuments of Upper Egypt, pp. 255-6. 'Assouan always takes the traveller by surprise. One seems to be quite in a new world—Egypt finishes and another country begins. Nowhere does one find such a motley crowd of Egyptians, Turks, Barabras, half-naked Bisharees and negroes of every tribe. The inhabitants of Khartoom especially are remarkable by their grand mien, their black skin and their finely formed head that reminds one of the best types of northern races. To complete the picture, on the shore may be seen merchandise, gums, elephants' tusks, and skins of animals, in outlandish-looking packages which add to the bewilderment of the traveller. In the midst of the crowd circulate hawkers, no longer trading in antiquities, but in bludgeons of ebony, pikes, lances and arrows the iron points of which are said to be poisoned. Assouan has scarcely retained any vestiges of the past, but there are many points of interest in the town. A little away to the south, in a hollow of the ground, lies a small temple of Ptolemaic origin lately discovered. About half a mile further on, is an obelisk still adhering by one of its sides to the quarry out of which it had begun to be hewn.']

[85] [Histories, bk. 2:18. 'My judgment as to the extent of Egypt is confirmed by an oracle delivered at the shrine of Ammon, of which I had no knowledge at all until after I had formed my opinion. It happened that the people of the cities Marea and Apis, who live in the part of Egypt that borders on Libya, took a dislike to the religious usages of the country concerning sacrificial animals, and wished no longer to be restricted from eating the flesh of cows. So, as they believed themselves to be Libyans and not Egyptians, they sent to the shrine to say that, having nothing in common with the Egyptians, neither inhabiting the Delta nor using the Egyptian tongue, they claimed to be allowed to eat whatever they pleased. Their request, however, was refused by the god, who declared in reply that Egypt was the entire tract of country which the Nile overspreads and irrigates, and the Egyptians were the people who lived below Elephantiné, and drank the waters of that river.' Tr., Rawlinson.
'Moreover also the answer given by the Oracle of Ammon bears witness in support of my opinion that Egypt is of the extent which I declare it to be in my account; and of this answer I heard after I had formed my own opinion about Egypt. For those of the city of Marea and of Apis, dwelling in the parts of Egypt which border on Libya, being of opinion themselves that they were Libyans and not Egyptians, and also being burdened by the rules of religious service, because they desired not to be debarred from the use of cows' flesh, sent to Ammon saying that they had nought in common with the Egyptians, for they dwelt outside the Delta and agreed with them in nothing; and they said they desired that it might be lawful for them to eat everything without distinction. The god however did not permit them to do so, but said that that land which was Egypt which the Nile came over and watered, and that those were Egyptians who dwelling below the city of Elephantine drank of that river.' Tr., Macauley.]

[86] [Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 136. 'Among the Egyptians there is a certain tablet called the Old Chronicle, containing thirty dynasties in 113 descents, during the long period of 36,525 years. The first series of princes was that of the Auritae; the second was that of the Mestraeans; the third of the Egyptians.'
    See also pp. 104-8 of that book, and note 83 above. The editor uses Bunsen's book on Egypt as a reference point, citing pp. 142-4, whereas Massey cites the following ref. of same book: Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. 1, p. 215.]

[87] [Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 109. 'He has addressed and explained them to Philadelphus, the second king (of Egypt) who bore the name of Ptolemaeus, in the book which he has entitled Sothis (or the Dog-star).' Extracted from Syncellus, Chronicon, 40.]

[88] [Iamblichus on the Mysteries of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians, p. 251. 'Hence, as Seleukos describes, Hermes set forth the universal principles in two thousand scrolls, or as Manetho affirms, he explained them completely in thirty-six thousand five hundred and twenty-five treatises.' Wilder's tr. See full text here.]

[89] [Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. 1, p. 6. 'Still less shall we defer to those of Iamblichus (partly, perhaps, his own invention), contained in his work on the Egyptian mysteries, which he passed off under the name of the Egyptian Priest Abammon. He attributes to Hermes, consequently to a period before Menes, 1100 books; and describes Seleucus as having mentioned 20,000 volumes of the same Hermes, and Manetho even 36,500. This latter number is nothing but the year of the world in twenty-five Sothiac cycles of 1461 years.']

[90] [Chronicle in Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 109. 'It remains, therefore, to make certain extracts concerning the dynasties of the Egyptians, from the writings of Manetho, the Sebennyte, the high-priest of the idolatrous temples of Egypt, in the time of Ptolemaeus Philadelphia. These, according to his own account, he copied from the inscriptions which were engraved, in the sacred dialect and hierographic characters, upon the columns set up in the Seriadic land by Thoth, the first Hermes, (Mercury); and after the Flood, were translated from the sacred dialect into the Greek tongue, in hieroglyphic characters, and committed to writing in books, and deposited by Agathodaemon, the son of the second Hermes, the father of Tat, (Taut of the Phoenician mythology), in the penetralia of the temples of Egypt.' See full text here.]

[91] [The Antiquity of the Jews, bk. 1, 2.3. 'All these (the sons of Seth), being naturally of a good disposition, lived happily in the land without apostatising, and free from any evils whatsoever: and they studiously turned their attention to the knowledge of the heavenly bodies and their configurations. And lest their science should at any time be lost among men, and what they had previously acquired should perish, (inasmuch as Adam had acquainted them that a universal aphanism, or destruction of all things, would take place alternately by the force of fire and the overwhelming powers of water), they erected two columns, the one of brick and the other of stone, and engraved upon each of them their discoveries; so that, in case the brick pillar should be dissolved by the waters, the stone one might survive to teach men the things engraved upon it, and at the same time inform them that a brick one had formerly been also erected by them. It remains even to the present day in the land of Siriad.' From Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 151]

[92] [Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 152. '"We do not here propose to renew the inquiry concerning the celebrated antediluvian columns, or stelae, on which the lore of this primaeval world, with all its wisdom, was said to be transmitted. Plato, it is well-known, speaks of these columns in the opening of the Timaeus. We shall examine, in the 5th book, whether this be anything more than a figurative description, and how far we may be justified in assuming any connection between the Egyptian legend and the two pillars of Seth mentioned by Josephus. (Antiq. i., ch. 2). These pillars, it is obvious, have reference to the Book of Enoch; perhaps also to the pillars of Akikarus, or Akicharus, the Prophet of Babylon, (or the Bosphorus), whose wisdom Democritus is said to have stolen, and on which Theophrastus composed a treatise. In the Egyptian traditions that have come down to us, these primaeval stelae do not make their appearance until the third and fourth centuries. They are first mentioned in the so-called Fragments of Hermes, in Stobaeus; afterwards, in Zosimus of Panopolis, evidently in the colouring of Judaising-Christian writers; but, in their worst shape, in the fourth century, in the work of an impostor who assumed the name of Manetho. That in this latter instance, at least, they were connected with the narrative of Josephus, is shown by their allusion to the 'Syriadic Country."—Extracted from Bunsen's Egypt's Place in History, vol. 1, p. 7, 8.' Note by Editor.]

[93] [Fragments of Hermes, in Eclogarum physicarum et ethicarum. See above note.]

[94] [Sut = Seth. See note 91 above.]

[95] [Brugsch, History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 1, p. 437. 'It is difficult to say how for south the Egyptian boundary extended during the reign of our hero. The inscriptions commonly designate by the general expression Ap-ta or Up-ta, that is, horn, point of the land, the farthest southern boundary for the time being; while other inscriptions designate the region on the south frontier as Kali, and as the country of Karu, Kahi, or Kari.']

[96] [Ibid., vol. 1, p. 438. 'These names have been supposed to refer to the present Galla tribes, but I would rather connect them, with the old name Koloe. This was the name of a place in the far south, which, according to the statement of Ptolemy, was situated in 4º 15' of north latitude. In these regions all monumental history is naturally silent. The works of Thutmes III. first appear sixteen degrees further north, in the lower Nubian country, from the frontier fortress of Semneh as far as the island of Elephantine, opposite to the present town of Assouan. The king erected the temple of Semneh in honour of the Nubian-Libyan god Didun or Didiun, and in memory of his great ancestor Usurtasen III., as we have already related.']

[97] [Geographiæ. See above note.]

[98] [Mariette, The Monuments of Upper Egypt, p. 259. 'In describing Gebel-Silsileh we alluded to the custom which prevailed among the Egyptians of recording their passage through certain places by a stela or an inscription. Of this we have innumerable instances along the route from Assouan to Philae—inscriptions on the rocks abound on all sides. Sometimes they consist merely of proper names, but more often they assume the proportions of a tableau. The passer-by has represented himself as adoring the gods of the cataract; underneath is the inevitable form of prayer. On more memorable occasions we read of generals, princes, and even kings returning from an expedition into Soudan who have left on the rock by the wayside a lasting record of their passage. It is easy to realise what valuable data may occasionally be supplied by these memorials, which bear more upon history than on religion. Schayl, a small island in the cataract, not always easily accessible, is, so to speak, covered with such records, some of which have yielded a clue to historical facts now universally accepted.']

[99] [Hieroglyphica, bk. 1:21. 'To signify the rising of the Nile, which they call in the Egyptian language NOUN, and which, when interpreted, signifies New, they sometimes pourtray a LION, and sometimes THREE LARGE WATERPOTS, and at other times HEAVEN AND EARTH GUSHING FORTH WITH WATER. And they depict a LION, because when the sun is in Leo it augments the rising of the Nile, so that oftentimes while the sun remains in that sign of the zodiac, half of the new water [Noun, the entire inundation?] is supplied; and hence it is, that those who anciently presided over the sacred works, have made the spouts [?] and passages of the sacred fountains in the form of lions.'
See also BB 1:103, 186, BB 2:586, NG 1:40, NG 2:194, 316, AE 1:286, 295.]

[100] [Uncertain of source, but see his intro to the Annals of Sargon, RP, 7, 21.]

[101] [Argonautics, bk. 4. v. 259. 'Apidanean Arcadians alone existed, Arcadians who lived even before the moon, it is said, eating acorns on the hills; nor at that time was the Pelasgian land ruled by the glorious sons of Deucalion, in the days when Egypt, mother of men of an older time, was called the fertile Morning-land, and the river fair-flowing Triton, by which all the Morning-land is watered; and never does the rain from Zeus moisten the earth; but from the flooding of the river abundant crops spring up.' Tr., R.C. Seaton, p. 154 of Penguin ed.]

[102] [Scholiast to Apollonius, 4. 262.]

[103] [Histories, bk. 2:15. 'But the Delta, as the Egyptians affirm, and as I myself am persuaded, is formed of the deposits of the river, and has only recently, if I may use the expression, come to light. If, then, they had formerly no territory at all, how came they to be so extravagant as to fancy themselves the most ancient race in the world? Surely there was no need of their making the experiment with the children to see what language they would first speak. But in truth I do not believe that the Egyptians came into being at the same time with the Delta, as the Ionians call it; I think they have always existed ever since the human race began; as the land went on increasing, part of the population came down into the new country, part remained in their old settlements. In ancient times the Thebais bore the name of Egypt, a district of which the entire circumference is but 6120 furlongs.' Tr., Rawlinson.
'If, I say, we should follow this account, we should thereby declare that in former times the Egyptians had no land to live in; for, as we have seen, their Delta at any rate is alluvial, and has appeared (so to speak) lately, as the Egyptians themselves say and as my opinion is. If then at the first there was no land for them to live in, why did they waste their labour to prove that they had come into being before all other men? They needed not to have made trial of the children to see what language they would first utter. However I am not of opinion that the Egyptians came into being at the same time as that which is called by the Ionians the Delta, but that they existed always ever since the human race came into being, and that as their land advanced forwards, many of them were left in their first abodes and many came down gradually to the lower parts. At least it is certain that in old times Thebes had the name of Egypt, and of this the circumference measures six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs.' Tr., Macauley.]

[104] [Ibid., bk. 2:2. 'Now the Egyptians, before the reign of their king Psammetichus, believed themselves to be the most ancient of mankind. Since Psammetichus, however, made an attempt to discover who were actually the primitive race, they have been of opinion that while they surpass all other nations, the Phrygians surpass them in antiquity.' Tr., Rawlinson.
'Now the Egyptians, before the time when Psammetichos became king over them, were wont to suppose that they had come into being first of all men; but since the time when Psammetichos having become king desired to know what men had come into being first, they suppose that the Phrygians came into being before themselves, but they themselves before all other men.' Tr., Macauley.]

[105] [Ibid., bk. 2:4. 'And they told me that the first man who ruled over Egypt was Mên, and that in his time all Egypt, except the Thebaic canton, was a marsh, none of the land below lake Mæris then showing itself above the surface of the water. This is a distance of seven days' sail from the sea up the river.' Tr., Rawlinson.
'They said also that the first man who became king of Egypt was Min; and that in his time all Egypt except the district of Thebes was a swamp, and none of the regions were then above water which now lie below the lake of Moiris, to which lake it is a voyage of seven days up the river from the sea.' Tr., Macauley.]

[106] [Of Isis and Osiris, ch. 40.]

[107] [Library of History, bk. 3. 'The Ethiopians likewise say, that the Egyptians are a colony drawn out from them by Osiris; and that Egypt was formerly no part of the continent, but a sea, at the beginning of the world; but that afterwards, it was by degrees made land by the river Nile, which brought down slime and mud out of Ethiopia. And that that country was made dry land, by heaps of earth forced down by the river, they say, is apparent by evident signs, about the mouths of the Nile. For always every year, may be seen fresh heaps of mud cast up at the mouths of the river by the working of the sea, and the land increased by it.' Booth's tr., vol. 1, p. 152.]

[108] [Ezek. 29:14. 'And I will bring again the captivity of Egypt, and will cause them to return into the land of Pathros, into the land of their habitation; and they shall be there a base kingdom.']

[109] [Is. 43:3. 'For I am the LORD thy God, the Holy One of Israel, thy Saviour: I gave Egypt for thy ransom, Ethiopia and Seba for thee.']

[110] [Is. 45:14. 'Thus saith the LORD, The labour of Egypt, and merchandise of Ethiopia and of the Sabeans, men of stature, shall come over unto thee, and they shall be thine: they shall come after thee; in chains they shall come over, and they shall fall down unto thee, they shall make supplication unto thee, saying, Surely God is in thee; and there is none else, there is no God.']

[111] [Ez. 23:42. 'And a voice of a multitude being at ease was with her: and with the men of the common sort were brought Sabeans from the wilderness, which put bracelets upon their hands, and beautiful crowns upon their heads.']

[112] [Is. 18:27. 'Again, when the wicked man turneth away from his wickedness that he hath committed, and doeth that which is lawful and right, he shall save his soul alive.']

[113] [Library of History, bk. 1. 'That Homer came into Egypt, amongst other arguments, they endeavour to prove it especially by the potion Helen gave Telemachtts, (in the story of Menelaus), to cause him to forget all his sorrows past. For the poet seems to have made an exact experiment of the potion Nepeothes which he says Helen received from Polymnestes, the wife of Thonus, and brought it from Thebes in Egypt; and indeed in that city, even at this day, the women use this medicine with good success: and they say, that in ancient limes, the medicine for the cure of anger and sorrow, was only to be found among the Diospolitans; Thebes and Diospolis being by them affirmed to be one and the same city. And that Venus, from an ancient tradition, is called by the inhabitants. Golden Venus; and that there is a field so called, within the liberties of Memphis: and that Homer derived from Egypt his story of the embraces between Jupiter and Juno, and their travelling into Ethiopia; because the Egyptians every year carry Jupiter's tabernacle over the river into Africa, and a few days after bring it back again, as if the god had returned out of Ethiopia: and that the fiction of the nuptials of these two deities was taken from the solemnization of their festivals, at which time both their tabernacles, adorned with all sorts of flowers, are carried by the priests to the top of a mountain.' Booth's tr. See full text here.]

[114] [Iliad, bk. 1. See Smith, Classical Dictionary, under 'Æthiopia.']

[115] [Source.]

[116] [Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 82. 'Another of his sons was Khum, (i.e., Ham), who is called by the Greeks Asbolus, the father of the Ethiopians, and the brother of Mestraim, the father of the Egyptians. The Greeks say, moreover, that Atlas was the discoverer of astrology.' Extracted from Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica, bk. 9.
See note 12 above.]

[117] [Champollion, Grammaire Égyptienne, p. 90. Wrong p. no. Unable to trace.]

[118] [History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 1, p. 32. 'The great pedigree of twenty-five court architects, to which we have already directed the attention of the learned world in the first edition of our history, and the last scion of which, the architect Khnum-ab-ra, was alive in the twenty-seventh year of the reign of Darius I., has given rise to the new method of fixing the dates of the Pharaohs anterior to the twenty-sixth dynasty, at least approximately, with the help of existing series of genealogies. The credit is due to a Swedish scholar, Mr. Lieblein, of having turned this new auxiliary to account, in his last work, as an aid to Egyptian chronology. The importance of this touchstone for all measurements of time in Egyptian history is incontestable; and it is strongly confirmed by the proofs adduced by Mr. Lieblein.']

[119] [Birch, The Rede Lecture: The Monumental History of Egypt,? pp. 24-5.]

[120] [Drummond, Œdipus Judaicus, Allegory in the Old Testament, pl. 2.]

[121] [Diodorus, The Library of History, bk. 2:113. Unable to trace.]

[122] [Ibid., bk. 1, p. 82. 'In arithmetic and geometry, they keep them a long time: for in regard the river every year changes the face of the soil, the neighbouring inhabitants are at great difference among themselves concerning the boundaries of their land, which cannot be easily known but by the help of geometry. And as for arithmetic, as it is useful upon other occasions, so it is very helpful to the study of geometry, and no small advantage to the students of astrology; for the Egyptians, (as well as some others), are diligent observers of the course and motions of the stars; and preserve remarks of every one of them for an incredible number of years, being used to this study, and to endeavour to out vie one another therein, from the most ancient times. They have with great cost and care, observed the motions of the planets; their periodical motions, and their stated stops; and the influences of everyone of them, in the nativity of living creatures, and what good or ill they foreshow; and very often they so clearly discover what is to come in the course of men's lives as if they pointed at the thing with the point of a needle.' Booth's tr.]

[123] [The Lives and Views of Eminent Philosophers, intro., p. 5. 'From his age to that of Alexander, king of the Macedonians were forty-eight thousand eight hundred and sixty-three years, and during this time there were three hundred and seventy-three eclipses of the sun, and eight hundred and thirty-two eclipses of the moon.' Yonge's tr.]

[124] [The Laws, bk. 2:657. 'And yet he may do this anywhere except in Egypt; for there ages ago they discovered the great truth which I am now asserting, that the young should be educated in forms and strains of virtue. These they fixed and consecrated in their temples; and no artist or musician is allowed to deviate from them. They are literally the same which they were ten thousand years ago. And this practice of theirs suggests the reflection that legislation about music is not an impossible thing. But the particular enactments must be the work of God or of some God-inspired man, as in Egypt their ancient chants are said to be the composition of the goddess Isis. The melodies which have a natural truth and correctness should be embodied in a law, and then the desire of novelty is not strong enough to change the old fashions.' Jowett's tr.]

[125] [De Rouge, Recherches sur les monuments qu'on peut attribuer aux six premières dynasties de Manéthon, p. 163.]

[126] [Die Chronologie der Ægypter, bearbeitet, Einleitung und Esther Theil Kritik der Quellen, p. 484.]

[127] [Chronicon Libri Duo. (Armeniam versionem), bk. 1:19. 'In the Armenian version of Eusebius it is said, after the enumeration of the Gods, there were 13,900 years of reign down to Bytis. After that "heroes" reigned, and then three series of "other kings," and the stupid extract concludes with these words:
    "Then followed the reign of the Manes (souls of the dead) and Heroes for 5813 years."
    The confusion here is clear enough, for, had there been heroes and hero-worship in Egypt, their place would have been between the dynasties of Gods and Men. But here the Manes, who are clearly Nekyes, and the Heroes are said to reign, after at least three series of historical kings, of which the two latter are described locally and historically as Memphites and Thinites.' From Bunsen, Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. 4, p. 335.]

[128] [Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. 4, p. 335. 'Neither the "Book of the Dead" nor the monuments contain any mention of heroes or hero-worship. The Gods not comprised in the first seven, or their compendium the eighth, are evidently from their name and worship purely ideal, and so they seem to be indeed from their genealogies, which have been traced in the First Book.
    But the only way of rendering the proof complete is by discountenancing the notion that Manetho described deified men in his human dynasties prior to Menes.'
See also, ibid., vol. 4, pp. 327-30. 'Historical elements were introduced into the myth of Osiris, possibly already in the oldest time, prior to Menes. But there is nothing so alien to the Egyptian mind as hero-worship, and upon this point, as well as others, Herodotus has given us correct information.
    We shall find positive proof of this in Manetho's account of the kings prior to Menes, which will be hereafter discussed. The historical criticism of that statement will show that nothing was farther from the intention of Manetho and his authorities, than tracing the succession from the rule of Gods to that of men by means of deified mortals.
    The dynasties of Gods, and the basis of them, the four Powers, are philosophical forms of mind, and of the consciousness which recognized God in the universe and in the mind.
    What did the Egyptians understand by rule of the Gods, and succession of the rule of different Gods?
    It appears from the foregoing observations, and from the facts of the case, that this does not imply, as some have supposed, a series of different worships and religions. The very dates attached to the reigns of the Gods are self-evidently not historical. They are astronomical cycles, most of which, as Lepsius has shown, prove at once that such is their character. But as dates they naturally have no value at all, except in so far as they give us an insight into the notions and the dreams of the Egyptians about matters which they did not understand. They imply two things, which are comparatively modern: first, the discovery of the Sothiac cycle, which cycle could astronomically not exist earlier than three thousand years b.c., a very late date for the formation of a mythology: secondly, that the union of the cycle of Gods which has been described, and which had been gradually effected in the different Nomes, was complete when those lists were made.
    The real problem to be solved lies in the question just alluded to: "What was the fundamental idea in the series of dynasties of Gods?
    The proper method of research will here be the exhaustive one, by first of all gradually eliminating everything which is inadmissible. The idea of astronomical periods in which the world gradually came to existence, as devised in modern systems of natural science, cannot now be seriously entertained. Yet who will venture to deny that there may have been two views about these natural periods, an ideal and an historical one? The former is based upon the assumption adopted by all ancient peoples, we might say upon the primitive consciousness of the qualified unity of, and distinction between, God and World. The visible creation exhibits forces which animate and give shape to matter: this thought is reflected, when viewed historically, as the ideal Foretime in which divine powers predominated, either as world-forming, or as preparatory to the formation of the world. We call this accordingly the ideal element. The historical element, therefore, in these series of Gods could only be at most a reminiscence of those struggles of nature, of which the earliest race of men were witnesses. But here we are not called upon to resort to an assumption which is so difficult of proof. Even without vast revolutions, many violent transitions, disturbances, and destructive agencies must have been at work, which were very detrimental to life. Human society then was incompletely organized. There existed no combination of power furnishing the means of counter-acting them by systematic efforts and preconcerted arrangements, by which man himself, his domestic animals, his crops and fruits were protected.
    It is true that all this will not explain the development of the series, the idea of a succession of individual reigns of Gods. But we have, at all events, obtained a landmark for understanding this succession, in the well-established historical fact, that the series of the seven predominating deities was only gradually formed, and that indeed by a mixed process, partly ideal, partly historical and local. By this means we arrived at four original representations; and the deities who corresponded to them, which we have accordingly called the Powers or Knots of the development of religious feeling, were the following four:
    The kosmogonical, or world-creating, power in Ptah-Hephaistos;
    The solar power in Ra-Helios (Mau, Mentu, Atumu, Hor), as the highest power of nature;
    Time and space, as the conditions of human development (Seb and Nu);
    The psychical power, or rule of divine mind in man (Osiris).
    Now when later Egyptian or Egyptianizing philosophers say that Hephaistos (Ptah) was the first king, and in fact endless time, because no separation had then taken place, whereas with his successor, Helios, the limitation is introduced, this cannot be taken in a material sense. For how are we to explain the series of the other reigns and their succession?']

[129] [De Mysteriis Liber, bk. 8:5, 9:7. Unable to trace, but see text here.]

[130] [Chronicon Libri Duo. (Armeniam versionem). Unable to trace this amount of years in this work, but see Bunsen, Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. 4, p. 837. 'But then what becomes of the 13,900 years of Eusebius? Nothing at all—they are mythological, but still not cyclical. Eusebius, with his usual want of thought, supposed Manetho's list of human kings before Menes to constitute a new epoch, which is said to have lasted 5,813 years. The sum total of the four preceding series of human kings, however, comprises 5,212 years. Lepsius, therefore, has suggested in his "Introduction," that the reading is 1,255 instead of 1,855 years, when the reigns of the Blessed are mentioned. In that case the sum total would be 5,812 years, or only one year less than Eusebius has assigned to what has been misunderstood as the reigns of Manes and Heroes. The statements in  Manetho, therefore, as to the dates prior to Menes, would stand thus:
    After the Gods the Blessed reigned - - - 1855 years,
    then other kings - - - - 1817
    then other kings (Memphites) - - 1790
    then other kings (Thinites) - - 350
    Sum total of the rule of mortals [5812 years,
    before Menes - - - ] (5813)
    In other words, the reigns of real human kings prior to Menes, not mere provincial princes, but such as claimed either to have governed the whole of Upper Egypt or the Lower Country, comprised nearly six thousand years. It is not impossible that the two latter series were contemporaneous, namely, the Thinites in Upper Egypt, and those who were inaccurately called Memphites in Central Egypt (for as Memphis was founded by Menes, the above title is not literally and historically exact); but still the contrast between the Upper and Lower Country is obvious. The Nome, indeed, in which Memphis was situated may have existed as a distinct district long before the building of the city of Menes; but the two former series, and those who are merely designated as "other kings," were evidently not contemporaneous. The simple question is, whether the second were also sacerdotal kings, or whether they were taken from the warrior caste? They were probably secular elected monarchs, a transitional class: they were no longer called "Blessed."
    Manetho's statement, therefore, was this: that after the Gods (immediately or mediately after Horus), 13,900 years elapsed before the reign of Bytis, which is the version of Eusebius. This can only mean that, according to him, the reigns of the Gods after Horus lasted 13,900 years, a speculative assumption, probably connected with the Sothiac period. This must be the age of the later Gods, to whom, according to Herodotus, Hercules belonged. In the Papyrus they begin with Thoth; and there is a break at the twelfth reign, so that at the thirteenth a new series commenced. The extract in Eusebius gives neither dates nor names, it merely states that the rule of the Gods lasted till the reign of Bytis. The annalists, as well as poets, make no mention of Bytis as a God, although, as we have seen, Jamblichus introduces him as a priest of Ammon.']

[131] [Cory, Ancient Fragments, p. 104. As above note. Unable to trace such a figure in this work.]

[132] [Histories, bk. 2.142. 'Thus far I have spoken on the authority of the Egyptians and their priests. They declare that from their first king to this last-mentioned monarch, the priest of Vulcan, was a period of three hundred and forty-one generations; such, at least, they say, was the number both of their kings, and of their high-priests, during this interval. Now three hundred generations of men make ten thousand years, three generations filling up the century; and the remaining forty-one generations make thirteen hundred and forty years. Thus the whole number of years is eleven thousand, three hundred and forty; in which entire space, they said, no god had ever appeared in a human form; nothing of this kind had happened either under the former or under the later Egyptian kings. The sun, however, had within this period of time, on four several occasions, moved from his wonted course, twice rising where he now sets, and twice setting where he now rises. Egypt was in no degree affected by these changes; the productions of the land, and of the river, remained the same; nor was there anything unusual either in the diseases or the deaths.' Tr. Rawlinson.
'So far in the story the Egyptians and the priests were they who made the report, declaring that from the first king down to this priest of Hephaistos who reigned last, there had been three hundred and forty-one generations of men, and that in them there had been the same number of chief-priests and of kings: but three hundred generations of men are equal to ten thousand years, for a hundred years is three generations of men; and in the one-and-forty generations which remain, those I mean which were added to the three hundred, there are one thousand three hundred and forty years. Thus in the period of eleven thousand three hundred and forty years they said that there had arisen no god in human form; nor even before that time or afterwards among the remaining kings who arose in Egypt, did they report that anything of that kind had come to pass. In this time they said that the sun had moved four times from his accustomed place of rising, and where he now sets he had thence twice had his rising, and in the place from whence he now rises he had twice had his setting; and in the meantime nothing in Egypt had been changed from its usual state, neither that which comes from the earth nor that which comes to them from the river nor that which concerns diseases or deaths.' Tr. Macauley.]

[133] [Ibid., bk. 2.43. 'The account which I received of this Hercules makes him one of the twelve gods. Of the other Hercules, with whom the Greeks are familiar, I could hear nothing in any part of Egypt. That the Greeks, however (those I mean who gave the son of Amphitryon that name), took the name from the Egyptians, and not the Egyptians from the Greeks, is I think clearly proved, among other arguments, by the fact that both the parents of Hercules, Amphitryon as well as Alcmêna, were of Egyptian origin. Again, the Egyptians disclaim all knowledge of the names of Neptune and the Dioscûri, and do not include them in the number of their gods; but had they adopted the name of any god from the Greeks, these would have been the likeliest to obtain notice, since the Egyptians, as I am well convinced, practised navigation at that time, and the Greeks also were some of them mariners, so that they would have been more likely to know the names of these gods than that of Hercules. But the Egyptian Hercules is one of their ancient gods. Seventeen thousand years before the reign of Amasis, the twelve gods were, they affirm, produced from the eight: and of these twelve, Hercules is one.' Tr. Rawlinson.
'About Heracles I heard the account given that he was of the number of the twelve gods; but of the other Heracles whom the Hellenes know I was not able to hear in any part of Egypt: and moreover to prove that the Egyptians did not take the name of Heracles from the Hellenes, but rather the Hellenes from the Egyptians,—that is to say those of the Hellenes who gave the name Heracles to the son of Amphitryon,—of that, I say, besides many other evidences there is chiefly this, namely that the parents of this Heracles, Amphitryon and Alcmene, were both of Egypt by descent, and also that the Egyptians say that they do not know the names either of Poseidon or of the Dioscuroi, nor have these been accepted by them as gods among the other gods; whereas if they had received from the Hellenes the name of any divinity, they would naturally have preserved the memory of these most of all, assuming that in those times as now some of the Hellenes were wont to make voyages and were sea-faring folk, as I suppose and as my judgment compels me to think; so that the Egyptians would have learnt the names of these gods even more than that of Heracles. In fact however Heracles is a very ancient Egyptian god; and (as they say themselves) it is seventeen thousand years to the beginning of the reign of Amasis from the time when the twelve gods, of whom they count that Heracles is one, were begotten of the eight gods.' Tr. Macauley.]

[134] [Bunsen, Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. 3, pp. 60-1. 'Tacitus likewise mentions the number 1,460 as that of the Phoenix period, which, according to Herodotus and others, consisted of 500 years. Ptolemy, lastly, has clearly adopted the computation for the epoch of 25 years, for the length of a cycle of 1,460 years.
    If, then, all the notices regarding the Sothiac year tend to the conclusion that the sacred ordinances were based upon it, by the commencement of which, as being the representation of the primeval and model year, all computations were made, the simple conclusion will follow, that we require no other assumption, and are not justified in making any. The coincidence of the heliacal rising of Sirius with the summer solstice is the grand fixed point of Egyptian observation. To this point all their observations of the heavens and earth were directed during a period of nearly a thousand years ending 2800 B.C., the signs of which never did and never could recur. This, then, must have been the commencement of the Sothiac cycle, which, again, implies an earlier or contemporary assumption of the Epagomenae. Now the year 2782 happens to be precisely the commencement of the divine Sothiac year preceding 1322. The notation of the months, according to which Thoth (the beginning of the civil year) was placed unchangeably 120 days after the solstice, may then have long been in use. The excess of the quarter of a day, owing to the connexion between its heliacal rising on the day of the solstice and the year of 365 days, may have been long known. The notion might therefore naturally arise of making the coincidence of the civil year, commencing with Sirius, the beginning of the great cycle which the year must pass through before it could again be in harmony with the stars and with nature. No change was allowed to be made: the arrangement of the festivals remained bound up with the model year, and the secret of the true year was as completely kept as the key to it was carefully preserved.']

[135] [See note below.]

[136] [History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 1, p. 33. 'The new table of Abydus, discovered eleven years ago in a corridor of the temple of Seti I. at Harabat-el-Madfouneh, gives a succession of sixty-five kings from Mena, the founder of the line, down to the last reign of the twelfth dynasty. To these sovereigns therefore would be assigned a period of 65/3 x 100= 2166 years, leaving the fractional remainder out of the account.']

[137] [Source below.]

[138] [Notice des Principaux Monuments, pp. 76-8. 'Belle stele funéraire, couverte de figures et descriptions. Ce monument a été grave pour perpetuer la memoire d'Entef, personnage qui vivait au commencement de la XII^e dynastie, Les lois religieuses de 1'Egypte obligeaient les families à venir, à certains jours de l'annee, presenter des offrandes aux parents morts. Notre stèle n'est que la representation de l'une de ces fetes funèbres. Entef siege à cote de sa femme; ses fils, ses filles se presentent devant lui. Les uns prononcent les prieres consacrées; les autres apportent des victuailles, des parfums. Au dernier registre, la scene est curieuse à étudier par la variete des tableaux. Outre les parties d'animaux déjà sacrifies, des serviteurs amenent des animaux vivants. La plupart des membres de la famille d'Entef ont des noms qui sont comme autant de dates: ils s'appellent Entef comme leur pére, Ameni, Mentou-hotep. Tous ces noms appartiennent a des rois de la XI^e dynastie; la stèle remonte en effet aux deux premiers regnes de la XI^e.
    Cette mention est d'ailleurs clairement exprimée dans le cintre du monument, ou on lit: l'an 30 du roi Amenha I^er, vivant a toujours (I^er, roi de la XII^e l'dynastie,), et l'an 10 du roi Ousertasen I^er vicant a toujours (2^e roi). On savait deja, par une inscription conservée au Musée du Louvre, qu'a une certaine epoque le premier de cés rois avait associé le second au trone; mais la date precise de cet evénement etait encore enveloppée de mystére; notre stèle se charge de lever le voile. Par elle, nous apprenons que l'an 30 d'Amenemha est égal à l'an 10 de son fils Ousertasen. C'est donc vers l'an 21 du règne de son pere que celui-ci commenca à prendre une part officielle aux affaires de 1'Egypte, et par consequent le commencement de 1'ere royale qui porte sur les monuments le nom d'Ousertasen I^er se compte de 1'an 21 d'Amenemha. Quant aux inscriptions (celle du Louvre, par exemple, ainsi qu'u'ne autre du meme Musée) qui sont datées de 1'an 8 et del'an 9 du seul règne d'Ousertasen, elles s'expliquent par la vieillesse d'Amenemha et par le plus grand role que jouait à cette epoque celuiqui etait deja de fait son successeur.
    Stèle funéraire du style large et ample de la XI^e dynastie. Elle est datée de 1'an 10 d'Ousertasen I^er . Le texte est un acte d'adoration au dieu Ap-herou en faveur du défunt Sebek-tata-ou, royal parent de son matt-re, qui est représenté lui-meme, an bas de la stele, assis devant une table d'offrandes richement garnie. Parmi les noms propres de ses enfants, on remarque celui de Sebek-hotep qui doit etre porte plus tard par plusieurs rois de la XII^e dynastie.
    Stèle funéraire. Le champ est évidé eta recu une stèle plus petite de gres fin, encastre'e dans le creux.
    Sur le sommet du pourtour, légende (nom et prenom) du roi Amenemha II, vivant à toujours; aux cotés, prieres pour le noble chef, l'intendant de tontes les constructions du roi, etc., Ra-Kheper-Ke. Notre personnage avait ainsi pris pour nom le prenom d'Ousertasen I^er, predecesseur d'Amenemha II, sous lequel il etait probablement né.
    Au centre, Ra-Kheper-Ke est assis. II a derrière lui son pere, l'ai, et devant lui Ameni, sa mere. Deux freres, Entef, et Sar, une soaur, Set-Hathor, sont agenouilles au bas de la stele. Le nu des femmes est peint en jaune, selon 1'usage du temps.
    Belle et large gravure de la XII^e dynastie. Grand tableau de famille. Tous les personnages cités, an nombre de vingt-deux, sont invariablement proclamés justes, ce qui prouve que cette appellation n'est pas seulement donnée aux morts. Parmi eux est un Sebekhotep. Ce nom est propre à la XII^e dynastie, et l'on peut s'etonner de le trouver ici. J'ai deja note ce point, et je crois necessaire d'y revenir. Il est a remarquer, en effet, que, tandis que les steles de la XII^e dynastie nous laissent lire des noms propres comme Sebekhotep, Sebekemsaf et autres noms principalement usites sur les monuments de la XII^e, ceux-ci, au contraire, ne nous livrent aucun des noms (Amenemha, Ousertasen) qui, comme des medailles, trahissent la XI^e. Il faudrait en conclure, ce me semble, ou que les monuments de cette epoque sont a revoir quant a l'ordre de succession de ces deux families royales, ou plutot que la plus recente de ces families fut l'ennemie de laplusancienne, dont elle proscrivit jusqu'au souvenir.']

[139] [Histoire d'Égypte, plate 6, fig. 109.]

[140] [See note 142 below.]

[141] [History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 1, p. 198. 'Amenemhat IV. and (VIII.) the queen Sebek-Nofru-Ra conclude the Twelfth Dynasty.
    The monuments throw no special light on the history of the king and his sister the queen Sebek-nofru-ra by any inscriptions of real value. This princess was an heiress-daughter, the Nitaker at the close of the Sixth, and Nofertari at the close of the Seventeenth Dynasty. The inheritance of the empire passed by marriage to a new family, which will occupy us more particularly in the chapter on the Thirteenth Dynasty. The word Sebek, which appears in the name of the queen, reminds us again of the god of the Fayoum, or 'country of the Lake,' which through the works of Amenemhat III. had obtained such great significance for Egypt. The proper names compounded with Sebek become constantly more frequent towards the end of the Twelfth Dynasty, and prepare us for the many kings named Sebekhotep of the Thirteenth Dynasty.']

[142] [Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. 2, scutcheons.
Lepsius, Königsbuch der Alten Ägypter.]

[143] [History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 2, app. 1.]

[144] [Wilkinson, Materia Hieroglyphica, pl. 27, f. 2.]

[145] [History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 2, app. 1.]

[146] [Drummond, Œdipus Judaicus, Allegory in the Old Testament, pl. 4.]

[147] [Goodwin, 'Hymn to Amen-Ra,' RP, 2, 127. See p. 129.]

[148] [Mariette, Notice des Principaux Monuments, p. 298. Wrong p. no. Unable to trace.]

[149] [History of Egypt Under the Pharaohs, vol. 1, ch, 9. See p. 173.]

[150] [Ibid.]

[151] [Ibid., vol. 2, app. 1.]

[152] [No. 231, Birch's department.]

[153] [See illustration and AE 1:343.]

[154] [Chabas, Le Calendrier des Jours Fastes et Néfastes de l'Année Égyptienne.]

[155] [Gen. 10:5. 'By these were the isles of the Gentiles divided in their lands; every one after his tongue, after their families, in their nations.']

[156] [De l'origine et du progrés de l'astronomie?]

[157] [Poss. in Œdipus Judaicus, Allegory in the Old Testament. Unable to trace in this work but see the text here.]