HISTORY OF EGYPT UNDER THE PHARAOHS

NOTES

1 Geschichte Egyptens unter den Pharaonen, Nach den Denkmalern bearbeitet von Dr. Heinrich Brugsch-Bey. Erste Deutsche Ausgabe. Mit 2 Karten von Unter und Ober-Egypten und 4 genealogischen Tafeln. Leipzig, 1877. The Author's Preface explains the relation of this new work to the preceding French edition of 1857, of the first part of which (to the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty) a new edition was published in 1875.

2 Vol. II. p. 325-6. The specimen of translation to which these words refer will not only enlighten the reader as to the present state of Egyptian interpretation, but will show him how much it needs a wider and deeper knowledge of the whole subject, beyond the mere rendering of the words.

3 Of this series, published under the auspices of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, and edited by Dr. Samuel Birch, ten volumes have appeared up to the present time, the odd ones (vols. i., iii., v.) containing the translations of Assyrian and Chaldean texts, the even ones (vols. ii., iv., vi., viii., and x.) those from the Egyptian.

4 In drawing up the Analytical Table of Contents, the Editor has not scrupled to make some minor deviations from the text for the sake of preferable orthography and the correction of small errors.

5 On this first introduction of dates, the reader should be especially warned against taking them for definite chronological epochs, They represent only an artificial system of average approximation, based on genealogies (see the Author's Preface) which is followed consistently eyen when known to be inapplicable in detail, in order not to disturb the average. Thus, one generation of 33 years is assigned to the very short reign of Thutmes I. (see p. 296), and the same period to the united reigns of his sons, Thutmes II. and Thutmes III., though the latter alone reigned nearly 64 years. The system only claims to give accurate results in a long period, and for such its truth is remarkable.

6 Called by many Egyptologists Hatatu.

7 A Table of the Annals of Thutmes III. is given at the end of this volume, pp. 475-6.

8 The name of this village, well known to all travellers to the site of ancient Memphis is evidently of old Egyptian origin, since it is derived from the common appellation for many places situated on the great canals—Menat-ro-hinnu, 'the port at the mouth of the canal.

9 This account of the campaign of Una, at the command of King Pepi, is borrowed from a monument found in the grave of Una, in the cemetery of Memphis, and now in the collection of Boulak. M. de Rouge first called attention to the important historical meaning of this stone. The last-mentioned expedition in boats seems
hardly to have been on the sea. Our opinion is that the country in question is that part of Lower Egypt situated around Lake Menzaleh, and which was then occupied by the ancestors of the Bedouins of the Isthmus of Suez.

10 'This country, which will be again mentioned in the inscriptions, can hardly be sought anywhere else than in the immediate neighbourhood of the southern frontier of Egypt We shall further on, in treating of the reign of the third Amenhotep, have the opportunity of returning to the subject of this country and its inhabitants.

11 This region designates the quarries of oriental alabaster, in the neighbourhood of the town of Sioot, on the right bank of the Nile. A place quite close to these quarries is at the present day called Benoob, 'the gold town,' with the surname El-hammam.

12 It is worthy of notice that the designation of this pyramid is found later as the name of a town in the neighbourhood of Memphis, or perhaps as the name of Memphis itself.

13 As the old Egyptian cubit = 0.525 metres in length, the rails were 31.6 metres long, 15.75 metres broad, and contained a superficies of 496 metres.

14 According to De Rouge, who follows Bunsen and Lepsius.

15 In old Egyptian, Kaf or Kafi, a remarkable word, as it is clearly recognised again in the Hebrew Kof, Sanscrit Kapi, Greek Kepos, Kebos, Latin Cepus.

16 See p. 118.

17 Compare Sallier, pap. II.

18 This hitherto unknown inscription was accidentally discovered on an excursion from Korusko by my travelling companion, Dr. Luttge, in 1875, who afterwards accompanied me to the place.

19 The word Benben, in old Egyptian, has the same meaning as the Greek word Pyramidion, i.e. the highest point of an obelisk. The Benben accordingly had the form of a small pyramid, and was venerated in the temple of On with devotion similar to that paid to the omphalos in the temple of Delphi.

20 During a journey which I made in Italy this year, I had the opportunity of seeing, at Florence, the stone which was first mentioned by Champollion (Letters from Egypt, p. 101, 2nd ed.), and of copying exactly the above-mentioned names. The former spelling of some of them has been corrected.

21 In the Louvre, exhibited C.

22 Compare vol. i. p. 135.

23 See the annexed table.

24 On the origin of this name compare p. 9 of my book l'Exode et les Monuments Egyptiens, Leipzig: 1875.

25 In a work just published, The Sun-and-Sirius Year of the Ramesides, with the Secret of the Intercalation and the Year of Julius Caesar (Leipzig, 1875), the author, Herr Karl Kiel, has undertaken, in great detail, to adduce the proof that the date from the year 400 of the 4th Mesori of King Nub relates to the introduction of the feast of the Sun-and-Sirius year in the year 1766, in which the 15th of Pachons of the changing year fell on the l0th of Thot of the fixed year, that is on the real normal day of the rising of Sirius. Without wishing to pass a judgment on the value of this view, we will confine ourselves to one simple remark. The work which has been carried out, and which is conducted with unmistakable thoroughness and knowledge of the subject, must be examined in its whole extent and connection before we can be permitted to give a fixed opinion on the changes which are there pointed out on the subject of the Egyptian calendar. I will here state that the existence which I have long conjectured of a fixed year in many dates on Egyptian monuments here finds full confirmation.

26 Again a Semitic word; the Hebrew Ohil, with the same meaning.

27  The translation of this sentence presents a difficulty which I can hardly think I have solved. There can, however, be no doubt of the general meaning, and that the author of the inscription intended to say what I have pointed out in my translation.

28 We will adduce further examples, borrowed from the work of Manetho, which leave no doubt that the Greek sign for s was used to represent the old Egyptian sound sh. Manetho transcribes the kings names, Sheshonq as Sesonchis, Shabak as Sabakon, Shabatak as Sebichos. Also the name of King Chufu, which the Egyptians at the time of the composition of the work of Manetho pronounced Shufu, was transcribed by Manetho Suphis. The older, and only correct pronunciation of this name has been carefully preserved in the Cheops of Herodotus.

29 Compare Huego's History of the Arabs, 2nd ed., p. 11.

30 On the stone of Tanis the Greek translator renders this term by the well-known word Hierogrammata, or Temple scribes.

31 Compare Lepsius, Denkm. II. 143, i. On the upper part of the rock-tablet, are seen the pictures of the Memphitic God Patah and of the divinities of Troja; a Hathor and the Anubis-jackal of Sap. The inscription below runs 'new rock chambers were opened, in order to quarry limestone of An to use for the long-enduring temple of the holiness of this God (namely Fatah).'

32 In my French edition of this work I have given 52 as the number answering to that in the original text, being uncertain as to the mark, which has been destroyed behind the group, for 50. The number of 120 Epha of Durra seems to me proportionally to be too great to the number of 52 goats, and 2 x 60 would give exactly 120 Epha. These corrections are the result of a new examination of the inscription on the spot during my stay in Upper Egypt in 1875.

33 Or also, 'to each hungry person.'

34 Compare my Dictionary under 'Bark,' p. 440.

35 Pa'anekh, 'the place of life,' was the peculiar designation of the capital of this nome in the holy writing. The whole long word is to be analysed into its component parts in the old Egyptian language.
Za p- u nt p- a 'anckh.
"Governor of the district of the place of life."

36  Examples of this are first found on the monuments long after Joseph's time, particularly in relation to Persian officials. On the rock tablet of Hammamat, the inscription of which bears the dates one after another of the sixth year of King Cambyses, thirty-sixth of King Darius, and twelfth of King (Xe)r(xes), there is expressly mentioned ar en Saris en Paras, made by a Chamberlain (or eunuch) from Persian land.' From these very clear and intelligible words, to make out that the reading should be 'from a way to it (i.e. Egypt) from Persia,' as has been lately stated in an academical essay, must cause astonishment. 'Daniel stood as a page under the protection of a captain of a Saris at the court of the Persian king' (Daniel i. 3); and "Saris served before Ahasveros, the king of the Persians and Medes, to carry out his commands,'' Esther i. 10).

37 We will further on, at the proper place, make our readers acquainted with this important and hitherto unpublished monument of the Turin collection.

38 Joshua XIX. 6. Compare my Geographische Inchriften II. p. 32.

39 P. 208, near the bottom.

40 Compare page 258.

41 See p. 251.

42 The change of the Egyptian m into the Greek β is one of the most common occurrences in the transcription of foreign names. The Egyptians, in the time of Ptolemy, according to all probability, pronounced the name something like Jomakhak, Jobakhak.

43 Compare p. 250.

44 See my Geographical Inscriptions, vol. I. p. 53, where the fsources of information are mentioned.

45 Compare p. 285.

46 The translation is very uncertain.

47 Of this I was able in the year 1851 clearly to read the following words:
As ...  the king's children, just as he wished, in the town of Aluna) see ....

48 See Denkmaler III. 39 d., the inscriptions of a tomb in the hill of Abd-el-Qurnah.

49 According to the inscriptions on one of the fragments at the Temple of Elephantine, which Thutmes III. erected in honour of the god Khnum, the customary feasts of Amon were held there also. The fragment which has been preserved tells us of' a feast of Amon on the new year's day of the first of Thut, which lasted 3+ (2) days, as also of a feast of Amon of the Southern Thebes, which began on the 15th of Paophi, and was kept up 11 (+z1) days. Under the reign of Ramses III. the same feast began on the 19th Paophi and lasted 24 days, while the eve of the feast (Khet) took place on the 18th of Paophi.

50 We use the phrase 'Hall of Pillars' the better to distinguish this edifice from the still more fitmous 'Hall of Columns' or 'Great Hall' of king Seti I. (see Vol. IL p. 10), especially as the pillars in the hall of Thutmes III. are square, and those in Seti's hall are round. Ed.

51 Compare above, pp. 292, 293.

52 Leipzig, 1875.

53 Egyptische Zeitachrift, Jahrgang 1873, p. 3.

54 Pap. Anastasi, No. I., p. 22, line 3.

55 Compare p. 348.

56 Phoenizisches Alfertkum, Bd. iii.

57 In the place of the An, one catalogue only names 'the north countries.'

58 The remarks included in the brackets relate to the identifying of names known from other sources in these extensive countries as they here and there occurred to me on particular monuments in Nubia, or otherwise in the historians, with their Egyptian designations. An M attached to them has reference to the identification of them by Monsieur Mariette, which depends upon deeper researches, and of which a certain selection must not be considered as correctly ascertained. There still remains a rich field open for later labours. The names and the numbers included in angular brackets relate to an epitome of the same lists of the time of Ramses the Third (see Duemichen. Inscriptions, Vol. I. Table XIII.). The numbers on the right refer to another list of the reign of Amenhotep the Third. The Ramses list gives the information that the kings according to their pleasure copied on the walls from their official catalogue of cities and countries what they pleased. A regular succession and order was entirely disregarded.

59 See above, page 304.

60 Yet I will remark beforehand to the reader, that in a rock inscription of the twenty-fifth year of this king (see further on), the peninsula of Sinai is designated by the term 'land of the gods.'

61 For a translation of the famous poem of Pentaur on the heroic exploits of Ramses II. in his war against the Khita, and an account of the various forms in which it has been preserved, see Vol. II., pp. 45, and 52, foll

62 The inscription was for the first time completely published in Marriette's beautiful work on Kamak (see Tables 15 and 16).

63 Compare pp. 60, 61.

64 Compare p. 313.

65 The whole inscription is printed in Mariette's Kafmak, Plate 19. Some signs in the hieroglyphic text need rectification.

66 See Table 32, in Marietie's work upon Karnak. The words at the beginning must be corrected to 'erta aner.'

67 See Denkm. III. 38, o-d.

68 Already, in the year 1851, 1 copied the beautifully chiselled inscriptions of a gate in white limestone, with the name of this king, after repeated visits to the place itself.

69 Compare Denkm. III. 29, e.

70 See Denkmaller, III. 63, a.

71 i.e length is just 190 English feet. Ed.

72 See the Corpus Inscriptionum Orcecaonus, No. 4699, and following numbers

73 The names which have 'The' before them are written in Egyptian with ' Pa/ the EgypHaxL maaculme article.

74 Perhaps the quarries of Silsilis are here meant, which in fact lie on the east and west sides of the river, and the inscriptions of which refer to these works.

75 According to actual measurement, the height of the sitting figures, from the crown of the head to the sole of the feet, is 14.28 metres, not counting the destroyed head-dress. The footstool has a height of 4.25 metres. The whole height of the statues, with the foundation, is 18.53 metres. According to the above inscription, which gives the whole a height of 21 metres, the headdress must be reckoned at 2.47 metres, which answers exactly to the height of a so-called pshent-crown.

76 The sitting statues of Mut with lions' heads (as emblems of Sokhet), which have been found in the ruins, for the most part bear the name of the founder, Amenhotep III.

77 This explanation of the sounds issuing from the vocal Memnon was first put forth by Sir David Brewster in the Quarterly Review, No. 88, February 1831, in a review of Herschel's Treatise on Sound, before its suggestion by Letronne and Humboldt; and it is undoubtedly the correct explanation, notwithstanding Sir Gardner Wilkinson's discovery of a stone in the lap of the statue, which gives forth a ringing sound on being struck. Many such stones exist (witness the 'rock harmonium'), and the presence of this one may be a mere coincidence. A possible cause of a phenomenon is not therefore its actual cause. It is hard to see how the priests could have played the trick without detection by the many inquisitive travellers, and, if the stone had been placed there to be so used, the vocal Memnon would have been in full play during the whole period of its glory. The decisive argument is, that the sound is never recorded as being heard before the statue was broken, or after its repair. The present writer has heard notes sounding from a stone wall, heated by the early morning sun, and from earthen vessels containing boiling water; and in one recent instance (as a curious parallel to Brugsch's experience) exactly like the ticking of a watch. A full account of the vocal Memnon, and the attesting inscriptions, is given in the Quarterly Review, No. 276, April 1875, vol. xxviii, pp. 529. Ed.

78 See my essay upon this in the Eyptische Zeitschrift, 1875, p. 133.

79 A Pharaonic mode of speech, which is as much as to say, 'As I lay my hand on the knob of my staff, so will I lay my hand for protection on the head of a particular person.' Comp. Gen. xlvii. 31, as quoted in Heb. xi. 21.

80 The document is published in Mariette's Kamak's Table 34.

81 The Egyptian word for this, s'ankh, means literally 'the vivifier,' 'the giver of life.' In the tombs of Tell-el-Amama the same word stands near two sculptors, who are chiselling an arm and a head in stone. See Denkmaler, III. 100. a.

82 I am indebted for a knowledge of this inscription to M. Mariette-Bey, who discovered it on a rock near the town of Assooan (Syene).

83 See his Monuments, Plates xiii. and foll.

84 Compare Denkmaler, III., 115, the tomb of Qumat Mmray.

85 Compare Denkmaler, III. 105 a.

86 Compare Denknaler, III. 110, c. h.

87 Without doubt the name of this queen must be read thus, instead of 'Beni-mut,' as Lepsius gives it in his Komgebuch, No. 397.

88 So far as I know, I here give for the first time the full translation of this important document. (The inscription has been since translated by Dr. Birch in the Records of the Past, vol. x. pp. 29, fol. Ed.)

89 The peshent or double crown of Upper and Lower Egypt.

90 The inscription is given in Mariette's Karnak, Plate 47 d.

91 I first published the inscription now quoted in my Recueil de Monum. Egypt., tome i. pl. 37. The translation of the inscription given by M. Pierret in the Melanges Archaeologie Egypt, et Assyr, tome ii. p. 196, seems to me to need correction in several passages.

92 See British Museum, 'Egyptian Inscriptions,' No. 5624.

93 Compare Herod. ii 124. '[Cheops] made the subterranean chambers [under his pyramid] for his own tomb on an island, making a canal to it from the Nile.' And further, c. 1 27, of the pyramid of Cephren: 'For it neither has subterranean chambers beneath it, nor is there a canal flowing into it from the Nile, as into the other; for (in the latter) it flows in through a channel.'

94 ' For the better understanding of the frequent allusions in the following pages to the partB of the temple of Kamak, the reader maj consult Muntty's Handbook for Egypt, with the Plan on p. 440.— Ed.

95 ' Respecting this important road, and the localities by which its oDorBe is determined, see further the author's Discourse on ' the Exodns and the Egyptian Monuments ' at the end of this Tolame. Ed.

96 In the great Harris papyrus of the time of Eamessu III. Kan'aan is called a fortress * of the land of ZahL' Did this land then extend as far as the shores of the Dead Sea.

97 Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. iv. pp. 1, foll. 1875.

98 Compare Denkmaler, III. pp. 132, &c.

99 Ibid.

100 See Lieblein, Dictionary of Names, No. 882,

101 The feast began on the 19th of Paophi. It lasted twenty-six days, and it ended on the 12th of Athyr. On the 17th of Athyr the feast of the fifth day after it took place; so that the journey of the king to Abydus is fixed precisely to the 23rd of Athyr.

102 See Herodotus, vii. 72, where the Ligyes are mentioned as a people of Asia Minor, next to the Matieni and the Mariandyni, as allies in the Persian host.

103 Compare Herodotus, i. 189.

104 The parts of this temple which were dug out have been again covered up with sand.

105 Kiti means 'circle,' like the Hebrew Galilee.

106 A translation of this poem by Lushington is given in the Records of the Past, vol. ii. pp. 65, foll. Ed.

107 The presence of these grown-up sons will prove to a French scholar that Ramses II. could not have fought at Kadesh as a boy of ten years old,

108 This treaty has been translated by Mr. C. W. Goodwin, in the Records of the Past, vol. iv. p. 25l. [Ed.]

109 Mr. Goodwin gives 'to carry away anything from it (Egypt),' and so vice versa in the next clause. Ed.

110 The two following lines of the conclusion are in fact too much destroyed to enable us to find out any connection between them and the parts which have been preserved.

111 Compare above, the numbers 25, 28, 79 (Vol. I. pp. 363-4). It is highly probable that the countries and peoples mentioned here scarcely extended beyond Napata. Main (No. 4, ibid,) for example, is mentioned as in Anibe, in the neighbourhood of Ibrim.

112 This inscription is translated by Dr. Birch, in the Records of the Past, vol. viii, p. 75, foll.

113 A very obscure and uncertain passage. The whole inscription is in high-flown and unwieldy language, which makes it difficult for the translator to keep hold of the threads of the description. The introduction is in a singularly bombastic style.

114 See above, Vol. I. p. 116.

115 See my Essay, 'A new city of Ramses,' in the Egyptische Zeitschrift, 1876, page 69.

116 On this interesting question of identification, see further below, pp. 128-9.

117 See Table III. at the end of this volume, 'Genealogy of Amen-om-an, the Architect of the City of Ramses.'

118 One of these is the well known one now in Paris, where it occupied the centre of the Place de la Concorde.

119 We acquire full information on the name of the Ramesseum of Heliopolis, and on the person of its architect, from two inscriptions in the quarry to the north of the second pyramid of Gizeh, that of king Khafra. The smaller inscription runs, 'The architect of the city of the Son (Pira), Mai: 'the greater one,' The architect of the beautiful temple of Ramessu Miamun in the great temple of the Ancient one (a surname of the sun-god Ra), Mai, a son of the architect Bok-en-amon of Thebes.' Below in like manner the sculptor from the life, Pa-uer, has immortalized himself. Mai, the son of Bok-en-amon, certainly belonged to that great family of architects, whose genealogy we will hereafter lay before our readers. (The Table referred to is given below. Chap. XIX., p. 299).

120 See Vol. I. p. 259. This 'Tablet of 400 years' is translated by Dr. S. Birch, in the Records of the Past, vol. iv. p. 33, foll. Ed.

121 Comp. Melanges d'Archeo. Egypt, tome ii. p. 288, foll.

122 This 'Letter of Panbesa, containing an account of the city of Rameses,' is translated by Mr. C. W. Goodwin, in the Records of the Past, vol. vi. p. 11, foll. Ed.

123 The Egyptian for court is Pa-khennu. The word means the residence of a king for the time being, as, for example, in the inscription first decyphered by me, of the seventh year of Alexander II. (see Egypt. Zeitschrift, 171, p. 2), it is related of Ptolemy I. that he made the city of Alexandria his Khennu, that is his residence. It would lead to many errors to recognise this sense in the same appellation found in the quarries of Silsilis, as has been done, among others, by M. Maspero and Professor Lauth, of Munich, who has even made a high school in the midst of the quarries of Silsilis; but such errors are easily avoided by a research into the real meaning of the inscriptions.

124 I give this name conjecturally, as the Egyptian word is not yet explained.

125 Respecting the above translation I maybe allowed to remark, that the versions of the document, as yet known to me, labour under the common fault of mistaking the connection of the several parts of the description given in the letter, or rather of not expressing it at all. One sentence follows another without any transition from the preceding to the succeeding.

126 Exod. i. 13: 'And they built for Pharaoh treasure cities, Pithom and Ramses.'

127  See Vol. I. p. 294.

128 See Vol. iI. p. 43.

129 See Vol. II. p. 68.

130 Zareah means in Hebrew to beat, to sting, particularly with relation to Zir'eah, hornets, wasps; hence the play upon the name of the city.

131 This word seems to l^e connected with Kislon (i.e., strong), which was the name, for example, of the father of Elidad, the prince of the tribe of Benjamin (see Numbers xxxiv. 21).

132 A very remarkable word, which shows a full knowledge of Semitic in the writer. In Hebrew also, ariel or ariely 'the lion of God,' means a hero. In 2 Sam. xxiii. 20, it is related of Benaiah, of Qabzed (the name sounds uncommonly like Qazail-oni), that he, the commander of the bodyguard of David, slew two Moabitish 'irifl, i.e. heroes ('lion-like men of Moab,' A.V.); killed a lion snowed up in a pit, and overcame an Egyptian in full armour with only a staff.

133 An expression with a double meaning, intelligible to those who know the secondary sense at the present day of the oriental word 'rags,' in Arabic Sharmutah.

134 Comp. Vol. I, pp. 102-3.

135 Josephus, Antiq, ii. 9, 35; Artapanus, apud Euseb. Praep. Evang, ix. 27.

136 See Vol. I. p. 442.

137 Champollion has briefly described the extensive but much-ruined sepulchre of this man, on the west side of Thebes, in his Notices Descript, tome i., p. 538. On its second door the French hierogrammatist read the following inscription: 'The hereditary lord and president of the prophets of Amonra, the lord of Thebes, the first prophet of Amon, Bekenkhonsu, the blessed.'

138 This inscription is translated by Dr. S. Birch, in the Records of the Past, vol. iv. pp. 39, foll.

139 Called Touho by the Copts, in Middle Egypt.

140 This regnal year is determined once for all by a monument which I have discovered at Cairo. See also my work, in the press, 'On the Libyan Peoples in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries before Christ.'

141 May they have been revolted prisoners of war, whom Ramses II. (Sesostris) had brought from Asia to Egypt in his military expeditions!

142 See Vol. n., p. 44.

143 Ibid. p. 68.

144 Ibid.. p. 118.

145 The BJehrew Zarthon, Zaretan in the A.V. (Josh. iii. 16).

146 Pap. Anastasi VI., pp. 4, 5.

147 Psalm Ixxviii. 43.

148 Translated for the first time by Mr. Goodwin in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. iii., part L, pp. 342, foll.

149 See our account of the life of his predecessor, Bek-en-khonsu.

150 On the striking light which this letter throws on the passage of the Israelites out of Egypt, see the author's discourse on 'The Exodus and the Egyptian Monuments,' printed at the end of this volume (p. 359).

151 Marked L on the plan of Mariette-Bey.

152 The first part of this beautiful tale, which contains a wonderful parallel to the history of Joseph, has been already given in Vol. I. pp. 266-268. The whole is translated by Mr. P. le Page Renouf, in the Records of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 137, foll. Ed.

153 The most recent translation of the 'Great Harris Papyrus.' by Professor Eisenlohr and Dr. Samuel Birch, is given in the Records of the Past, vols. vi. and viii. The historical part here referred to, forming the last five of the seventy-nine leaves into which the papyrus was divided by Mr. Harris (Plates 75-79 of the British Museum publication), begins at vol. vi., p. 45 (see Dr. Brugsch's mention of the B. M. edition in his Preface). Ed.

154 Literally, walled up. That this punishment was sometimes inflicted by the kings, I can prove as an eye-witness. When Mariette-Bey opened the sepulchres of the Apis-bulls in the Serapeum, in 1850, there was found in one of the walls the skeleton of a culprit who had been walled up in ancient times.

155 Herod. ii. 121.

156 See above, Vol. I. p. 265.

157 See Vol. I. p. 63.

158 We are irresistibly reminded of Bede's description (E. H, ii. 16) of the security established in Britain by Edwin of Northumbria, 'ut, sicut usque hodie in proverbio dicitur, etaam si mulier una cum recens nato parvulo vellet totam perambulare insulam a man ad mare, nullo se Isdente valeret.' Ed.

159 From a hieratic inscription on the rock of the quarry of Silsilis, put up in the month Pachons of the fifth year of Ramses III., it is clearly ascertained that, at the date named, the king had given to his court-official, Seti-em-hib, the treasurer of the temple about to be founded anew, the commission to quarry stones at that place for the building. Here is the translation of this record: 'In the year 5, in the month Pachons, under the reign of the king and lord of the land, User-ma-ra Miamun, the son of Ra and lord of the crowns, Ramses Haq-An, the friend of all the gods, the dispenser of life for ever and ever, the command of his royal Majesty was issued to the treasurer Seti-em-hib, at the temple of many yeara' duration of King User-ma-ra Miamun in the city of Amon, to put into execution the monumental works at the temple of many years' duration of King User-ma-ra Miamun in the city of Amon on the west side of Us (Thebes).

[Catalogue] of the people who wore under his command : men 2,000
Hewers of stone : men ...... 200
The crews of 40 broad ships of 100 cubits long (?) and of 4 pairs of ships with beaks . . . 800
Making together individual heads 3,000.'

160 Not of fear, but of eager agitation, as it in said below of the war-horses. Ed.

161 How it was possible to translate so simple a sentence, in opposition to the first rules of grammar, by 'they were brave people of another country,' appears absolutely incomprehensible.

162 This phrase is used here as, in our translation of the Bible, of the wind turn. Jeremiah ii. 24, xiv. 6. Ed.

163 A translation of this list is also given, with the rest of the inscription, by Dr. S. Birch in the Records of the Past, vol. vi., p. 1 7, foll.

164 In last September's sitting of the Royal Society of the Sciences at Gottingen (1877) I took the opportunity to state more fully the proofs of these discoveries.

165 Science is indebted to Mr. Dumichen for the publication of these important lists, from which the same scholar has with great acumen fixed the size of several very important measures of corn used in ancient times.

166 Compare Horapollo, i. 10.

167 This document, called by M. Deveria (Journal Asiatique, 1865) 'Le Papyrus Judiciare de Turin,' is translated by Mr. le Page Renouf in the Records of the Past, vol. viii. pp, 53, foll. Ed.

168 The exact total of all the persons of the expedition enumerated gives the number 8,365, instead of 8,368. The difference of throe lies in some error of the copy which I possess. The original total, including those who died on the road, was 9,268. A loss of nearly 10 per cent, is enormous, and exemplifies the hardships which a sojourn in the inhospitable regions and rocky valleys of Hammamat inflicts upon the traveller, even to the present day. So much the more is the endurance and perseverance to be admired, with which, at the command of the Khedive, the officers of the Egyptian staff, for the most part Europeans and Americans, have now been engaged for several years in the task of most carefully improving these sterile mountain-valleys.

169 See Vol. I. p. 123.

170 See Vol. II. p. 79.

171 See Vol. I. p. 265; Vol. II. p. 140.

172 8ee Vol. I. p. 133.

173 See Vol. I. p. 427.

174 See Vol. I. p. 247.

175 In the table of Egyptian Measures and Weights, given in the Records of the Past (vol. ii. p. 164), the Kat (Ket) is estimated at 140 grains, and the Ten at 1,400 grains. The Ten is roughly called a Pound, and the Kat or Ket an Ounce or Didi-achm; but these terms by no means correspond to their actual values. The equivalents of the measures of capacity named in the following list are unknown. Ed.

176 To guard against a possible confusion, we may remind the reader that the Shashanq here spoken of, king of Assyria, and father of Nimrod, is the grandfather of the Shaahanq, son of Nimrod, who is mentioned in the preceding paragraph as having ultimately become Shashanq I., king of Egypt. (See the Genealogical Table IV.) Ed.

177 Among the copies taken by me at Thebes in 1851 is that of an inscription on stone, which begins with the names and titles of Shashanq I., and thus supplies these formula?

178 Written by other Egyptologists Sheshonk.

179 1 Kings xi 26-40.

180 1 Kings xii.; 2 Chron. iii.

181 1 Kings xiv. 25-28; 2 Chron. xii.

182 See below, p. 210.

183 Compare above, Vol. I. p. 258.

184 This statement refers to the line of architects which we have added to the Genealogical Table of the Kings. (See the left column of Table lV., of the Royal Families of Dynasties XX.-XXYI.)

185 The author gives also the form Thakeloth in the Genealogical Table. Ed.

186 See the Genealogical Table lV. of Dynasties XX.-X2:yL

187 I have several times confirmed the statement of the day from the monument itself.

188 See Genealogical Table IV. of the Families of Dynasties.

189 Observe the discrepancy between this and No. I. It seems from the calculation given below, that the 29 of No. I. is the right. Ed.

190 The order of words is here preserved to show that "is" ends the inscription. Ed.

191 The reader should carefully recall to memory our remark on the numbering of the regnal years of the Egyptian kings (Vol. I. p. 315).

192 The story of King Boccboris, who stands alone in the Twenty-fourth Dynasty of Manetho, forms a part of the history of the Ethiopian sovereignty over Egypt (see below, p. 271). Ed.

193 See Chap, xvi., p. 191.

194 See Vol. I., p. 415.

195 This name, the Mazor of the hieroglyphic inscriptions, is probably the special name of the Tanitic Nome.

196 2 Isaiah xix. 13; Jer. ii. 16, xlvi. 14, 19; Ezek. xxx, 13, 16.

197 The translations of this important document, with which I am acquainted^ one in English and another in German, are far from giving, even approximately, the right sense of all the clauses of this inscription, which has been of the greatest service to me in the preparation of my Hieroglyphical Dictionary. In the passages that are easy to understand the translator can claim no special merit. It is when he comes to the hard ones that the old proverb applies: 'Hic Rhodus, hic salta.' [The inscription has been translated into English by Canon Cook, first as a seperate pamphlet—The Inscription of Pianchi Mer-Amon, king of Egypt, in the 8th century B.C. Translated by F. C. Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter, &c.,' 187—and again in the Records of the Past, vol. ii. pp. 81, foll. Ed.]

198 See Table IV.

199 Literally, 'taste the taste of my finger.' Compare the boast of Reboboam, 'My little finger shall be thicker than my father's loins' (1 Kings xii. 10). Ed.

200 The literal sense of this word expresses in the original, 'in the measure of an inundation.'

201 This title of his is taken from the additional inscription on the sculpture over the inscription of Pi-ankhi. He is there represented as lying on the ground, with the Assyrian satrap's-fillet on his head (just as Darius I. is distinguished in the temple of the Oasis of Hibe), and in the annext inscription he is designated as 'Satrap A-ka-nesh.'

202 There seems to be here a twofold meaning; first, an appeal to the general principle, that punishment ought not to exceed the measure of the crime, and, secondly, a particular application of that principle to the sparing of the trees and fruits (which the Egyptians were wont to destroy in war), especially as they now belonged to the victorious king. Ed.

203 This 'Stele of the Dream' has been translated into French by M. G. Maspero, in the Revue Archeologique, 1868, tome i. p. 329; and into English, by the same scholar, in the Record of the Past, vol. iv. pp. 79, foll.

204 Asshur-bani-pal, the son of Esar-haddon, are the forms of the names more familiar to English readers. See the late lamented Mr. George Smith's History of Assur-bani-pal, and his translation of the Annals of Assurbanipal in the Records of the Past, vols. i. and ix.

205 See the great Genealogical Table (IV.).

206 The reader would do well to look at Haigh's remarks in the Egypt. Zeitschrift, 1871, p. 112; and 1872, p. 125, and my own in the same journal 1871, p. 29.

207 'The Assyrian word which we translation 'king' throughout the inscription is sar, Ed.

208 On the frequent recurrence of this phrase, we translate it simply 'father' or 'parent.' Ed.

209 That is, 'under their command,' but the sense is not quite certain.

210 So Oppert gives the name here, Tarka. We keep Dr. Brugsch's. Ed.

211 So Brugsch. Oppert gives 'naves rates (1) qunquaa cum ae (erant) viros pugnie prehendi jusait.' Ed.

212 Oppert translates this clause: 'Insuper prsesidia mea anteriora auxi.' Ed.

213 Salukakri (Oppert).

214 This sentence is of doubtful interpretation. Oppert renders it: 'Tearco e media Egypto non retrovadet, reformidatur et vos (the gap represents the words aaabani mi t-nw, which he leaves untranslated). Ed.

215 Hinc fidem obligamus, nunquam peccabitur in foedera nostro aliorsiim, domine.' (Oppert.) The meaning of the contrast—hinc and aliorsum—is not quite clear. Is it 'We will keep it on our own part, and not let others (the Assyrians) make us break it'? Ed.

216 The Assyrian names are Mempi, Sat, Bindidiy Sa'nu.

217 M. Oppert (p. 72) quotes the suggestion of M. Lenormant, that the Assyrian expression bel-mate is the exact translation of the Egyptian royal title 'Lord of the two regions.' Ed.

218 The reader will notice that these names are an introductory part of the sentence that follows the list. The Egyptian forms of the names are placed in ( ) after the Assyrian forms, with the classical equivalents, when they can be recognised. Ed.

219 So Brugsch, but the line is very imperfect. Oppert gives only . . . na-aii'du (1) sar Ah ..... Ed.

220 So Brugsch. Oppert has 'Tearco ex media-Egypto non ret ro vadet.' Ed.

221 The phrases in brackets are supplied from the identical narrative in document IIL. Ed.

222 The narratives of the double capture of Thebes by Assurbinapal are of singular interest for the light they throw on the striking allusion to its fate in Nahum iii. 8-10, which had no known historical counterpart till the discovery of these records. Ed.

223 The β of Oppert, p. 87.

224 See above, p. 264.

225 M. Oppert (p. 77) remarks on the perplexity caused by the use, in this document, of the 3rd person plural, instead of the 1st singular, as seeming to imply that the Assyrian king did not himself go to Thebes. We supply from Oppert 's text the first sentence, which Dr. Brugsch omits. Ed.

226 In this passage, on one of the cylinders, Urdameneh is called 'the son of Sabaku,' from which it may be inferred that Tirhakali, after displacing Sabaco, made that king's wife his own (see Birch's History of Egypt, p. 1 69). This disco very affords another illustration of the disturbed and complicated relations between the Ethiopian kings of this period (comp. pp. 255, 269). Ed.

227 Assurbanipal, Sardanapalus VI. according to Oppert. Ed.

228 2 Herodotus (ii. 152) says that Neco, the father of Psammitichus, was put to death by Sabaco, the Ethiopian (perhaps confusing Tirhakah with Sabaco). Ed.

229 Table IV. Comp. above, p. 266.

230 They stand in Manetho as follows:
Shabak (Sabacon) ....  ....... 12 years.
Shabatak (Sebichus) ... .....  12   "
Taharaqua (Taracus) ..... ...  26  " 

231 On this whole subject the reader should compare the hieroglyphic inscriptions and the pictures in Mariette's Karnak (PI. 42-44). On a round enamelled plate, which was found in the temple of Mut (PI. 47, 6), he bears the titles of 'hereditary lord, commander, prince of Patoris, president of the prophets, second prophet of Amon of Ape, fourth prophet of Amon, Month-em-ha.'

232 Table IV. Comp. above, p. 266.

233 Table IV.

234 This epithet is to be referred either to her husband, king Pi-ankhi, or, as is more probable, to the god Anion, as whose high-priestess the queens of Patoris and to bear the title: 'Wife of the god Amon.'

235 From the Ethiopic Fila-q the Greeka formed the welt-known Dune Philu (Philte), by dropping the final article, as if they knew that this formed the essential part of the word. Just the same course was taken by the Hebrews, who changed the name of the Ethiop-Egyptian king Shaba-k ('male-cat-the') to the simple form Sewe (Shab, 'male-cat').

236 Like the Jungfrau; but this was named in honour of the Blessed Virgin. Ed.

237 But the inverse order of the English would correspond to the Ethiopic thus: 'horse-the-of-son-the.' Ed.

238 Compare my Essay, 'A Decree of the Satrap Ptolenuaeus, the son of Lagos,' in the Egypt. Zeitschrift, 1871, p. 2. For a further account of the text referred to, see below, p. 305.

239 Most of these monuments were obtained from excavations at Sais, and are in the Museums of Italy.

240 Besides its determination of the life-time of the Apis in question, this record is of special importance for the length of the reign of King Taharaqa. The reading—made in the year which has not the least grammatical foundation—is absolutely contradicted by other inscriptions containing similar data.' (See what is said below, under the reign of Cambyses.)

241 'The Pharaoh-Hophra of the Bible, and the Apries of Herodotus.

242 From Dr. Bmgsch's Additions and Corrections. The text of the History gives only a summary of the dates derived from the inscription. Ed.

243 The sarcophagus of each Apis-bull.

244 See further below, p. 30IJ.

245 See above, the Inscription No. V., p. 288.

246 No. 2,296 of Marietta's List.

247 Already mentioned as a work of art, p. 282. The late Viscount de Rouge was the first who contributed to science some fragments of the above inscription (Revue Archeologique, 1851). Our translation which has profited by the latest advances in the science of deciphering the old Egyptian writings, contains for the first time the whole inscription in its entire sequence. [The tenth volume of Records of the Past contains a new translation of this inscription, or anther series of ten inscriptions, on the statue called 'the Pastophorus of the Vatican,' by Mr. le Page Renouf, who reads the name of the Egyptian officer Ut'a-Hor-resent. Mr. Renouf acknowledges his obligation to the above translation (in the German) of Dr. Brugsch, whose example he follows in suppressing the name and titles which begin with inscription, and for which there is often no equivalent in our modern language. We have followed Mr. Renouf in prefixing a distinctive number to each of the separate inscriptions. Ed.]

248 The last words, addressed to Osiris, the Eternal, have relation to the particular form of the statue. The chief physician of Sais is represented as standing upright, with his hands embracing a shrine, in the interior of which is seen the mummy of Osiris. It should not be forgotten that the Peraian kings were glad to employ the Egyptian physicians, whose skill gained them high renown in the ancient world.

249 The inscription of Darius at the temple of El-Khargeh has been translated by Dr. S. Birch in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. v. pp. 293, foll., (with the original text), and in the Records of the Pasty vol. viii. pp. 135, foll. Ed.

250 See above, p. 98.

251 For further information about the temple and its inscriptions, I would refer to my work on the Oasis of El-Khargeh and its Temple-ruins y which is now in the press. [The work referred to has now been published, under the title of 'Reise nach dem grossen Oase el Khargeh in der Libyschen Wuste, Von Heinrich Brugsch-Bey.' Besides a full archaeological account of the Great Oasis, down to Roman and Christian times, and translations of two very interesting inscriptions, containing hymns of the time of Darius II., the work abounds in new information on the secret writing, the mysteries of Osiris, and other matters concerning the geography, language, and mythology of ancient Egypt. Ed.]

252 See above, p. 211.

253 Memoire sur les Rapports de l'Egypte et de l'Assyrie, pp. 1 25, f. As before, we have collated Dr. Brugsch's translation with M. Oppert's Latin and French versions. Ed.

254 This seems to apply to the Erythraean Sea, in the wide sense in which the name is used by Herodotus, including what is now called the Arabian Sea, with the Persian Gulf and Bed Sea, the latter haying also the special name of the Arabian Gulf. Ed.

255 May we perhaps understand by Bira the Egyptian Pi-ra 'the [city of] the Run,' namely, Heliopolis?

256 Strabo, xvii., p. 804. Oppert's own words will be found interesting: 'We can read through the laconism of this inscription which, allowing for the position in which the king places himself, nevertheless establishes a failure. Darius wished to unite the Nile and the sea by a fresh-water canal; to resume and finish the work which had been attributed first to Sesostus, and which Neco, the son of Psammetichus, had in vain tried to accomplish. But neither was Darius able to bring the work to a successful issue.' Then follows the reference to Strabo, who knew the fallacy of the opinion which, however, was current even to our own times. Ed.

257 See above, p. 285.

258 See above, p. 280, note. The tenth volume of Records of the Past (pp. 67, foll.) contains an English translation, by Mr. Drach, of Dr. Brugsch's German translation of the whole inscription in the Zeitschrift fur Egypt. Sprach, Jan. 1871. The title of 'satrap,' used by the future founder of the dynasty of the Ptolemies, refers to his nominal subjection to Alexander Egus, the son of Alexander the Great and Roxana (b.c. 317-311), in whose 7th year the inscription is dated. 3ee also Dr. Birch's Paper on the Tablet in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archceology, vol. i., p. 20.

259 Now in the Royal Museum at Berlin.

260 In relating the last paragraph, we have not thought that the name of the critic referred to, or certain remarks as the translation of the same inscription by another French scholar, would be of interest to the English reader. In fact, Dr. Brugsch, in his pamphlet of 'Additions and Corrections,' while directing the transposition of the above free translation to its place at vol. 1, p. 160, leaves the last paragraph to be omitted. The diraotum reached us too late for the transposition to be made; indeed we prefer to see the literal and free translation aide by side; and the principles involved in the last paragraph, as to our present understanding of the older inscriptions, seemed to us too important to be omitted. Ed.

261 See p. 336 of the following Discourse.

262 Exod. i. 11. Observe that Rameses has already been mentioned by anticipation, to mark the locality in which the children of Israel were settled when they came into Egypt; Gen. xlvii. 11: 'And Joseph placed his father and his brethren, and gave them a possession in the land of Egypt, in the best of the land, in the land of Rameses, as Pharaoh had commanded.' Ed.

263 Exod. xii. 37.

264 Ibid, and xiii 20.

265 Ibid, xiii. 20.

266 Ibid, xiv. 2.

267 'Mer des Algues,' the translation of the Hebrew, 'the sea of souph,' which the LXX. always render by [Greek] (as also in the N. T., Acts vii. 36, Heb. xi. 29), except in Judges ix. 16, where they preserve the Hebrew name in the form [Greek]. Ed.

268 Pi-hahiroth, Exod. xiv. 2.

269 Exod. xiii. 18, xv. 22.

270 Ibid. XV. 22. As to the name Shur, see below, p. 390.

271 Ibid. XV. 23.

272 Ibid. XV. 27.

273 Ezek. xxx. 17.

274 Gen. xlv. 10; xlvi. 34; xlvii. 4, 6, 27; Ex. viii. 22 ; ix. 26.

275 See refs. above.

276 There was a Chaldean town of the same name on the Euphrates, and another in Arabia; and a district [Greek] or [Greek] on the Borysthenes, in European Sarmatia; all in positions where we should expect to find frontier fortresses.

277 Numbers xxi. 9; 2 Kings xriii.

278 Gen. xlv. 4, 8. We follow Dr. Brugsch's translation, which the reader can, of cousee, compare with the Authorized Version. Ed.

279 Ezek. xxix. 10; xxx. 6. In our Authorized Version, as so frequently happens, the right translation is given in the margin, 'from Migdol to Syene,' the text being wrong, and in fact nonsense: 'from the tower of Syene to the border of Ethiopia' is like saying 'from Berwick to the frontier of Scotland.' Ed.

280 Numbers xiil. 22. Respecting the probable connection in the origin of the cities, which seems to be implied in this mention of them together, see the Student's Ancient History of the East.

281 The Egyptian name of Mazor, applied to this country, shown 110 the origin of the Hebrew word Mazor, which is given in Holy Scripture to the same region.

282 Exod. i 11, 14.

283 Herod. ii. 30: where all the three frontier fortresses and their objects are mentioned, viz. on the S., the N.E., and the N.W.

284 Le Mascrier, Description de l'Egypt, 1735, p. 104.

285 Diodorus, i 30.

286 In this description and a subsequent passage (see p. 365) Diodorus is generally thought to have exaggerated the fate which befell a part, at least, of the Persian army of Artaxerxes Ochu in B.C. 330; but the discoveries and reasonings of Dr. Brugsch give a far more striking significance to the passage and to Milton's image founded on it (Paradise Lost, ii. 592-4):

'A gulf profound as that Serbomaa bog
Betwixt Damiata and Mount Casius old,
Where armies whole have sunk.'

As to the different manner of the catastrophe, we may observe that the description Diodorus throws a new light on the description in Exodus. Pharaoh thought he had caught the paradise 'entangled' between the sea, the desert, and the bog (Exod. zir. 2); but when they were led safely through by the guiding pillar of fire, which was turned into darkness for their pursuers, it was the Egyptians that became entangled on the treacherous surface, through which 'their chariots dragged heavily' (verse 25) before the whelming wave borne in from the Mediterranean completed their destruction. Ed.

287 Exod. xiv. 2.

288 Dr. Brugsch has here made a perfectly gratuitous concession, and fallen into the common error of confounding a miracle with a special providence. The essence of the miracle consists in the attestation of the Divine presence with His messenger by the time and circumstances of an act, which may nevertheless be in itself an application of what we call the laws of nature to a particular case. It shows the Creator, whose word established the laws of nature—('He spoke and it was done: He commanded and it stood fast')—repeating the word, through his prophet or minister, by which those laws are applied to a special purpose and occasion. Thus here the wind and sea-waves are the natural instruments: their use, at the will of God and the signal given by Moses, constitute the miracle, without which all becomes unmeaning. Ed.

289 Diodorus, xvi. 46.

290 Plin. H. N. vi. 33: 'Mpenim montibus et inops aquarum.'