HIERATIC PAPYRI
Containing the First Sallier Papyrus
and the Poem of Pentaur

by C. W. Goodwin

(Extracted from Cambridge Essays, vol. 3, 1857, pp. 226-82.)

 

The publication, in 1841, of Champollion's Grammaire Egyptienne placed the study of Egyptian literature upon a solid basis. The discovery of the true method of reading the hieroglyphics was made by him in 1821; and the key having been once obtained, he advanced in the process of decipherment with astonishing rapidity. The grammar, which did not see the light until after his decease, not only completely developed the principles of hieroglyphic writing, but contained a masterly sketch of the language itself. The old Egyptian proved to resemble, as might have been anticipated, the modern Coptic in most of its forms. Notwithstanding the modifications which the language sustained under Persian, Greek, and Roman dynasties, its essential elements have been preserved, and, on the whole, the Coptic as we now possess it differs less from the language of the ancient Pharaohs than modern English does from its mother the Anglo-Saxon.

Had not Champollion been prematurely cut off, he would probably have left little for succeeding scholars to accomplish. All those who have followed him in the research have been struck with the extraordinary accuracy and sagacity which his investigations display; and his grammar still remains the most complete, and almost the only introduction to the study of Egyptian.1 Since his death, however, very considerable progress has been made, by the zealous labours of a host of scholars in France, Germany, Italy, Holland, England, and Ireland. The most striking results are those which have recently been obtained by researches into the hieratic wri- [227] tings; and of these it is the object of the present Essay to give some account.

The reader may require to be informed that there are three species of Egyptian writing. The first is that of the temples and tombs, in which all the symbols used appear in their complete forms, well defined, and often carefully coloured, so that the objects intended to be represented can be in general clearly recognised. This is the style to which the name hieroglyphics is primarily applied. It is employed in many of the funereal papyri, or rituals, which were wont to be buried with the dead, the forms of the objects being drawn in outline, with slight modifications, according to the taste of the scribe, and for the sake of speed in writing.

The next species is that termed hieratic, which is a modification of the preceding, and was used for literary compositions and the purposes of ordinary life. Funeral rituals were also not unfrequently written in this character. The forms of many of the hieroglyphics are so much altered in this style, that it would be impossible to recognise them except by a comparison of identical passages written in both characters, which the hieratic rituals fortunately enable us to effect. The hieratic may be broadly described as the cursive writing in general use in Egypt from the earliest period down to about 600 B.C., or nearly to the time of the Persian invasion. During this long period several varieties of it occur, but the writing is essentially the same. About 600 B.C. it began to be supplanted by the third species, called by the Greeks demotic, which is an abbreviated and less cumbrous form of the hieratic.

The principle of all these three kinds of writing is the same. In general each word is spelt by phonetic signs, which stand either for letters or syllables. The word thus spelt is followed by one or more symbols, which are not sounded, but indicate the class of ideas to which the word belongs. Thus there are symbols to mark ideas of motion, violent action, repose, thought, wickedness, animals, vegetables, and a host of others. This ingenious combination of symbolical and phonetic writing has been the means of preserving the Egyptian language to us, for without the hints afforded by these significant characters the task of interpretation would be almost hopeless. The discovery of the use of the determinative symbols was Champollion's grand achievement; the mixture of them with the alphabetic symbols having perplexed all previous inquirers. The truth once unfolded, the system appears simple enough. The determinative signs are the most extensively employed in the hieratic writing, in which we constantly find three of [228] them applied to a single word. In the sculptured inscriptions they are more sparingly used.

Besides words phonetically spelt, there are some in all three kinds of writing represented by mere symbols. The sense of such words is generally pretty clear, but their sound is not always easy to determine. This may sometimes, how ever, be done by the help of variants, a word symbolically expressed in one inscription being found phonetically written in the parallel passage in another. The radical letters of a large number of Egyptian words are now known, and of them a considerable portion may be traced in the Coptic, some without alteration, others under various disguises, of which the laws have been well ascertained. A good many words have their congeners in Hebrew and Syriac. Practically, the meaning of a word is first approached by help of the determinative and the context in which it occurs; if a similar root can be discovered in Coptic or a cognate language, the value thus obtained may be confirmed or modified. In many cases, however, these languages leave us without assistance.

It is obvious that every word of which the meaning is once assured, must lead the way to the discovery of others; and thus the completion of the old Egyptian vocabulary is by no means a hopeless task, and it is one in which daily advances are being made.

The object of this brief explanation is to inspire the reader, if possible, with some little confidence in the method by which the interpretations which are about to be placed be fore him have been arrived at.2 This is the more necessary as, notwithstanding the number of popular works which have been published on Egyptian matters, there is reason to think that great distrust prevails as to the ability of Egyptologists to expound conclusively the hieroglyphic texts; a distrust in some degree warranted by the admitted dissensions of the interpreters themselves.

In Germany a different principle of decipherment from that discovered by Champollion has been propounded by a philologist named Seyffarth, and has found a few followers. The Champollionists, however, do not concern themselves with refuting these ideas, which can be looked upon only as a product of perverse ingenuity, and which are doubtless des- [229] tined to die out before long. It is a more serious affair that even those who profess to follow the system of the great Frenchman, are not always at one in the results which they produce. These differences, however, are not so great as may be thought, and tend daily to disappear.

The truth is, that Egyptian philology is yet in its infancy. Champollion got little further than the accidence of the language; and since his time not much has been done in the investigation of the syntax. The attention of scholars has been greatly devoted to the public monuments, funereal inscriptions, and the ritual; none of which give much insight into niceties of construction, and the capabilities of expression which the old Egyptian undoubtedly possessed. The language of the monuments is conventional and abbreviated; that of the ritual, mystical and antiquated. A collection of the London Gazettes and Court Circulars, the Book of Common Prayer, and copies of the tombstones in a dozen of our cathedrals, would present but an imperfect basis for the reconstruction of the English language if it should ever be lost; but these materials would be far more complete for such a purpose than those which have hitherto been the principal object of the explorations of Egyptologists. The so-called ritual is indeed in no way to be classed with our Prayer Book for the importance and variety of its contents. The same barren formulae are repeated over and over again; it is seldom that the context throws any light upon the meaning of a doubtful word; and for the illustration of any but the simplest form of construction, it is altogether valueless. With an incomplete knowledge of the syntax and a slender vocabulary, translation becomes guess-work, and the misconception of a single word or phrase may, it will be readily understood, completely confound the sense. Nevertheless, there can be no doubt that a great mass of monumental inscriptions has been correctly understood, and their substantial sense obtained. The task still remains of reviewing and sifting what has been done. A far richer field of research, however, lies in the papyri, written in the hieratic character, of which the contents are not of a funereal or mystical nature. Here we find the old Egyptian language in all its fullness, and most abundant means of investigating its syntax and extending its vocabulary.

The hieratic literary documents at present available are as follows: 1. A papyrus recently purchased by the trustees of the British Museum from Madame d'Orbiney, an English lady, in whose possession it had been for many years previous. Of this valuable MS. a lithographed facsimile has been made, which will be published shortly. It contains a romance [230] or fairy tale, and is of the age of the 19th dynasty, about B.C. 1300. A translation was published in the Revue Archeologique of May, 1852, by the Vicomte de Rouge, conservator of the Egyptian collection in the Louvre, who was fortunate enough to obtain a perusal of the papyrus while in the possession of Madame d'Orbiney 2. A collection of thirteen papyri, also in the British Museum, of which facsimiles were published in 1844, under the title of Select Papyri in the Hieratic Character. Nine of these papyri are known as Anastasi, Nos. 1 to 9, the rest as Sallier, Nos. I to 4, from the names of the persons of whom they were purchased. They comprise a portion of an historical poem, of which the subject is an exploit of Rameses II.; a small fragment of history relating to the Hyksos period; several collections of miscellaneous correspondence of the Pharaonic scribes; a kind of biographical memoir of a scribe; the advice of King Amen-em-ha to his son; the precepts of a certain high functionary addressed to his son; a hymn to the Nile; and a calendar of lucky and unlucky days and festivals throughout the year. The whole of these compositions belong to the 18th dynasty. 3. A papyrus of much more ancient date than any of the above, now in the Bibliothe'que Impe'riale, to which it was presented by M. Prisse d'Avennes, who had previously published a beautiful lithographed facsimile of it. It contains a book of proverbial philosophy by an ancient scribe, and a fragment of another work of the same kind, possibly by the same author.

Copies of a few hieratic papyri of less value have been published. Some fragments relating to magic are to be found in the Monumens du Musee Egyptien des Pays Bas, edited by Dr. Leemans. Important unpublished papyri are believed to exist in the museums of Europe; one at Berlin is said to belong to the same remote age as the Prisse papyrus.

The present Essay is written with the intention of presenting to the reader a view of the old Pharaonic literature as developed in the D'Orbiney, Anastasi, Sallier, and Prisse papyri, which by help of the labours of several eminent Egyptologists it is now possible to do. To a considerable extent I rely upon my own resources; and here I must acknowledge, once for all, the great assistance which I have derived from Mr. Birch, of the British Museum, whose liberality in imparting his knowledge upon Egyptian subjects keeps pace with its depth; but whom I by no means wish to make sponsor for numerous inaccuracies which will doubtless occur in the translations attempted.

As the interest of the reader in these remains will doubtless [231] be increased by his being able to place them in some clear relation to what is known from other sources of the world's history, something must here be said about chronology. It is well known that the most contradictory opinions have prevailed among Egyptologists upon this head; and it is difficult to say, even at the present time, what it is that is taken on all hands for granted. I will endeavour to give in a few words the views of Lepsius, and the reasons, which appear to me sufficiently convincing, that the 19th dynasty, to which all except one of our papyri belong, was that under which the oppression of the Israelites in Egypt, and their departure from that country, took place. The earliest distinct point of synchronism which we find between Manetho, the native Egyptian historian, and the Jewish history, is at the commencement of the 22nd dynasty. Here we have a king Sesonchis, who has been well identified with Shishak, the conqueror of Rehoboam. The invasion of Judea by this monarch is usually placed B.C. 960, about forty years after the date assigned to the building of Solomon's temple. Now, the two preceding dynasties of Manetho, the 21st and 20th, occupy together 265 or 308 years, the number varying in the different copies that have been handed down. A comparison of several genealogies preserved in the Book of Chronicles makes it probable that between Moses and Solomon there were about ten generations, or something more than 300 years. This brings us back, then, to the close of the 19th dynasty as the time of the Exodus, and it is at this point that Manetho, writing from Egyptian tradition or records, actually places the event. The old chronologers, indeed, reckoned a much longer period for the time of the Judges, and placed the Exodus very much further back in Egyptian history; and their view has been adopted by many modern writers. One argument against it is this: the Israelites are said to have built Pharaoh a city named Rameses, doubtless after the king himself, which is afterwards mentioned as their point of departure. Now, the first monarch of that name who appears in Egyptian history is the last but one of the 18th dynasty, or the first of the 19th, according to Lepsius's arrangement. His reign is, then, the earliest period to which the oppression of the Israelites could be assigned. But as he reigned a very short time (four years, according to Lepsius's latest investigation), he cannot be supposed to be the king under whom the earlier events mentioned in the Book of Exodus took place. His grandson, Rameses II., the most celebrated king of the name, whose reign extended over more than sixty years, is in all probability the oppressor; and it is certain that he built a city in the north-eastern corner of [232] Hieratic Papyri.

Egypt, in the region which the Israelites are believed to have inhabited, some remains of it, bearing his name in scribed, existing to this day. If we suppose that it was a later king of the name of Rameses for whom the Israelites built 'treasure cities' for instance, Rameses III., the first king of the 20th dynasty we must then contract the space of time between Moses and Solomon into still narrower limits, and beyond what is reasonably warranted by the genealogies.

It was under a successor of the first oppressor that the departure of the Israelites took place (Exodus ii. 23); but whether his immediate successor or not, is not clearly stated. Lepsius places the event under Seti-Meneptah II., the second (or third) king from Rameses II., B.C. 1314.

It is to the times of Rameses II., and his successors Ba-en-ra-Meneptah and Seti-Meneptah II., that the greater part of our papyri relate. Therefore, if the chronological views of Lepsius be correct, they present to us a picture of Egyptian life and character, precisely at that period of the history of that people which has become most interesting to us from its connexion with that of the Israelites. And this is the utmost I am desirous of impressing upon the reader; for any direct mention, or even allusion, to the transactions mentioned in Exodus I believe is not to be found in the papyri.

I begin my account of the contents of these documents, with those which have already been the most completely and satisfactorily interpreted. The first to be mentioned is the D'Orbiney papyrus, of which, as has been before stated, the contents were made known by M. de Rouge as long ago as 1852, although they will probably be new to a large number of English readers. The papyrus is a roll containing nineteen pages of writing in the finest style of Egyptian calligraphy. The first five pages are somewhat damaged, but with a little trouble, I believe nearly all might be supplied. Some unskilful person has attempted reparations in a few places, which are executed so as to deceive the eye of the casual observer, but which betray themselves at once to those acquainted with the characters. Not only is the handwriting of this MS. clear and beautiful, but the text is extremely correct, which is by no means the case with many of the Sallier and Anastasi papyri. The recto and verso of the last page contain the name of king Seti-Meneptah II., but with the titles of 'ensign-bearer on the king's left, generalissimo of infantry, and king's son,' from which M. de Rouge concludes that the papyrus belonged to this prince before his accession to the throne. Had the writer intended to mark the date of [233] his work, he would probably have inscribed it with the name of the reigning monarch. It does not appear, however, to have been composed expressly for the edification of the young Pharaoh, for it is dedicated by the author Enna to three scribes of his own college, Ka-kabu, Hora, and Meriemap; but we may fairly conclude that this was a copy made for the use of the prince, to whom we also may with some probability ascribe the well-thumbed condition of the first five pages. The contents may be thought childish, and they certainly throw no light upon history; but the book, from its very simplicity, is the most useful document yet discovered for the illustration of the Egyptian language. The style is clear, and there are very few sentences of which the meaning can admit of a doubt. It affords the means of determining at once, in the most complete manner, the meaning of a number of words and phrases which could only be guessed at in other MSS. The opening paragraphs of the story shall be given from the translation of M. de Rouge:

This relates to two brothers, children of the same mother and father: the name of the elder was Anepou (Anubis); the name of the younger was Satou.3 Anepou, being the head of the house, married, and he treated his younger brother as his son.

Some obliterations here occur, but it appears that Satou was a skilful feeder of cattle, and that he led his brother's herds every day to the pasture, and brought them back at night to their stalls.

When he returned from the field he brought back all sorts of fodder, he sat down with his brother and sister to eat and drink, and then went to the stall to tend his cattle.

When the earth was again illumined and the dawn appeared, the hour of going to the fields being come, he called his cattle, and led them to feed in the meadow. He followed them .... and his cattle told him which were the choicest feeding places, for he understood all their language. And when he brought them back to the stalls, they found them supplied with all the herbs which they loved.

[234] The cattle which he tended became extremely fat, and multiplied greatly. When the season of tillage arrived, his elder brother said to him, 'Let us take the teams and go to plough, for the land appears (i.e. the water of the inundation had subsided), and is fit for culture. When we have ploughed it, you shall fetch the seed.' So the young man proceeded to execute what his elder brother told him.

Some erasures occur here which interfere with the continuity of the translation. The story proceeds to the following effect. The ploughing being finished, the elder brother sends the younger home to fetch seed. On arriving at the house, the young man finds his brother's wife engaged in combing her hair. He asks her for corn, and she bids him go to the granary and help himself while she completes her toilette. Satou fetches one of his largest baskets, in order to carry back as much corn as possible. On his return from the granary, laden with barley and wheat, the lady compliments him upon his strength, and addresses him in precisely the same fashion as the wife of Potiphar addressed the Hebrew Joseph. Satou indignantly rejects her advances, and departs with his load, promising, however, to observe the strictest silence as to what had occurred. The wife of Anepou determines to be revenged; and when the husband returns, in the evening, he is astonished to find his house in darkness, the lamp not lighted, and no one ready to present him with water to wash his bands. On entering, he finds his wife stretched on the bed, apparently lifeless, stripped of her clothes, and with all the outward semblance of having been the victim of violent outrage.

'Who has been speaking with thee?' he inquires. 'No man has spoken to me,' is the reply, 'but thy younger brother when he came to fetch the corn.'

And she then proceeds to tell the story, mutatis mutandis, and concludes with conjuring her husband to take summary vengeance upon the offender.

The elder brother became as furious as a panther; he sharpened his sword, and took it in his hand. Then he went and stood behind the door of the ox-stall, ready to kill his younger brother on his arrival, in the evening, with his cattle. When the sun set, Satou came back, according to his daily wont. As he approached, the cow which walked first to enter the stall, said to her keeper, 'Methinks thy elder brother is yonder, with his sword, ready to kill thee when thou comest near him.' He heard the words of his first cow, and then came another and said the same. Then he looked under the door of the stall, and he saw the feet of his brother, who stood behind the door, his sword in his hand. He threw his load on the ground, and [235] began to run as fast as he could; and his brother pursued him, sword in hand.

Satou invokes the sun-god Ra:

'My good lord, it is thou who showest on which side is wrong and on which side is right.'

The sun-god hears the complaint, and causes a wide river, full of crocodiles, to flow between the two brothers. The younger calls to the elder to wait until the next day, when he will give a full explanation. Accordingly, when the sun rises, he relates the true state of the affair, reproaches his brother with his credulity, and, calling the sun to witness his innocence, he inflicts a grievous mutilation upon himself, and falls fainting on the bank of the river. The elder brother is much afflicted, but is unable to come to his assistance on account of the crocodiles. Satou at length recovers, and announces his intention of quitting his brother's company and of retiring to the valley of the acacia, a remote place, apparently beyond the limits of Egypt. Here commences a mysterious part of the story. Satou tells his brother that he shall take his heart and place it in the flowers of an acacia-tree. If, at some future time, the brother desires to renew communication with him, he must search for his heart, and, when found, place it in a vessel containing wine, or some other liquid, with certain ceremonies. Satou will then appear to him, and answer any questions which he may put. Having given these directions, Satou departs, and the brother returns home in grief, throwing-dust upon his head. He slays his wife, and casts her to the Satou dwells in the valley of the acacia, where he occupies himself in hunting wild animals; at night he sleeps under the acacia-tree, in the flowers of which he has placed his heart. After a time he builds himself a house. Going out one day, he meets the fraternity of the gods, who had come down to visit their land of Egypt. One of them says to him:

'Oh! Satou, thou divine bull, dost thou remain thus alone, having left thy country on account of the wife of Anepou, thy brother. Lo! he has slain his wife.' Ra, the sun-god, says to Noum, the creator:

'Wilt thou not make a woman for Satou, that he may not remain alone.'

Noum accordingly forms for him a consort more beautiful than all the women in Egypt, and all the gods endow her with [236] gifts. The seven Hathors (the sacred cows) come to see her, and declare with one voice that she is destined to die a violent death. Satou takes this beautiful creature to his house, and she remains at home while he employs himself industriously in hunting. One day he says to her:

'When thou goest out to walk, beware lest the river seize thee, for I could not deliver thee, being a woman even as thou art; for my heart is among the flowers of the acacia.'

He then explains his history to her. The daughter of the gods loses no time in going to the acacia-tree to search for her husband's heart, when she perceives the river overflowing his banks, and advancing towards her. She flees, and the river pursues, but proceeds no further than the foot of the acacia, where he makes his moan, and declares to the tree that he is smitten with love of the wife of Satou. The consolatory acacia throws down a lock of the lady's hair, which she appears to have left among the branches, and the river, satisfied with this prize, retires within his banks, and the waters bear down the lock towards Egypt. All the way the hair diffuses a celestial odour, until it arrives at the place where the washers5 of the king of Egypt carry on their business; and it scents the king's linen to such an extent as to excite extreme surprise among the washers. A vehement controversy arises among them as to the cause of this extraordinary odour. The foreman of the washers, going alone one day to the washing-ground, greatly disgusted with the interminable dispute, is fortunate enough to see the wonderful lock. He snatches it out of the water, and hastens with it to the king. His majesty forthwith orders his wise men to be summoned, who, having inspected the lock, pronounce it to belong to a daughter of the gods. Their advice is that couriers should be despatched into all parts of the land to search for the owner of the hair;6 they recommend also that the courier to be sent to the valley of the acacia should be accompanied by a large body of troops. This advice is followed, and after many days the various messengers return to bring their reports; but of those who were [237] sent to the valley of the acacia, only one came back, for Satou had encountered and slain all the rest. The king then sends another troop, who on this occasion are provided with rich dresses and other articles pleasing to female taste.7

This expedition is more successful than the former; the wife of Satou is captivated by the presents, and is brought in triumph to Egypt, where her arrival is the occasion of general rejoicing. The king is greatly smitten with her beauty, confers on her the rank of a princess, and makes her his queen. The daughter of the gods, however, shows herself to be not in all respects so perfect a creature as she outwardly appeared. The gloomy destiny foretold by the sacred cows has prepared us for a bad termination to her career. Curiosity was the first weakness which displayed itself in her character, the love of finery the next, and. more malignant features now develop themselves. She takes an early opportunity of relating to the king the secret of her husband's heart, and advising him to send a troop of men to cut down the acacia, by which means she hopes to get well rid of Satou. This suggestion is followed out by his majesty; the tree is cut down, the heart falls to the ground, and Satou immediately becomes a lifeless corpse.

The story now returns to Anepou, who, after the lapse of several years, is seized with the desire of seeing his brother again. He accordingly prepares two vessels, one containing wine, the other some different species of liquid, for the performance of the ceremonies directed by Satou. He takes his staff, his shoes, his clothes, and other baggage, and sets off for the valley of the acacia. On arriving at his brother's house, he finds the body stretched on a mat. After bewailing his loss, he proceeds to search for the heart. Three years the search continues without success. In the fourth year the heart of Satou, which appears to maintain some consciousness, becomes desirous of returning to Egypt, and says to itself, 'I will leave the celestial sphere,' Anepou had become almost weary of his fruitless toil, but he determines to make one more search ; and at length, perceiving an acacia-pod lying on the ground, he turns it over and finds his brother's heart beneath it. He places it in one of the vessels which he had prepared, and leaves it till night. The heart having become saturated with moisture, motion returns to the limbs of Satou, and he opens his eyes and looks at his brother. Anepou then pours the remainder of the liquor down his throat; the heart returns to its proper place, and Satou is completely restored [238] to life and activity. The brothers embrace and compare notes, and the younger then announces that he is about to assume the form of a sacred bull. He directs his brother to mount upon his back, and they proceed together to Egypt, where the bull, having been inspected by the priests, is pronounced to be a genuine Apis, and is immediately installed as a divinity. Anepou is handsomely rewarded as the discoverer of the sacred animal. The perfidious queen, going one day to view it, is astonished to hear herself addressed by a human voice:

'Who art thou?' she inquires. 'I am thy husband, Satou; thou knowest how thou didst cause the king to destroy the acacia-tree wherein I abode, that I might not live; but, behold, I am actually alive!'

The queen runs away in terror, and the first time that she feasts with the king she induces him to swear an oath to grant whatsoever request she shall make. The request is to have the liver of the bull to eat. The king is much scandalized by this proposition; but being under the obligation of an oath, he gives orders that the bull be slain. Satou's head is cut off, and in the operation two drops of blood fall upon two garden-beds by the side of a staircase in front of one of the royal palaces. In the course of the night two magnificent persea-trees spring from these two drops, and the next day the whole population flocks to witness the miracle. The king is informed of the occurrence, and comes in his chariot to see, accompanied by the queen. When she approaches the trees, a voice once more reproaches her with her wickedness, and tells her that Satou is still alive. A second time she induces the weak monarch to swear an oath to grant her whatever she shall ask; whereupon she requests to have the persea-trees cut down, observing that they will make excellent timber. This is put into execution, the queen standing by to witness the proceeding.

A chip from one of the trees flies off and enters her mouth. After this occurrence, the queen produces a son, who is brought to the king, and is recognised as a royal offspring with great ceremony. The king loves him exceedingly, and when he grows up, creates him Prince of Ethiopia, the title borne by the heir-apparent to the throne. After these things, says the narrator, 'the king flew to heaven,' and the young prince, who, it appears, is no other than Satou himself in a new body, reigns in his stead. He calls his councillors before him, relates his whole history, and passes judgment upon his faithless wife. It is not expressly said that she is ordered to be executed, but this appears to be intended. After this Satou reigns happily for thirty years; he confers honours and riches upon his [239] brother, who succeeds him on the throne, and also reigns thirty years: and so ends the story.

The marvellous indifference to probability and consistency in this singular legend, might almost lead to the conclusion that it was intended for nothing more than a child's tale. We shall see presently that Enna, its author, was capable of much more serious efforts. After all, the Tale of the Two Brothers is not more extravagant than most of those in the Thousand and One Nights. The incidents relating to the heart are probably connected with certain religious notions held by the Egyptians, to whom the separation of the heart from the body and its restoration was a familiar idea; and this part of the story would not to them appear particularly monstrous. If the author can be supposed to have assigned any particular time to the events which he relates, it must be before the reign of Menes, in that pre-historic period which was filled with dynasties of demi-gods and heroes, and which must have afforded a fine field for the expansive imagination of Egyptian mythologists.

The next papyrus to be noticed is Sallier No. 3, containing the larger portion of a narrative composed by a scribe named Penta-our (of whom we shall hear more presently), relating to an exploit performed by the great Rameses II. in one of his campaigns against the Hittites (Oheta).

The commencement is wanting, and the end is somewhat torn, but the date of the composition and the name of the writer have fortunately escaped. It appears to have been written in the 9th year of the king whose valour it celebrates. Champollion saw this papyrus, and had formed some notion of the nature of its contents, but to M. de Rouge belongs the honour of having first given a complete translation of it. This was published in the Revue Contemporaine, 1856 (p. 389). The scene of the exploit lies in the neighbourhood of the city of Katesh,8 the capital of the Hittites, which stood on the banks of a river named Anrata (or Aranta, as it is sometimes written), perhaps the Syrian Orontes. It appears, from the sculptures and inscriptions of Ibsamboul and the Theban Ramesseum, that Rameses II., in the fifth year of his reign, made an expedition into Asia to suppress a revolt of the Asiatic tribes headed by [240] side of the city, certain wandering Arabs came to inform him that the forces of the Hittites had retired towards the south, to the land of the Khirbou. These Arabs were, however, in the service of the enemy, and were sent with the intention of entrapping the Egyptians, the fact being that the Hittites and their allies were assembled in force to the north of the town. Rameses fell into the trap, and advanced to the north-west of Katesh while the body of his army proceeded to the south. Shortly after two Hittite spies were caught and brought to the king, and under the pressure of the bastonnade, confessed the true state of the affair. The prince of the Hittites had in the meantime executed a movement to the south of the city, and thus the king was cut off from the body of his troops, and only escaped destruction by the dashing exploit which his admiring subjects seem to have been never weary of commemorating, and which furnished Penta-our, the court poet, with a brilliant theme. A few extracts from the recital shall be given, based upon M. de Rouge's version, from which I venture in a few respects to deviate. The papyrus begins in the middle of a sentence, at the moment when the king had discovered his mistake.

[The prince of] Heth advanced with men and horses well armed [or full of provender?]: there were three men to each chariot.9 There were gathered together all the swiftest men of the land of the vile Hittites, all furnished with arms ... and waited stealthily to the north-west of the fortress of Katesh. Then they fell upon the bow men of Pharaoh, into the middle of them, as they marched along and did not expect a battle. The bowmen and the horsemen of his majesty gave way before them. Behold they were near to Katesh, on the west bank of the river Anrata. Then was [fulfilled?] the saying of his majesty. Then his majesty, rising up like the god Mentou [Mars], undertook to lead on the attack. He seized his arms he was like Bar [Baal] in his hour. The great horse which, drew his majesty his name was Nekhtou-em-Djom, of the stud of Rameses-Meiamen ... His majesty halted when he came up to the enemy, the vile Hittites. He was alone by himself there was no other with him in this sortie. His majesty looked behind him and saw that he was intercepted by two thousand five hundred horse men in the way he had to go, by all the fleetest men of the prince of the base Hittites, and of many lands which were with him of Artou [Aradus], of Maausou, of Patasa, of Kashkash, of Aroun, of Kadjawa-tana, of Khirbou, of Aktra, Katesh, and Raka. There were three men to each chariot, they were ... but there were neither captains, nor squires, nor leaders of bowmen, nor skirmishers [with the king], the Prince of Heth. Arrived near Katesh, upon the south [241] My archers and my horsemen forsook me, not one of them remained to fight with me.' Then said his majesty, 'Where art thou now, my father Amen? Behold, does a father forget his son? But do I confide in my own strength? Walking or standing, is not my face towards thee? Do I not inquire the counsels of thy mouth? Do I not seek for thy mighty counsels, thou great lord of Egypt, at whose approach the oppressors of the land are scattered? What now is the hope of these Aamou? Amen shall abase those who know not god. Have I not made for thee many and great buildings of stone? have I not filled thy temple with my spoils, building for thee a temple to last myriads of years? ... The whole earth unites to bring thee offerings ... [to enrich] thy domain. I have sacrificed to thee 30,000 oxen, with all kinds of sweet-scented herbs. Have I not put behind me those who do not thy will? ... I have built thee a house of great stones, erecting for thee eternal groves; I have brought for thee obelisks from Abou [Elephantine]; I have caused the everlasting stones to be fetched, launching for thee boats upon the sea, importing for thee the manufactures of the lands. When was it ever before said that such a thing was done? Confounded is every one who resists thy designs; blessed is every one who obeys thee, O Amen. That which thou doest is dear to my heart [?] I cry to thee, my father, Amen. I am in the midst of many un known people gathered together from all lands. But I am alone by myself; there is none other with me. My bowmen and my horse men have forsaken me; they were afraid; not one of them listened when I cried to them. Amen is more helpful to me than myriads of bowmen, than millions of horsemen, than tens of thousands of chosen youths, though they be all gathered together in one place. The arts of men prevail not, Amen is more powerful than they; they follow not the commands of thy mouth, sun! Have I not sought out thy commands? have I not invoked thee from the ends of the earth.

This invocation is heard, and the king proceeds to make a vigorous charge against the enemy, who are scattered in all directions. The prince of the Hittites rallies, and succeeds in bringing them again to the combat, but they are repulsed by the king. It will be observed that sometimes the writer him self speaks, but generally the narrative is put into the mouth of the king a poetical artifice which gives a certain liveliness to the composition.

'I ran towards them, like the god Mentou, I fleshed my hand upon them in the space of a moment [?] I smote them, I slew them, so that one of them cried to another, saying, 'It is no man' [super human]. Mighty was he who was among them, Soutech, the most glorious. Baal was in my limbs; why was every enemy weak? his hand was in all my limbs. They knew not how to hold the bow and the spear. As soon as they saw him, they fled far away with [242] speed, but his majesty was upon them like a greyhound. He slew them, so that they escaped not.'

The king's squire or armour-bearer is seized with terror, and conjures his master to fly. The king comforts him; and after charging the enemy six times, returns victorious from the field. Rameses, on rejoining his troops, addresses a long tirade to his captains upon their cowardice, and enlarges upon his own valour without any modest scruples. In the evening the rest of the troops came dropping in, and were surprised to find the whole country strewed with the bodies of the dead. The whole army joins in singing the praises of their courageous leader:

'Hail to the sword, thanks to the bold warrior, strengthener of hearts, who deliverest thy bowmen and thy horsemen, son of Toum, subduing the land of the Hittites with thy victorious sword. Thou art king of victories there is none like thee, a king fighting for his soldiers in the day of battle. Thou art magnanimous, the first in battle. The whole world joined together cannot resist thee. Thou art the mighty conqueror, in the face of thy army. The whole earth falls down before thee saying homage. Thou rulest Egypt, thou chastisest the foreigners, thou crushest, thou bowest the back of these Hittites for ever.' Then said his majesty to his bowmen, and his horsemen, likewise his captains, 'Ye who did not fight, behold none of you have done well, in that ye left me alone amongst the enemy. The captains of the vanguard, the sergeants of the infantry, came not to help me. I fought against the myriads of the land alone. I had the horses Nechtou-em-Djom and Becht-herouta; they were obedient to the guidance of my hand, when I was alone by myself in the midst of the enemy. Therefore I grant to them to eat their corn in the presence of Ka continually, when I am in the gate of the palace, on account of their having been found in the midst of the enemy: and as for the armour-bearer who remained with me, I bestow upon him my arms, together with the things which were upon me, the habiliments of war.' Behold his majesty wore them in his great victory, overthrowing myriads assembled together with his conquering sword.

The battle is renewed the next day, and the Hittites are thoroughly routed. An envoy from the chief is now announced, suing for mercy. Rameses acts the part of a magnanimous conqueror, and grants pardon to the repentant rebels. He then returns peaceably to Egypt, leaving the terror of his arms in all the countries of the East.

At the end of the last page of the MS. are the date and dedication, unfortunately somewhat mutilated. The writer Penta-our dedicates it not to the king, but to a chief librarian, probably Amen-em-an, with whom he carried on a correspondence. This poem was so highly appreciated by the king, [243] that he caused it to be engraved in hieroglyphics upon the walls of one of his palaces, where some remains of it may be still seen. If the date be correctly read, it would appear to have been written four years after the event it celebrates, and, notwithstanding the exaggerated style of adulation which pervades it, there can be little doubt that some such occurrence as that which it represents, really took place.

Next to this specimen of cotemporary history must be placed a fragment, possibly from the pen of the same writer, though in an entirely different style, and relating to occurrences which had taken place in Egypt several centuries before. Two thousand years or more B.C. Egypt had been invaded by an Asiatic tribe, who established themselves in Lower Egypt, and founded a dynasty, which continued for several centuries to divide the empire with the native kings. These Hyksos, or shepherd kings, as the Egyptians called them, form Manetho's I5th and 16th dynasties. Their power was shaken by the Theban kings of the 17th dynasty, of whom Aahmes was the first (circa 1700 B.C.); and their complete expulsion was effected by Tothmes III, the first king of the 18th dynasty, according to the views of Lepsius, about 100 years after. The king Ra-skenen, mentioned in the fragment about to be given, has been satisfactorily shown from monumental evidence to have been the immediate predecessor of Aahmes; and the events which the writer intended to record may be supposed to be those which ultimately led to the overthrow and expulsion of the shepherds. Unluckily this scrap of history, which is found at the beginning of the papyrus Sallier No. 1, has been greatly mutilated. The scribe himself, indeed, never finished the narrative, but broke it off abruptly, after writing two pages and three lines of a third. M. de Rouge' was the first to point out the interesting nature of the few lines which remain, and their reference to the Hyksos period. M. Brugsch has given an analysis and translation of the first three lines in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen-Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft for 1855, p. 200. An attempt shall here be made to give a translation of as much as is legible:

It came to pass, when the land of Egypt was held by the invaders [revolters, enemies], there was no lord king [i.e. of the whole of Egypt]; in the day, namely, when king Ra-skenen was ruler [Heka, Hyk] of the land of the south [i.e. the Thebaid], the invaders holding the district of Aamou. The chief Apepi was in the palace of Ouar [Avaris]. The whole land paid homage to him, with their manufactures, in abundance, as well as with all the precious things of the inhabitants of the country of the north. Now king Apepi set up Soutech for his [244] lord; he worshipped no other god in the whole land ... built him a temple of durable workmanship. It came to pass that while he rose up [to celebrate] a day of dedicating .... a temple to Soutech, the prince [of the south, prepared] to build a temple to the sun over against it [i.e. in rivalry with it ?] Then it came to pass that king Apepi desired to ... king Ra-skenen .... the prince of the south. It came to pass a long time after this ....

Here four lines are totally obliterated, having contained about as much matter as that which precedes. On the next page the narrative begins in the middle of a sentence

.... with him, in case of his not consenting [to worship] all the gods, which are in the whole land, [and to honour?] Amen-Ra, king of the gods. It came to pass, many days after these things, that king Apepi sent a message to the prince of the south. The messenger [being gone] he called his wise men together to inform them. Then the messenger of king Apepi [journeyed] to the chief of the south. [When he was arrived] he stood in the presence of the chief of the south, who said to him this saying, viz. to the messenger of king Apepi, 'What message dost thou bring to the south country? For what cause hast thou set out on this expedition?' Then the messenger answered him, 'King Apepi sends to thee, saying, he is about to go to the fountain of the cattle, which is in the region of the south, seeing that .... has commissioned me to search day and night.' .... The chief of the south replied to him, that he would do nothing hostile to him. The fact was, he did not know how to send back (refuse?)... the messenger of king Apepi. [Then the prince of the south] said to him, 'Behold, thy lord promised to ...'

Here four lines are obliterated. The third page begins with three or four words concluding a sentence. Then begins a new paragraph

Then the chief of the south called together the princes and great men, likewise all the officers and heads of .... and he told them all the history of the words of the message sent to him by king Apepi, before them [or according to order?] Then they cried with one voice, in anger, they did not wish to return a good answer, but a hostile one. King Apepi sent to .....

At this point the tantalizing scribe snatches the cup of history from our lips, and presents us, without apology, with a totally different composition, namely, a collection of letters made by our friend the poet Penta-our. Were it not for the merciless mutilation which the above piece has suffered, it would have not been very difficult of translation, as it is in the plain narrative style of the Tale of the Two Brothers, and the context leads easily to the sense of the words. As it is, there [245] is much room for conjecture. In the first line I read 'the district of Aamou,' for which M. Brugsch gives 'the city of the sun.' believing Heliopolis to be the place referred to. I am much more satisfied that 'the city of the sun' is not the right translation here, than that which I have given instead, is so. Aamou was the generic name given by the Egyptians to the Asiatic nations, and it would be quite in accordance with what Manetho tells us of the Hyksos, to find the district which they inhabited called the district of the Aamou; but if that be the name here intended, it must be admitted that it is not distinctly written, and that it has not the determinative symbols which usually accompany the word. King Apepi (or Apepias, as the name may perhaps be read) is apparently one of the shepherd kings, and his name recalls that of Apophis, the fourth in the dynasty, as given in Josephus's extract from Manetho. A statue, either of or dedicated by this king, has been found in Lower Egypt bearing his name, with the epithet 'lover of Sutech.'

We now proceed to another species of composition, occupying an important place among the remains of hieratic literature. The papyri Sallier No. 1, Anastasi Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, contain collections of letters written by various scribes; Anastasi Nos. 8 and 9 contain each a single letter. These letters, or at least the more remarkable of them, form the subject of a work by the Rev. I. D. Heath, The Exodus Papyri, London, 1855, m which translations of a great many are given. Mr. Heath thinks that he finds in them allusions to the transactions of the Hebrew Exodus. In this I am unable to concur, and the translations which I am about to offer are widely different from Mr. Heath's, so much so that the reader who may take the trouble to compare the two, may feel inclined to doubt the value of a system which produces such different results. My acknowledgments are, however, due to Mr. Heath for much valuable assistance derived from his work in commencing the task of decipherment; the difference between our translations arises partly from the different value given to particular words, but still more from a different view of the arrangement and structure of the sentences. Mr. Heath has certainly striven conscientiously to give a meaning to every word and sign. But the truth is that a page of Coptic, if rendered in a similar way, word for word, might be made to yield astounding results. Much which Mr. Heath puts into the mouths of his scribes is excessively obscure, and he has to resort to most singular theories to explain it. I hope to succeed in making it appear that the scribes of Pharaoh expressed themselves in much [246] the same manner as men in a similar position in other ages and countries have been in the habit of doing. Mr. Heath imagines that these compositions, to which he hardly accords the character of letters, were intended to be chanted at funerals or festivals. My translations will show them to be genuine letters, which passed between different officers and their subordinates and comrades, and which were collected and preserved principally as models of epistolary correspondence, and for the sake of their amusing or instructive contents; just like the collections of correspondence of which modern literature has so many and various examples.

The collection in Sallier No. 1, consists of ten letters and a part of an eleventh, which we are luckily enabled to complete from another papyrus; for the compilers did not always confine themselves to the stores of their own portfolios, but borrowed letters from collections which had already become classical. The collection in question I suspect to be one of the earliest; it was made by the poet Penta-our, who modestly inserts in it but one letter of his own, while he gives us ten from the pen of his master and chief Amen-em-an. The superscription of the whole work is fortunately preserved, and runs thus:

The beginning of the instructions of letters made by the scribe Penta-our in the tenth year, in the month Choiak; the great majesty of Pharaoh being in the house of Rameses II.

If the first words be rightly translated, we have here a clue to the object of the compilation. It was either for instruction in the art of letter-writing, or for the sake of the instructive maxims contained in the letters. I incline to the former idea, because Penta-our's own letter, as will be presently seen, does not, like those of his master, contain instruction or admonition, but might very well find a place here as a model for a junior scribe called upon to give account of his proceedings. The words 'made by the scribe Penta-our,' do not imply that he was the actual copyist of this papyrus, as Mr. Heath throughout assumes. In proof of this I refer to the papyri Sallier No. 2, and Anastasi No. 7, one of which is a duplicate of the other, but in a very different handwriting. The pieces which they contain are in both said to be made by the scribe Enna, who must consequently have been the author, not the transcriber. The name of the Pharaoh in whose tenth year Penta-our's compilation was made, is omitted, just as, in quoting an act of Queen Victoria's reign, we say an act of the tenth year of her majesty. The king in question was probably either the son [247] or grandson of the great Rameses II., whose praises Penta-our had sung many years before.

The letters shall now speak for themselves: Letter I. The chief librarian Amen-em-an, of the royal white house [or treasury?] says to the scribe Penta-our, Whereas, this letter is brought to you, saying, communication.

I must here stop a moment to observe, that each of the letters of Amen-em-an has this formal heading, which seems to be an abbreviation of a longer formula, for the sentence beginning whereas has no conclusion, but is abruptly broken off by the word which, after Mr. Heath, I render 'communication.' It is literally 'with-saying,' 'colloquium.' In some of the other collections the scribes, for the sake of brevity, drop the first part of the superscription, and commence with this word. The formula well known to lawyers, 'This indenture made the day of' &c., in which the nominative case 'indenture' never finds a verb, is an example of a similar kind of mutilation. The real substance of Amen-em-an's letter commences after the word ' communication,'

Do thou give thy attention to writing by day, whilst thou inditest by night; seeing that thou art perfectly acquainted with the deeds of the Prince [Hek], and the whole of his history; how he reviewed all the Smat; how he took their numbers; how he set the captain over the heavy troops, the lieutenant over the skirmishers. [Thou knewest him] as a child, when he left his mother's lap, when he became a man, and his bones became strong as those of an ass. This is to inspirit thee. Is there no heart within thee? Thou hast described the deeds of great men on many occasions. Are thy ink stand and thy portfolio become useless [?] thy mind a perpetual blank [lit. washed out?] Do thou consider this.

There are many minor points in which the above translation is conjectural, but I do not wish to incumber the text too much with queries, and the meaning of each word cannot be discussed or defended here. A duplicate of this letter is found in the collection Anastasi No. 5 (Pl. civ.). It contains some variations, which show that we can by no means depend upon the correctness of our copyists. What I assert with confidence is, that the above represents correctly the general purport of Amen-em-an's letter, which is, to urge Penta-our to a continuation of his historical or poetical labours. Who the prince referred to is must remain for the present in doubt. The title Hek was an old territorial one, which the kings of Egypt bore in addition to their other more extensive titles, as is the wont of the kings and princes of modern Europe. Rameses II. is called Hek in the papyrus Sallier No. .3, and in [248] the fragment of history in Sallier No. 1, king Ra-skenen is called Hek of the south country, as distinguished from the king of the whole of Egypt. The person here meant may be the great Rameses II. himself, and this letter may have been an incitement to the composition of that poem upon which Penta-our's fame appears principally to have rested. It is more likely, however, to have been Ba-en-ra-Meneptah, or Seti II., the successors or co-regents of Rameses. The date of the compilation tells us nothing, as this letter may have been written many years before it found insertion in the work before us.

The next letter opens upon a very different subject, and it will be seen throughout that no order or method is used in the compilation. The letters are strung together without any link of connexion.

Letter II. The chief librarian, Amen-em-an, of the royal white house, says to the scribe Perita-our, Whereas this letter is brought to thee, saying, communication. Why hast thou not sent provisions to the palace? Yet it is the season for calves, beasts, eggs, ducks, and vegetables. Thou didst send a message, saying, 'I will send provisions.' Now, when my letter reaches thee, thou shalt send each kind of the provisions of the very best, namely, calves, beasts, eggs, ducks, and vegetables, of those which are fit for the hall of the palace. Beware lest thou make excuse. If there are not oxen in the stall of the house of Pharaoh, which is under my keeping, thou shalt seek out four oxen, the very best and biggest, from among my cattle which are in thy keeping, which are fit for the hall of the house of Pharaoh. Beware lest thou [neglect it]. Do thou consider this.

This translation is not very far from that of Mr. Heath, but the alterations made make the letter more perspicuous. Amen-em-an appears to have the control of a royal farm, and has at the same time land of his own. Penta-our is acting for the moment as steward of these farms, and it is his duty to send in supplies of country produce to the city, in which it seems he has displayed some negligence. The formula, 'Do thou consider this,' occurs at the end of nearly all Amen-em-an's letters, and seems to have been a usual mode of winding up a letter from a superior to his inferior. Other forms will occur hereafter.

The next letter is from Penta-our to his master; it is not a reply to the preceding, but probably to some other letter now lost in which Amen-em-an complained of his steward's remissness. We now have an example of the style in which it was considered becoming for an inferior scribe to address his chief,

Letter III. The scribe Penta-our salutes his lord, the chief libra- [249] rian, Amen-em-an, of the royal white house. This comes to inform my lord. Again I salute my lord. Whereas I have executed all the commissions imposed upon me by my lord well and truly, completely and thoroughly [?] I have done my lord no wrong. Again I salute my lord. Whereas the house of my lord is well, his servants are well, his oxen which are in the field are well, the oxen which are in the stall are well, eating their provender daily; yea, their keepers fetch them provender. The horses of my lord are well; I cause their mangers to be filled for them daily; yea, their grooms fetch them provender from the marshes [or papyrus-beds]. I measure them out their provender daily; I cause their troughs to be filled with water during the month of .... when there is great heat; their during ten weeks [?] until the harvest is finished [?].

The uplands of the king which are under the hand of my lord are safe and well, and in good cultivation. The account of the asses of the corn, which is reaped daily ....I cause them to be employed in filling a ditch [?]. I cause the ploughed lands to be filled .... twelve asses of the corn. But during the season of harvest .... I send [?] every one who can reap to the fields, the grooms, the female slaves, who carry .... to the manger daily, that the crops may be cut [speedily?]. I cause [to be fed] daily all the men who work at the harvesting; I supply them with drink three times in the month. Not one of them complains [?] to my lord concerning the food and the drink. I order them well and truly. Behold this message is to inform my lord.

Mutilations in this letter make the translation of several parts a very conjectural matter; and some words which can be read plainly enough stand much in need of elucidation. On the whole, this translation agrees with that of Mr. Heath as to its general purport; but I do not with him find anything satirical in it, nor do I believe that Penta-our introduced it here for any other purpose than as a specimen of letter-writing, for the profit and imitation of young scribes.

All the letters which follow are from Amen-em-an to Penta-our, and all begin with exactly the same formula as that previously given. This, for brevity's sake, shall therefore be dropped.

Letter IV. Why is thy heart volatile, like chaff before the wind? Give thy heart to something else good for a man to do. Give [not 1] thy heart to pleasure. Idleness is unprofitable; it is of no service to a man in the day of account, whether he be a slave, or whether he serves nobles assembled before him. His work is not ... his works are found wanting. He has no servants to draw water, he has no women to make bread. His comrades are disgusted, their services are withdrawn. Such is the man whose heart is not in his business, whose eye scorns it, who is proud of heart, malignant, violent, who obeys not when thou givest orders. The [250] business of the scribe, there is profit in it; it excels all [other] dignities of the king's nobles. Do thou consider this.

This letter is a mild admonition to Penta-our, who, we shall presently see, was a little wild in his early courses. At the time when he made this compilation he was a writer of established reputation and had probably risen to high dignities, so that he could afford to let out a little of the follies of his youth. Some freedom has been used in the translation, with which I am far from satisfied. The last paragraph, of which the sense is clear, shows that one main object of the writer was to exalt the employment of the scribe. We shall come presently to several letters of a similar tenor. Mr. Heath, whose translation runs very differently, finds here allusions to the passage of the Red Sea.

Letter V. Whereas it has been told me that thou forsakest books, and that thou devotest thyself to pleasure [?]; that thou givest attention to the labours of the field, and turnest thy back upon theology behold! hast thou not considered the estate of the husbandman? When he would gather in his crops, the caterpillar ravages the herb garden, the beasts devour the other things. Multitudes of rats are in the fields, the crows alight, the beasts consume, the sparrows steal. If the husbandman neglect the watching [?] of the crops, thieves will rob the field. His axe,10 which is of metal, corrodes; the horses die through the labour of ploughing. The tax-gatherer [scribe of the harbour] is near [?] while he binds up the sheaves; there are police officers with staves, negroes with dates [?] they pilfer the corn unless they are beaten off. If he [the husbandman] is carried away by intoxicating liquors, if he is as one overcome with drink, his wife is carried off [?] before him, his children are naked [?], his neighbours go away to attend to their own crops. The business of the scribe is the first in the inner chamber [lit. chamber of the women], there is not its equal; the work of the scribe, there, is not its equal. Do thou consider this.

There is a duplicate copy of this letter in the collection Anastasi No. 5, from which some assistance has been gained in construing the above, but there is much still requiring elucidation. The letter which follows is in a similar strain, but presents greater difficulties. There is a duplicate of it m Anastasi No. 2 (Pl. lxxiii.), with considerable variations in the arrangement of the sentences. On the whole, this latter seems the better copy of the two.

[251] Letter VI. The scribe is released from labour; he is the manager of all businesses; he is appointed to ... Dost thou not carry the inkhorn? That makes a difference between thee and the rower at the oar, he is condemned to toil; thou hast not many masters, many superiors. When man comes from the womb of his mother he bows to his superior. The youth must serve the captain, the lieutenant the superior officer. The herdsman serves the farmer, the stable-boy the groom. The steward must preside over the works; his horse goes to the field; he brings vegetables for his wife and children. While his horse is gone ... The soldier must go to Khar without a staff, without shoes; he knows not whether to choose life or death. His horse falls among wild beasts. The thief [?] hides in the bushes, the enemy rushes upon him. The soldier in a march cries to his god, Deliver me.

The writer goes on to detail the annoyances and discontents of certain other professions; and in Anastasi No. 2, the letter winds up with the words, 'the mission of the scribe is the first of all which are in this world.'

In the next letter Amen-em-an again presses Penta-our upon the subject of his literary labours.

Letter VII. Faint-hearted one, exhortation is thrown away upon thee. Thou seest a great subject, yet dost not seize it ; a story greater than any thou hast told. I give thee a hundred urgings, and thou neglectest them all. Thou art worse [?] than an ass; urge him and he is active for the day. Thou art worse [?] than the negro; threaten him, and he will carry his load. Whether to catch a bird in the nest, or to train a hawk, I would make a man of thee, thou bad youth. Do thou consider this.

The words about the bird in the nest and the hawk seem to be a quotation or a well-known proverb, expressing probably an easy and a difficult thing. They occur elsewhere, in another letter, where they are rather more intelligible. Perhaps some words have slipped out here.

The next letter appears to have been written when Amen-em-an was away from home, engaged in some mission, and thus he sighs for the comforts of college life.

Letter VIII. O Thoth, would that I were in Sesennou [Hermopolis], thy pleasant dwelling-place, where thou art entertained with cakes and ale, where thou givest voice to jocund [?] discourse ... would that when I enter into the presence of each god, I might go forth justified. [O! for] the great cellar [?] of three [?] cubits, which has spices [?] in it and grain as well as spices, and liquor as well as grain. The water-carrier dwells far off. O! that the voice of Thoth would send me the sweet rain, as to one who is thirsty. The earth is locked up when he shuts his mouth, it is opened at his voice. When his voice goes forth the parched place finds the rain: when thou ....

[253] The last word is nearly erased, and I suspect that this letter is not complete. Possibly Amen-em-an was about to tell Penta-our to send him a supply of the luxuries which he so feelingly deplores the want of. The following letter contains a very pompous announcement of the return of king Ba-en-ra-Meneptah from an expedition:

Letter IX. Rejoice ye in all the land at the good news, at the return of the lord, the king of all lands. He is pleased to come to his house, the king, lord of myriads of years, greatest of rulers, even as Horus. Ba-en-ra Meri-amen, making Egypt to rejoice, the son of Ha, prosperity to the royal lord, Meneptah, reposing in truth, executing all justice. May ye behold truth dispelling falsehood; when he strikes down their faces, all the crocodiles turn back. The river rises, the Nile swells abundantly, to the beginning of the equinox from the hour of the moon's rising. The gods are pleased, serene, and joyous .... Do thou consider this.

The purport of this letter seems to be that Penta-our was to give the labourers in his employment a holiday and a feast, by way of showing the loyalty of the master Amen-em-an. A letter from a different scribe, much to the same effect, and filled with similar bombast, occurs in Anast. No. 3, which we shall mention presently.

The following runs like one of those peremptory epistles which the kings of England are in the habit of addressing to the sheriffs when it is necessary to interfere between the lieges upon a point of disputed possession. The Registrum Brevium will furnish some similar forms.

Letter X. Whereas the steward Amen-em-oua, the son of Amen-em-ap, of the great house of Rameses II., within,11 has notified to us, saying, 'There were given to me, twenty unploughed [?] fields, producing fodder for the horses of the king, which are under my care, but behold they have been taken away from me, and given to the major-domo Memma, of the palace of king Rameses II., in Pa- Amen [Thebes].' This is to say, when my letter reaches thee, thou shalt deliver up the twenty unploughed fields to the steward Amen-em-oua, the son of Amen-em-ap, of the great house of Rameses II., within, with all speed, immediately this letter reaches you. Ye shall restore to him the royal fields, the royal lodges, the royal stores in the royal lodges, also the royal magazines, the royal corn lands, the royal crops of .... the uncultivated places, and all places of pleasure, which ye pay us rent for, every one of them. Ye shall do it according to the [letter] of the roll, with ... fixed in writing in the lodge of the royal granary.

[253] The various properties to be delivered up are translated rather conjecturally, but the purport of the letter is abundantly clear.

Only three lines of the eleventh and last letter remain to us in the papyrus Sallier No. 1, but Anastasi No. 4 supplies the deficiency. It is not the least curious in the collection; I can offer only something approaching to a translation of it; the latter part of it particularly presents considerable difficulties, but I have no doubt of its general sense.

Letter XI. Whereas it has been told me that thou hast forsaken books, and devoted thyself to pleasure [?], that thou goest from tavern to tavern, smelling of beer at the time of evening [?] If beer gets into a man it overcomes thy mind; thou art like an oar started from its place, which is unmanageable every way; thou art like a shrine without its god, like a house without provisions, whose walls are found shaky. If thou wieldest the rod of office [?] men run away from thee Thou knowest that wine is an abomination;

thou hast taken an oath concerning strong drink that thou wouldst not put [liquor] into thee. Hast thou forgot thy resolution [?] Thou hast been taught songs concerning .... sayings concerning .... to recite ... about ... to sing about the ... ' If thou sittest in the school [?], thou art compared to the sleepers; if thou standest up to play in, thou art behindhand [?]. Dost thou sit in the presence of the daughters, art thou anointed with sweet oil, thy garland of flowers [mouse-ear?] about thy neck; thou rollest upon thy belly, thou reelest [?] thou fallest on thy belly, thou art besmeared like an egg.'

There is much guess-work here, but I believe the thread of the letter has been seized. If it be thought strange that Pentaour should introduce into his collection a letter which is not much to his own credit, it must be remembered that when this compilation was made his character was well established; and probably, after all, he did not feel himself to have entirely deserved the solemn remonstrances which his reverend friend and tutor was so fond of addressing to him. One half suspects that the alleged misdemeanours are entirely imaginary, and merely assumed as texts for Arnen-em-an's sermons. The miscellaneous character of the eleven letters here given confirms the view above taken, that they were strung together as models of epistolary correspondence and nothing more. Though they are disappointingly silent upon what we call history, yet, as picturing the thoughts and habits of the Pharaonic scribe of the days of Joseph and Moses, they are of no small interest.

The papyrus Anastasi No. 2 must be described more briefly than the preceding. It opens with an historic fragment relating to a treaty made between Rameses II. and two Asiatic princes; [254] one the chief of the Hittites, the other of a city or country called Kati, which must not be confounded with Katesh, the capital of the Hittites. Kati was celebrated for its beer, or some kind of drink, of which we find frequent mention in the papyri. This fragment does not add much to our knowledge of the history of Rameses II.; it seems to be only introduced as a model of an historic exordium for the use of young literary aspirants.12 The rest of the papyrus is occupied with eight or nine letters, some of which are found elsewhere; several are adulatory addresses to the reigning monarch, Ba-en-ra Meriep-tah. The handwriting is the most difficult to read of any in these papyri; but I believe the text is more correct than in others which are more distinguished for their calligraphy.

Anastasi No. 3, is a collection of documents made by a scribe named Pinebsa, in the same miscellaneous way as that of Penta-our. The beginning of the papyrus is lost, and the first letter is a mutilated fragment. The second letter is from Pinebsa to his chief, Amen-em-ap, and contains a glowing description of a place called the house of Rameses, probably the city of Rameses in Lower Egypt, which the Israelites are said to have built.13 The next piece, a letter, runs as follows:

The scribe Amen-em-ap says to the scribe Pinebsa. Whereas this letter is brought to thee, saying communication. Thou negligent scribe, this is to admonish thee rigorously concerning giving thy heart to pleasure [or business pursuits]; yea, rather thou shouldst shun it. Let books be in thy hand, recite with thy mouth, be assiduous in giving account of thyself. Dost thou manage the businesses of a chief, thou shalt find this when thou art old [?] the scribe flourishes who is energetic in all his businesses.

The writer goes on with a string of similar admonitions, and concludes thus:

Give thy heart to obey orders; it is for thy benefit, whether to teach [some animal] to fight [?], whether to break a horse, whether to take a bird in its nest, whether to train a hawk; it is powerful in its aid; do not thou neglect it: as for letters, be not weary of them; give thy heart to obey my words. Thou shalt find letters to thy profit.

We have here again the proverb or quotation about the [255] bird in the nest and the hawk in rather a fuller and more intelligible form than in the other case. I own the conjectural nature of several parts of the above translation; it is little satisfactory to me, but I have no doubt as to the purport of the letter, which resembles greatly some of Amen-em-an's letters to Penta-our. A copy of this letter is found in Anastasi No. 5, PL cii., with a continuation tacked on, unless, indeed (which I rather suspect) it be a distinct letter which follows this, the careless scribe having omitted to mark by a break or red letter the commencement of a new piece.

The next piece in Pinebsa's collection is not a letter, but a sort of funeral oration, addressed to Amen-em-ap him self, who, at the end of it, is described as deceased. The Egyptians were firm believers in the immortality of the body, and treated their departed ancestors as perpetually present with them. This is the burden throughout of the Ritual, or Book of the Dead. The deceased is believed to walk and sit, to eat, drink, and sleep as he did upon the earth. Accordingly we find Pinebsa dedicating this collection to his deceased master. Here is the explicit at the end of the papyrus.

Finished well and in peace; dedicated to the chief of his business [or profession;] singer [?] ... royal ambassador to the whole earth; superintendent of lowlands and highlands, Amen-em-ap, deceased. Written in the 3rd year, the 28th day of ...

We find several other precisely similar dedications in the papyri, only they are made to living persons instead of a dead one, of which this is the only instance.

After the funeral oration follows a complimentary address to some person in high position, and of literary eminence, whom we may conjecture to have been the successor of Amen-em-ap in his presidency of the college to which Pinebsa be longed. Then come three letters from Amen-em-ap to Pinebsa, in the first of which the writer contrasts the life and condition of an Ouaou, which means, apparently, a foot soldier or infantry officer, with that of a scribe. The rough usage and disasters to which the young recruit is subjected are painted in amusing detail. The next letter contains a similar picture of the business of a cavalry soldier, with the same moral, namely, the exaltation of the scribes lot above that of all other men. Of the concluding letter of the papyrus I will attempt a translation.

The scribe Amen-em-ap says to the scribe Pinebsa, Whereas this letter comes to thee saying -communication. When my letter reaches thee, thou shalt take fifty ounces p] of [some metal of which swords and cutting instruments were made, perhaps bronze], nay, [256] even an hundred ounces, at the hand of Aai, the scribe of the metals [cashier], according to the number of the Smat of the temple of Rameses II., the sun-born, in An [On, Heliopolis], in order to deliver it to the workmen quickly, in the hour when Ba-en-ra Meriamen, the high admiral, the victorious weapon, the strong scimitar smiting foreign nations, the hand-javelin, returns to the place of his birth in An. He went out conquering the whole earth. Fortunate is the day of thy return; sweet is thy word of command, when thou buildest the house of Rameses II., where every land draws near [?], where every country approaches [?], where there are seen splendid garments, vessels of lapis-lazuli and brass, the place of exercise of thy horsemen, the place of review of thy bowmen, the place where thy captains harbour their vessels, bringing the tributes. Honoured be thou when thou approachest to thy slaves when they behold the prince [Hek] standing up to fight; the enemy [?] do not stand before him, they are afraid. [We are ?] thy creatures, O! Ba-en-ra Meri amen. Thou art eternal, thou art eternal, thou art established on the seat of thy father Pharaoh.

This letter relates to the same king whose return to his palace is mentioned in the ninth letter of Penta-our's collection. It is possible that the occurrence here referred to took place in the life-time of his father Rameses II. From the titles, it is not easy to know whether Ba-en-ra is addressed as a sovereign or as a subject. He would seem to have been employed in superintending the building of the city of Rameses II.; and the last words in the letter may, perhaps, express no more than that he was made co-regent with his father. This is the supposition of Miss Corbaux, whose ingenious speculations upon the chronology and events of this period are prefixed to Mr. Heath's work; but which, I must observe, find little support in these papyri, if I have succeeded in rightly interpreting them. Miss Corbaux thinks that Ba-en-ra died before his father; Lepsius assigns him an independent reign of twenty years I presume, upon some monumental authority. He may, notwithstanding, have been co-regent for some years before his father's death.

Certain people called Smat (or Semt, as Mr. Heath reads it) are spoken of here as attached to the temple of Rameses II. in On. They have been mentioned once before in the first letter in Penta-our's collection, where the Hyk (most likely Ba-en-ra) is said to have enrolled or reviewed them. Who and what these people were is a question not yet solved. Mr. Heath takes them for the Israelites. The word Smat or Semt, however, does not seem to be a national name, certainly not the name of a foreign people, as it has not the determinatives which usually follow such words. It seems rather to designate [257] some caste, class, or trade. It has been thought to mean the labourers or serfs bound to the soil belonging to the temples or royal palaces, who may either have been aborigines or foreign captives. It will appear presently that Smat were found at the southern extremity of Egypt as well as at On. They also appear to have spoken a dialect unintelligible to the pure Egyptians.

The next papyrus, Anastasi No. 4, contains twenty-one pieces, some of them imperfect; they are principally letters. A fragment of the first page bears the name of Enna and a date, the first year of some king, in all probability Seti II., whose name occurs in the papyrus. It may probably be inferred that Enna was the compiler of this collection, which comprises, as we have already seen, several pieces taken from earlier collections. It contains a good deal of his own correspondence, but many of the letters have neither the names of the writers nor of the persons to whom they were addressed. One piece is a letter of adulation to the reigning monarch Seti II., and is a copy of one contained in Anast. No. 2, where the monarch addressed is Ba-en-ra Meneptah his predecessor. Some of the letters are upon matters of business, and the last two are particularly valuable, from their containing long lists of provisions, furniture, and miscellaneous stores, which the scribe, to whom they are addressed, is ordered to procure for the use of the king. Others are of a familiar and private character, like some we have seen in the previous collections. It is evident that the object of such a compilation can have been no other than that of our Complete Letter Writers, to furnish the young scribes with models of various kinds for their imitation. I will give a few specimens.

(Pl. Ixxxv. 1. 8.) When I arrived at Abou [Elephantine], I performed my commission. I reviewed the soldiers of the cavalry, the temples, the Smat, the lieutenants of the lodges, the captains of his majesty. Do thou go and give intelligence thereof to the principal register office. My commission swells like the Nile. Give me thy pity [lit. heart].

This letter shows us that there were Smat at Elephantine, the southern limit of Egypt, which is not in favour of the idea of their being Israelites.

The next letter to the preceding is written apparently from Memphis, but neither writer nor person addressed are named (Pl. Ixxxv. 1. ult.). The writer complains of being oppressed with business, and worn out with excess of watching, and he Ptah to bring his correspondent to Memphis to help him prays in his difficulties.

[258] In Pl. Ixxxix. 1. 7, we have a letter from a steward to his employer, but with no names given. Mr. Heath translates it (Exod. Papyri, p. 218,) and connecting it with the two succeeding pieces (with which I believe it has nothing to do), he finds in it allusions to the events of the Exodus. The reader must be referred to his book to see the ingenious way in which this is done. If the translations here offered be sound, these theories will fall to pieces of themselves. Here is the letter in question. The meaning of the opening words is rather doubtful.

Whereas it is but a short time that I am with thee, yet thou placest a load upon my back; thy reproofs come to my ears; I am like a galloping horse. Do I not go, do I not search in my heart by day, is it not present with me at night, namely, how I may act for the benefit of my lord, like a servant useful to his lord. I have built thee a house of granite; it is for thy residence, it is floored with timber [or planted with trees], through its whole extent. Thy stables, as well as thy granaries, are full of grain [Here follow about twenty different kinds of seeds and fruits, which must be left un translated]. Thy ox-stalls are .... thy breeding cows are fruitful. I have made thee a garden [?] of herbs to the south of thy estate; it abounds with melons [?] sugar-canes, fruits fit for food [?]. Let thy boats come loaden; thou seest what I [?] have done. May Ptah the beneficent grant thee that which thou desirest.

The scribe has omitted to insert the usual rubric to mark the beginning of another letter; a small space is, however, left, and then follows a copy of a letter contained in Anast. No. 3, namely, that from Amen-em-ap to Pinebsa, in which the condition of the Ouaou, or foot-soldier, is described. No names are given here, and the introductory words of the epistle are slightly altered, thus: 'Dost thou say that the soldier's [life] is more agreeable than the scribe's? let me tell thee the condition of the soldier,' &c. At the end of this letter follows, without any break whatever, something which looks like a comment of Enna the compiler upon the piece which he has just quoted. I translate it thus:

The scribe Enna replies to the section concerning the scribe's [life] being pleasanter than the soldier's: May Amen deliver me from the cold season, when the sun does not shine, the winter14 comes instead of summer, the month is stormy, the hours shortened [?]. The great ones cry to thee, Amen! the little ones seek thee, they who are in [259] the laps of their nurses. Give us thy breath, Amen! When Amen hears, the sweet wind blows from before him. He grants me to be winged like a vulture, like a pinnace rigged, bidding [?] the .... go to the fields, the washers to the pools, the soldiers to go forth to the country [?], the .... to the pools (?).

A letter in Pl. xci. 1. 8, in which Mr. Heath finds mention of a royal order allowing the Israelites to quit Egypt, appears to me to be nothing more than the calling to account of a scribe by his superior officer for not getting provisions ready for certain spies about to set out upon a foreign mission. It is succeeded by a letter, which has been already translated, namely, that in which Amen-em-an admonishes his pupil Penta-our as to his drunken habits; after which comes one on the subject of hunting, with a postscript about a scribe who has a toothache. These I must endeavour to give to the reader.

(Pl. xciii. 1. 5.) Since I have been stationed in Kankan I have made no preparation for thee, there being no one to make brick, no straw at hand, except that brought to me by ...

There are no asses of burden. My occupation is to look towards the heavens, that I may find the eye of cheerfulness. The way up to Dja is covered with palms yielding nothing fit to eat, except their dates, which are not yet ripe [?]. If the master comes in the dawn of the bird, in the season of the quail [?], the legs are active, each vein is full. I shall walk like one strong in bone, traversing the marshes on foot. Then let the barrels be opened which are full of beer of Kati,15 while men go forth to prepare the vessels for the journey. There are 200 great hounds,16 be sides 300 wolf-dogs, 500 in all. They stand ready every day at the door of the house at the time of my rising from sleep. They make their breakfast [?] when the barrel is opened. Let me have none of the little dogs of the breed of Ha, the royal scribe. He [i.e. this kind of dog] is a stay-at-home. Deliver me from them. Hour after hour at the time when I go out, when I am about to go abroad, I must flog him, I must kick him, until the thongs [?] of the whip [?] fall one after another. The red dog with the long tail, he goes by night into the stalls of the oxen. He is equal to the long-faced [dog]. He makes no delay in hunting. His face is joyful [?] like a god-loose him, he is delighted. The kennel where he abides he returns not to it [?]. Postscript Whereas a certain scribe of registration [?] is abiding with me, every vein of whose face is swelled, ophthalmia [260] is in his eyes, the worm gnaws his tooth: I know not how to send him away entirely. My stores are sufficient; let him receive his rations whilst he remains in the neighbourhood of Kankan.

The two concluding letters of the papyrus consist almost entirely of lists of objects to be provided for the king's use, upon what particular occasion does not appear.

Anastasi No. 5, contains twenty letters, a few of which are copies of those contained in other papyri. Sometimes they commence simply with the word 'communication;' in other cases the names of the writers and their correspondents are given. I suspect that the former are letters borrowed from some previous collection, and that those in which names are given are such as the compiler took from correspondence of which he possessed the originals. This papyrus, like Anastasi No. 4, is very well written, but by a different copyist. The collection appears to have been made in the reign of Seti II., whose name occurs several times. I shall give translations of some of these letters.

(Pl. cvii. 1. 2.) Whereas I have heard the message which thou hast sent to me touching the ox,17 behold, I know not the place where thy son has put the ox. Behold, has he not taken it away, and given it to the fan-bearer Ousekh-aten [wide ears]. But if thy heart is set upon the ox, give me the seeds [?], the cat, the garment, the pouch, the ten measures of wheat, the ten measures of barley, which thou didst promise me when thou toldest me to write to my son, when he went away to Khar. I will send him back to the fortress, it being his turn to go to Egypt for six years.

Upon this follows a letter headed by the words 'another speech,' and which is probably a postscript to the preceding.

Postscript from Ankh-nou Katuti. I know Ankh-nou the [daughter of] Kar-mahou. I send a message on her behalf, saying: Let me have the head of cattle which I Behold, did I not bring them before the scribes of the magistrate, in their house18 I told them .... that I would come back to their house again. But do justice to me; behold, if [thou dost] not come to meet them, when we appear before the magistrate, grant us delay that we may .., .... may send the asses of the king to their stalls and their food [stomachs]. I hope that your excellency19 will give attention to my letter. Be not neglectful of it; be not offended, let not thy tran- [261] quillity be disturbed. Thou art fixed as the hours, firm is thy condition, long thy duration, gracious are thy answers. Thine eve beholdeth that which is good, thou nearest that which is just thou beholdest the good, thou hearest the truth; thou art prosperous in thy business, thou art worshipped like a god .... thou stretchest put thy hand to every one that is poor; thou raisest up whomsoever is fallen; thou establishest him that is cast down. There is none who can argue with thee. When thou comest before the assembly of the gods, thou goest forth justified.

The latter part of this complimentary speech occurs in another letter in Anastasi No. 4. It is evidently a common form of adulation, and has no special reference to a particular transaction, as Mr. Heath thinks. Justification in the day of judgment, on appearing before the forty-two assessors of Hades, was what every Egyptian prayed for, and we have seen Amen-em-an ejaculating this prayer while deploring the loss of the comforts of his cellar. It was, no doubt, considered an appropriate climax to a string of compliments addressed by an inferior to a great man to express a confident belief in his salvation. The supposed allusion to the rebel Moses, and a usurping king or viceroy, Siptah, which Mr. Heath finds in this letter, vanish entirely in the above translation.

The next letter is a duplicate of that in Sallier No. 1, about the inconveniences of the agricultural life; and that which follows it is in the same strain as the admonitory letter of Amen-em-an to Penta-our, about the frequenting of taverns. It is probably the composition of the same respectable scribe, but we have no names.

(Pl. cxi. 1. 3). Having heard, saying, that thou goest after pleasure turn not thy face away from my advice; dost thou not give thy heart to all the words of the votaries of pleasure? thy limbs are alive, thy heart is of those who sleep. I, thy superior, forbid thee to go to the taverns. Thou art degraded [?] like the beasts. But we may see many like thee; they are haters of books, they honour not God. God regards not the breakers of oaths,20 the illiterate. On the contrary, those who follow letters, their names are chosen for sending upon embassies. Thou mayest look at me ... When I was as young as thou. I passed my time under the rod [?]; it tamed my members. When three months were ended I was dedicated to the house of God. My father and mother were in the country [far away?], my kindred [?] likewise gone, I am free, I seek advancement. I became one of the first in all kinds of learning which is found in books. Do according to my advice, and thy limbs will be sound, where thou art found ... thou art not rejected [?].

[262] I shall now give a specimen of the military style of communication. The papyrus is unfortunately mutilated in parts of this letter:

(Pl. cxiii. 1.2.) The captain of bowmen, Ka-kam [Black-bull], [of the land of] Tekou, to the captain of bowmen Ani, and the captain of bowmen, Bek-en-Ptah. By the life21 of the worshipper of Amen-Ra, king of the gods, his majesty Seti-Meneptah, our gracious royal lord. I pray that Phra-Horus may establish the king, our gracious royal lord, may he accomplish millions of festivals, and may we worship him continually. Communication Whereas I went to them of the hall of the palace, on the 9th of Epiphi, at the time of evening, in pursuit of the two slaves; but when I arrived at the fortress of Tekou, on the 10th of Epiphi, they said that they were gone off to the south. This is to say, when the ... day of Epiphi arrived .... reached the fortress. They said to me, the .... gone to the field of ... they approached the valley [?] close by the town of Seti-Meneptah I. .... When my letter reaches you, send me information concerning everything which has been done.

Dispatch seven [?] troops; dispatch numbers of men [to search] after them. Send me information of all that has been done .... Do ye send plenty of men after them. Farewell.

The next is a letter from a son to his father:

(Pl. cxiv. 1. 6.) The scribe Amen-mesou salutes [his] father, captain of bowmen, Bek-en-Ptah. By the life of the worshipper of Amen-ra, king of the gods, I pray to Phra-Horus, to At-mou, and his community of gods, that thou mayest be well continually. Communication Prithee send me word of thy condition [lit. thy arm], and thy health, by the hand of every man who comes from thee, seeing that I desire to hear of thy condition daily. Thou hast not informed me well; nay, but rather badly. Yea! not a man of those whom thou hast sent to visit me, has told me concerning thy condition. Pray send me word of thy condition, of the condition of thy servants, every one of them; seeing that my desire [heart] is towards them greatly. Moreover, send thou me some good loaves, and fifty small [?] cakes. The messenger p] brought twenty of them. [This is] to say, I am undone, if he does not continue to bring fodder because he did not inform me of the evening when he would come to me. Do thou send some butter and oil, two boxes [?] by his hand. Farewell.

I am not clear whether the writer does not say that he sends the provisions in question to his father, instead of ask ing to have them sent to him. The Egyptian text possibly would allow either construction.

[263] In Pl. cxvi. 1. 6, we have a letter of general admonition upon the conduct and behaviour becoming a scribe. There are several lacunae in it, which prevent our making sense of some parts. It is in the vein of Amen-em-an:

Whereas I am appointed to the chair of instruction [among] the children of the nobles, to instruct and to conduct these great businesses, behold, I will tell thee the duty of a scribe, as one who has sat in thy scribe's office before thy time. Pay attention to thy garments, keep thy sandals clean; thou shalt take thy clothes [?] daily to Do not neglect them, every three [days?], one after the other When thou hast finished inditing letters, thou shalt change [?] clothes. Art thou called upon to recite words .... with thy mouth, the book in thy hand, dictate with thy mouth accurately. Thou shalt not idle, thou shalt not pass the day in indolence, lolling [?] with thy limbs. When engaged in the business of thy chief, obey his precepts avoid speaking reproachful words.

The next letter follows without the smallest mark of division, as happens in several other places in this papyrus. It is from the officer of infantry, Ani, and the officer of infantry, Bek-en-Amen, to another officer named Ma-men, and relates to the transport of certain obelisks (?) to a foreign place named Djarou. I shall not attempt a translation, but pass to the next, which is of greater interest:

(Pl. cxix. 1. 2.) Captain Mai, of Tekou, to the chief of mercenaries,22 Enna, of the race of Phra, the captain of bowmen, Ini, of the race of Phra, in the name, &c. Communication Whereas captain Ani, captain of captains, notified to me, saying, 'The chief said to us, "Make a census of the men." But we said to him, "If we call out the names by which each of them is named, they will not answer to their names." Let the captain Mai, of Tekou, give them tickets if they do not give the tickets in due form.

Moreover, whereas it was notified, saying, "If we call out their names before you, when they are brought to you, do ye not say, on the contrary, ye have rejected the plan of calling name by name? Yet ye say, 'Dost thou not know the signals of the mercenaries, and their words of command? Thy intercourse with them has been extensive. In truth, thou art the child of the Smat; thou art not a chief; thou wast brought from another [or a small] place, to set thy self on an equality with the nobles; thou knowest their custom of answering to their names. Do ye, therefore, bring them to me ...... they speak the language of the inhabitants of Egypt.

[264] art of the race of the mercenaries. Let us say again a few words; do ye listen to them. Thou hast done according to that which belonged to thee; do they not know how to bear it?'" Farewell.

There is much obscurity in the way in which the parties are mixed up here, and it is difficult to make sense of the latter part of the letter. But the general meaning seems sufficiently clear, that the officers of pure Egyptian blood, of the race of the sun, had difficulty in managing certain troops or work men of foreign extraction, and request Mai to assist them, as being himself sprung from their tribe. The Smat seem to be identified with the mercenaries (Madjaiou). Mai himself is described as of Tekou, or Dag; but what place this was has not been, as far as I know, clearly made out. The determinative shows that it was a foreign country.

The five papyri last described contain, as has been shown, collections of a most miscellaneous character. Three papyri have now to be mentioned which belong to a class different from the preceding.

Anastasi No. 6, contains four letters, or fragments of letters, from the scribe Enna to his chief Ka-kabou, apparently all relating to one affair. The papyrus is headed with the name and titles of Seti-Meneptah II. in magnificent characters; but the year of his reign is not given. On the back we find 'The year 1' which seems meant to supply the omission in the superscription. This papyrus certainly appears intended as an official record of a transaction, rather than a specimen of literary composition. Enna gives an account of a long dispute between himself and some other officers about the management of certain work-people, whose employment seems to have been weaving or making of clothes, for a list of different kinds of garments or fabrics is given, said to be of their workmanship. These people are sometimes described with the mark of the common gender, sometimes with that of the feminine alone. Mr. Heath calls them 'Spondists' The word is a puzzling one, and stands in need of elucidation. We find mention made of an officer named Mesu, which may possibly be the Egyptian for Moshe or Moses, though it is worthy of notice that the name of Ra-mesu or Rameses, in which the same two syllables occur, is transcribed in Hebrew Ra-meses. Be this as it may, I see nothing in the papyrus to warrant the idea that the Mesu or Moses here mentioned is identical with the Hebrew patriot. The name was probably not uncommon among the Egyptians. Mr. Heath finds here mention of 'Aramites' and 'confederates'; the word which he has thus translated aruma, I believe to be merely [265] a preposition, signifying 'together with,' in which sense it occurs m the hieroglyphical inscription containing the treaty of Rameses II. with the king of the Hittites. On the whole, this papyrus, though interesting in some parts, does not seem to have great historical importance. Its exact meaning, however, is not clear to me, and I shall not attempt a translation here.

Anastasi No. 8, contains but a single letter from a scribe named Ra-mesou to another named Teti-em-heb. It is so much mutilated that the nature of its contents can be little more than guessed at.

Anastasi No. 9, also contains a single letter from the scribe Oura to the scribe Ra-mesou, the author, it may be presumed, of the previous letter. The writer exculpates himself from some blame which had been attached to him concerning the management of his chiefs cattle. Mutilations interfere much with the satisfactory decipherment of this papyrus.

I have now gone through the epistolary part of these papyri. The next to be noticed is Anastasi No. 1, which introduces us to a different species of composition. It is what we should call a biographical memoir of a scribe, written by his pupil, and addressed to the object of the memoir himself. The Egyptians were great adepts at flattery, and here is a fine specimen of the art. The author commences by a dedicatory address, in which he ascribes to his patron every virtue under heaven. The hero's name has unfortunately been torn out; he appears to have been the son of Oun-nofer (a name which has descended to modern times in the form of Onuphrius) and his wife Ta-ouser, and to have held high offices about the person of the king. After the writer has run himself out of breath in stringing together laudatory epithets, the words 'your excellency,'23 in red letters, announce the actual commencement of the narrative, which is continued throughout in the second person. Letters written by the patron are sometimes woven in as well as the anecdotes and discourses with which he was wont to edify his followers. Mutilations are so numerous that some fragments only can be translated. The seventh section commences thus:

(Pl. xlii. 1. 7). Thou didst speak saying: 'Inactive, inglorious scribe, that foldest thy arms. I know many men inglorious, inactive, abject, unheroic, they abound in houses full of feasting ... let me tell thee the business of a scribe ... [then follows the de- [266] scription of the model scribe] ... Hast thou heard the name of Amen-ouah-sou, one of the elders of the royal white house; he lived .... years, and was still vigorous, &c. I will tell thee of a captain of archers who was in An [Heliopolis], &c.

At the end of this quotation the writer himself again speaks:

Hail, my master,  .... behold, I seek after thy [instructions], I delight in them.

In the eighth section mention is made of a prayer (?) of the noble Har-tataf, 'a great mystery,' upon which a commentary is given, through which I do not see my way. The 64th chapter of the Ritual, which is remarkable from its containing a reference to king Menkeres, is associated with prince Har-tataf. The meaning of the passage (Todtenbuch, cap. Ixiv., col. 31) appears to be that in the days of king Menkeres, prince Har-tataf either composed this chapter or found it inscribed in a temple at Hermopolis. It is there described as 'a great mystery' (col. 32); and is probably the prayer alluded to in our papyrus.

The next section (PL xlv. 1. ult.), appears to be a dispute about the pedigree of the writer, or his claim to the rank which he held. He says: 'Thou wilt find my name in the roll of ... in the house of Rameses II.' &c. We next get an account of various active services in which the patron distinguished himself; amongst others, that of directing the transport and erection of an obelisk. It would not be difficult to give approximate translations of some of these passages, but this would involve a good deal of guess-work, and I shall pass now to the most interesting part of the papyrus; that, namely, which relates an expedition of the patron to Palestine, and contains a number of names of cities which he is said to have visited.

(Pl. li. 1. 2.) The writer begins, addressing his patron:

Thou chosen scribe, tried of heart ... thou art a lamp in the darkness before thy troops, to enlighten them. Thou wast sent on a mission to Bahana, before the army, to prepare for it the roads of the enemy [or the bad roads] which are called those of the Aaruna. The soldiers [native troops'?] who were with thee were 1200 in number; Shartana 220, Kahaka 1300, Mashawasha negroes 480, making 3200 in all ... the provisions were brought before thee, bread, beeves, wine. The number of the men was multiplied unto thee, yea, the things were too few for them.

The men are put upon half rations and a mutiny follows, which is suppressed by the determination of the leader.

[267] Such, at least, I suspect to be the meaning of the passage. The next chapter says:

Thy letters abound in instruction [?], they are loaded with great words .... Do thou begin again to speak, let us be gratified according to that which thou hast promised. Would that we were on the way. Thou makest ready, thou yokest the horses, swift as roes [?]  like a gust of wind when it bursts forth ... Thou takest the bow, we behold the deeds of thy hand; I find in it the picture of the captain [Mahar, some kind of officer, possibly what we should call a military engineer].... Dost thou not go to the land of Heth? Dost thou not behold the land of Aup Kharuma, dost thou not know its appearance Ikatai, likewise, how great it is. The ... of Rameses, the region of Khir [abu], with its ... and its fleet; how numerous is it! Dost thou not journey to Kati and Tubakhi? Dost thou not go to Shasu with the bowmen? Dost thou not tread the road to the mountain [?] of heaven ... at the time when it was luxuriant with aoun [tree], with cypress and acacia,24 piercing the heaven. There are multitudes of bears [?], lions, wild boars [?], which the Shasu hunt after. Dost thou not ascend the hill Shawa?

[The Mahar retires to his tent fatigued with the labours of the day, and now comes an adventure.] It is the time of the beginning of the night; it is cold [?], thou art alone ... Does there not come a thief to steal thy clothes [?] He goes to the stalls of the horses, he ... backwards in the night; he takes thy clothes. Thy groom rises in the night; he sees him carrying off his booty. He falls in with mischief, a place filled with Madjaiou and Shasou. He simulates [?] the appearance of an Aamou. The enemy having finished plundering ... things become quiet [?]. Thou risest up; dost thou not pursue them I will speak to thee also of the mysterious [holy?] place, namely, Senpouna [or Hapouna]; it is a great city. Their goddess is Kisep.25 Dost thou not go the way looking towards Baruta [Berytus] and Dja [tu] na [Zidon], Djarputa [Zarephath]!26 The boats of Djana and of Tennouautou, how numerous are they! I must mention also the city of the sea, Djaru [Zor, Tyre] of the waters is its name. It receives water by means of boats; it abounds in fish fit for food.

I speak to thee also of the taking of Djaruaou [Palae Tyrus?]. Thou didst burn it to ashes .... Mayest thou now set out to return to Kaikna. The road is by Aksapu [Achsaph] leading to the upper province looking towards the mountain Ouser, whose top [268] is very high. It is the high land of Ikama; its numbers, who can count them 1 The captain marches to Hadjar [Hazor]. How great is the number of its boats. Would that I might go to Hamata [Hamath], Tekar, Tekar-aran, the place of meeting of all the captains, looking towards the ..... road. Let me behold Ian .... I will speak to thee of other places which remain to which didst thou not go ... the land of Ta[ni]sa, Kafirmarruna, Tamenneh, Katesh, Tapour, Adjai, Harnemmi? Didst thou not behold Karta-anbou with Bita-toupra?27 dost thou not know Atur [na], Djataputa like wise. Knowest thou not the name of Khanrudja, which is in the land of Aup? there are oxen in its provinces; it is the abode of the lyers in wait, bold men all; it looks towards the statue [?] Sina. Let me hear of Rehabo [Rehob]; let me visit Bita-shaaran and Tarka-aran, the boats of Irtuna [Jordan?] fast sailing. Let me tell of the attempt to sack Makta [Megiddo ?], which was made against it. Thou art the captain, expert in deeds of courage ; where is a captain like thee, to lead the way before his troops ... where is the chief [Marina, Syriac, lord], who can be compared with thee to shoot? When [they came] to the ford of .... the rock of .... 2000 cubits high; it is of .... stone. Thou makest a halt [?], thou takest thy bow, thou puttest thy shield [?] on thy left hand, thou beholdest the chiefs graciously, they yield before thee. Bring bread, prepare venison for the captain to eat. Thou art named captain, lord of the pioneers p] of the land of Egypt. Thy name is like that of Kadjartui, the chief of Asar [Assyria?], when he found the wild boars [?] in the wood, on the rough road of the Shasou, lying in wait beneath the .... trees. They were of four cubits from their tail to their mouth; their heart is untameable, they list not to cajoling. Thou art alone there is no ... with thee. Is not the .... behind thee? Thou findest no ... to make an attack .... Thou knowest not the way. Thy face is .... the hair of thy head stands up; thy soul is in thy hand; thy way is full of flint-stones, it is difficult to find, abounding in thorns and bushes, briers and wolf's-foot [some plant]. The precipices [?] are on one side of thee, the mountain steep on the other. Thou proceedest to urge on thy chariot towards it. The driver [?] of thy horses is frightened; they forsake the guidance of thy hand; he runs off to pursue thy horses, he falls down, thou remainest ; the horses kick the chariot out of the road .... thou knowest not how to control them ; the shafts [?] are broken from their place; the horses refuse to bear them. Thy heart is afflicted, thou beginnest to cry to heaven; thirst comes upon thee; the enemy is behind thee. Thou takest the bow .... the horses become tranquil [?], at the same time thou findest repose. Thou seest that the sore trouble [is past?]; thou art arrived at Ip [qu. Joppa,]. Thou findest the fruit trees [269] blooming in their season; thou hast abundance of food. Thou findest the fair damsel who keeps the gardens.

While enjoying the pleasures of this agreeable place, an other accident happens to the traveller. His horses run away in the night, and chariot and harness get damaged. He meets, however, with experienced and friendly workmen, both carriage-builders and harness-makers who execute the necessary repairs.

The narrative of this journey occupies ten pages out of the twenty-eight which the papyrus contains. The translation given is, I am well aware, most imperfect, and requires immense corrections in details. The MS. abounds in mutilations, which greatly increase the difficulties of the translator. The reader will therefore, I hope, look with indulgence upon this attempt to lay before him the outline of a tour in Palestine made more than 3000 years ago. That Palestine really was the scene of these adventures, the names Berytus, Sarepta, and Tyre, which have been satisfactorily identified, leave no doubt. It is rather remarkable that no name occurs which admits of identification with Damascus. I must refer the reader to the second part of the Geography of M. Brugsch, in which the foreign nations known to the Egyptians are treated of, for the most recent speculations upon the names mentioned in our papyrus.

We have hitherto had to deal with compositions of a prosaic nature, or which, at least, do not rise much above the level of everyday language. I now come to a papyrus of a different character, and which presents much greater difficulties than any of those previously described. Sallier No. 2 contains three separate pieces; two of them, and probably also the third, the composition of the scribe Enna, the author of the Tale of the Two Brothers. They are in a poetical style, much more com pressed and obscure than that of any other of the works of the age of Seti II. with which we are acquainted. Although their general scope admits of being clearly made out, I am not in a position to offer anything like a complete satisfactory interpretation of them at present, and must be content with giving an outline of their contents. The first is headed thus;

The beginning of the instructions given by his majesty king Ka-shotep-het, son of the sun, Amen-em-ha, deceased; speaking counsels of truth [or precious counsels] to his son, the lord of all.

The word 'instructions' has usually been translated 'adorations,' through the confusion of two separate words, sbai and sbau, and the piece was understood to contain adorations [270] offered to Amen-em-lia. Lepsius pointed out this error,28 and gave the true meaning, spruche (gebete, weisheif), maxims, wisdom. In numerous places in which I have found it, it evidently indicates the authoritative teaching, or commands of a superior, to which our word 'instructions' answers very well. We have seen that Penta-our's collection of letters was headed, 'The beginning of the instructions of letters,' where the same word is used. It is preserved in the Coptic sbooue, doctrince. On examining the composition itself, we find that it, in fact, purports to be the political testament of Amen-em-ha, the first king of the great 12th dynasty, to his son Ousertasen, who is mentioned by name in Pl. xii. 1. 3. The expression 'lord of all,' a title which frequently occurs, perhaps means heir to all the possessions of his father. As Amen-em-ha lived, at a moderate computation, 1000 years before Enna wrote this piece, it cannot be regarded as of much historical value; but it is interesting as showing the ideas that prevailed in the time of Seti II. as to the great founder of the Theban supremacy. After the heading, the piece proceeds thus:

He saith, 'Rise up like a god, listen to the words that I speak unto thee. Thou art a king, thou art a ruler of provinces, over the good things which I have multiplied. Let the Smat be kept in order, for men are not content when they are exalted. Thou art amongst them, but one alone, in thy magnanimity, like a brother, not a master. In making thyself accessible to men there is infinite safety.'

We have here again mention of the Smat or Semt, but as to the nature of the directions given regarding them I am by no means clear. The word translated 'kept in order,' sakou, is determined by the figure of a crocodile, which I imagine to indicate some hostile kind of proceeding, but this is not certain. The Coptic furnishes us with a root, sole, which, among divers other meanings, has those of opprimere, affligere, castigare. If this be really an injunction to keep under and afflict the Smat, whom we have seen there is reason to think were a class of inhabitants of Egypt, speaking a strange language, the fact is a curious one, this book being no doubt meant for the reading of king Seti II., the Pharaoh of the Exodus, according to Lepsius, and in whose first year, moreover, it was probably written. The rest of the passage, if rightly translated, does not seem in harmony with this however, unless the frank and conciliatory policy therein recommended were meant only to apply to [271] the genuine Egyptian race, or those who are here styled, par excellence, men (Egypt, temmou, a word apparently identical with the Hebrew). But a few slight alterations in the turning of the sentence, and in the meaning assigned to one or two of the words, might so completely overthrow the sense above given, that it is not worth while to base theories upon it. The king proceeds to inculcate to his son certain other duties to which his high position called him, and enforces his precepts by reference to his own career. He relates the splendour in which he had lived, and his success in subduing rebels. He describes a great battle which took place, which was attended with important results. There was no end of every good thing, so that I cannot tell it. The king seems to have been surprised in his bed by insurgents, but showed great personal valour, and himself captured a rebel with arms in his hand. Firmly established on his throne by the successful event of this affair, the king now extended his dominion to the farthest parts of Egypt, which had hitherto been under separate potentates. Elephantine had been the seat of the 5th dynasty, according to Manetho, Memphis of the 6th, 7th, and 8th; Heracleopolis of the 9th and l0th. There is much reason to think that some of these dynasties at least were cotemporaneous; though whether Egypt was at the time of the rise of the Theban sovereignty divided into three kingdoms, is not yet clearly known. Amen-em-ha here says, 'I wrote orders to Abou [Elephantine], commands to Athou,' Abou and Athou are in several passages that I have met with thus conjoined as the most southern and northern points, the Beersheba and Dan of Egypt. Athou means, apparently, marshes, the low ground of the Delta, and the word is perhaps preserved in the Coptic ti-hot, the name of the region between the Canopic and Pelusiac branches, that is, the whole sea-front of the Delta.

The king says, if I understand him rightly, that he brought the whole of the country into subjection, and that he effected great improvements in agriculture, so that corn and grain were produced in abundance by the help of the Nile as a fertilizing agent, and that there was neither hunger nor thirst in his days. He exterminated wild beasts and suppressed the crocodiles, brought into subjection certain foreign peoples called the Wawaiou and the Madjaiou, and caused others called the Sati, or Satineh, to slink away like cats:

I built a house adorned with gold, its roof and walls with lapis-lazuli; the floors were laid with stone and metal, the hinges were of bronze [?]; a structure made for eternity, everlasting are its exalta- [272] tions. I knew every part of it.29 There were many devices [?] of passages [or streets]: I knew how to tell, how to find out its treasures, so that no man might know it except thee, Ousertasen; that thy feet might go, thou thyself with thine own eyes behold it; thou who wast born in a fortunate hour amongst the illustrious ones who do honour to thee.

This sounds like a description of a labyrinthine treasure-house, of which the secret was to be left to the king's successor alone. It was a successor and namesake of this king, Amen-em-ha III., who was the founder of the famous Labyrinth.

The concluding admonitions relate to the white crown, that of Upper Egypt, and the treasury where the vessels of the sun's boat were kept. Their precise nature I do not under stand. The writer adds:

Finished fortunately in peace. Dedicated to [or by command of] the wise and munificent [or learned] scribe of the white house, Ka-kabou, and to the scribe of the white house, Oura, [by] the scribe Enna, in the 1st year, the 20th day of Tobi.

The next piece commences thus (Pl. xii. 1. ult.):

The beginning of the instructions given by a certain functionary named Sbauf-sa-kharta, to his son named Pepi, when he returned from Khennu [Silsilis], where he had dwelt in the school of literature. The sons of the elders [or chiefs], they who are of Khennu, did not equal [?] him.

The object of the work is to extol the profession of the scribe, whose position is compared with that of men of various other classes. The whole is divided by rubrics into twenty-nine sections, the translation of a few of which shall be at tempted:

Sect. 2. Then he said to him, Behold me how I urge thee; give thy heart to letters. Look at me who am freed from servile works. Surely there is nothing superior to literature. It is like the waters, plunge [?] thyself to the bottom of the pool of letters. Thou shalt find this counsel regarding it, namely, if the scribe is well established in Khennu, he shall not be humiliated.

Sect. 3. Does he dispute [?] with another, he [i.e. the other] comes not off successful. Look at business also; verily there is this counsel concerning it: dost thou love letters as thy mother [?], dost thou welcome them unto thee? they are the best preparation for all business. There is not in this world a saying equal to it in profit. When one is a child it is helpful, when one is sent to perform commissions it is of immeasurable [?] utility.

[273] Sect. 4. I have not seen the artificer [employed in] commissions, nor the weaver [?] sent [upon important affairs]. I have seen the metal-worker [?] at his labours, at the mouth of his furnace, his fingers like the claws [?] of the crocodile when he hunts after the eggs of fishes.

Sect. 5. Every artificer [mason, carpenter?] who handles tools of metal is exempt from field-labours [?]; his fields are timber, his products are of metal. At night he is released, but he continues to exert his arms to work; in the night he lights a candle.

Sect. 6. The son of the stone [quarryman, sculptor?] must seek to carve all kinds of hewn stone. He labours [?] to complete his tasks; when his arms are weary he rests ; when he sits at the meals of the sun his knees and his back are worn out with labour [?].

The next trade mentioned I believe to be that of the maker of shields, or of leather harness; and he is said to go about from street to street to search for materials for his trade. 'He strains his arms to fill his belly, like the bees who eat of their burdens.'

Sect. 8, relates to the boatman (?) who navigates to Athu, that he may receive wages (?), and who must submit to the blows of the master of the vessel without a murmur.

Sect. 9, probably relates to the maker of small agricultural implements; section 10, possibly to the builder of walls.

Several following sections are obscure. No. 17, I conjecture to relate to the butcher, or perhaps the embalmer. His fingers are said to be filthy, smelling like a beast or like a fish. He is a person one would not like to meet; his occupation is cutting or slaughtering; his garments are defiled.

Sect. 18, says of the shoemaker, that he is bad at walking; but his productions (?) are lasting. His strength is like that of a beast; his gripe (?) that of the fish Ameskau, the oxyrhyncbus.

Sect. 19, relates to the dyers or washers, the people mentioned in the Tale of the Two Brothers as having been involved in vehement controversy about the odour of the wonderful lock. They are said to carry on their business at a pool or washing ground, and to be the neighbours of the crocodile. The overflowing of the Nile, the father of waters, puts an end to their labours.

Sects. 20 and 21, dwell upon the difficulties experienced by the bird-catcher and the fisherman in their several employments.

In section 22, the scribe returns to the praise of his own profession. 'A day in the house of instruction is profitable to thee; its products are eternal as the rocks.'

Sect. 23. 'I tell thee also other words to instruct thee, that [274] thou mayest understand; that thou mayest not be overcome when thou art entrusted with the execution of affairs. If the soldier receives charges,30 he knows not how to exe cute them; if lapis-lazuli31 be placed before a wild beast, he crushes it [as though it were] his food [or, perhaps, he turns his face to his prey in preference].

Sect. 24, contains cautions as to conducting oneself in the presence of a great man.

Sect. 25, warns against speaking anything offensive to 'the Great Creator.' I believe the sense to be this: 'If the words are spoken in secret, the interior of a man is no secret to him who made it; if the words are spoken boastfully, or openly, he is present with thee though thou be alone.'

Sect. 26, relates to the conduct of the scribe entrusted with the execution of business; section 27, is about telling lies; sections 28 and 29, contain some general eulogiums upon the obedient and industrious scribe, and a promise of much happiness to him.

The work is dedicated in Sail. No. 2, to Kakabou, without any date or author's name; but in the duplicate Anast. No. 7, we find the names of two other officers a military scribe Ankha(?), and another Meri, joined with that of Kakabou. Enna is named as the author, and the date is the sixth year of the monarch (probably Set II.), the 23rd day of Paoni.

The third piece in the papyrus, Sallier No. 2, is a hymn entitled 'Adorations of the Nile.' It consists of fourteen verses, distinguished in the usual way by rubrics. It is dedicated to Kakabou, and although the author's name is given in neither copy, we can have little hesitation in assigning it to Enna. Mr. Birch has translated a verse of it in his Introduction to the Study of the Egyptian Hieroglyphs. The blessings of the fertilizing Nile, 'the lord of fishes,' are dwelt upon with enthusiasm. As any translation which I could give would be very imperfect, and must contain much guess-work, I will attempt none here.

There remains but one more papyrus of the 19th dynasty to notice, namely, Sallier No. 4, which contains a calendar of good, bad, and indifferent days throughout the year. M. de Rouge [275] gave a synopsis of the contents in the Revue Archeologique, 1854. This is a very remarkable document, as illustrating the superstitions of ancient Egypt. One day is unlucky for setting out on a journey, another for lighting a fire, for eating meat, &c. People born on particular days are destined to die under particular circumstances, as to die rich and honoured, or be killed by a bull or a crocodile.32 These notions are connected in some way with the mythology of the Egyptians; and we find through out allusions to the contests between Horus and Set, or Sute'ch, the Typhon of the Greeks, which formed a leading feature in the Egyptian legends. In PL cxlv. and that which follows, there is a long account of the Typhonic contest, presenting a close resemblance to that related by Plutarch (De Is. et Osir. cap. xix.). Horus and Set are said to have changed themselves into animals of some kind, and in this state to have remained three days. Isis is then said to have thrown chains [?] upon them; whereupon Horus cried with a loud voice, 'I am Horus, thy son,' Isis cried to the chains, 'Bind, bind, [?] my son,' Thoth, the uncle of Horus, is invoked, and a general mele ensues, of which all the details are not clear, the manuscript having suffered fractures. Isis appears to take the part of Set, and Horus is said to have rushed upon his mother, furious as a panther, and to have smitten the royal asp or diadem from her head. Thoth interferes with magic spells, transforms Horus, and places a cow's head upon Isis. In PL clii., the white crown, that is the crown of Upper Egypt, is said to have been given to Horus; the red crown, that of Lower Egypt, to Set.33 This points to the origin of the mythos, the contest, namely, of two rival races of different origin, those of Upper and Lower Egypt, which seems to have been perpetually renewing itself at different periods of Egyptian history.

The whole of the papyri of which an account has been given belong to the I4th century B.C., doubtless, a highly respectable antiquity. The authors, however, of these productions, with which the reader has now become to a certain extent familiar, were once the latest born of time, and in their own eyes were moderns, behind whom lay a past as respectable to them as that to which we, the ephemeral 'heirs of all the ages,' look back. I have now to present to the reader an author to whom Penta-our and Enna would have bowed as [276] a venerable sage, and have acknowledged themselves but children in comparison with him. Rise up, Ptah-hotep, king's son, provincial governor, or lord-lieutenant in the reign of Assa, sovereign of both Egypts. It will be asked, when then did king Assa reign? Perhaps, no more can be certainly affirmed of him than that he belongs to one of the earliest Egyptian dynasties (Lepsius places him in the 7th). Speaking vaguely, he may be placed about 3000 B.C. The work which bears the name of Ptah-hotep, may not, perhaps, be quite so old as this. The papyrus which contains it was obtained by M. Prisse d'Avennes while making explorations among the tombs of the early Theban kings of the nth dynasty, the ancestors or predecessors of Arnen-em-ha, the founder of the I2th dynasty.34 In the course of one of these explorations, an Arab employed in the work of excavation, produced a papyrus which he pretended to have got from a third party, but which there is every reason to believe he had found in the tomb under examination. It is in hieratic characters, but extremely different in appearance from those of the 18th dynasty. A little attention, however, shows that the writing is essentially the same, and, any one acquainted with the works of the Ramesside period, will quickly be able to identify the symbols and groups. The forms of the characters are bold and massive, and at first sight appear clumsy; but when the archaic forms have been mastered, the manuscript appears to be not less carefully written than the best of the later epoch, if, indeed, it does not surpass them in this respect. Mr. Heath was the first to call attention to the contents of this papyrus, in an essay published in the Monthly Review, 1856, entitled 'On a Manuscript of the Phoenician King Assa, ruling in Egypt earlier than Abraham.' It has since formed the subject of an able Etude by M. Chabas, of Chalon-sur-Saone, a distinguished French Egyptologist, published in the Revue Archeologique during the present year, to which I am indebted for the extracts I am about to give. Mr. Heath has also lately published a translation of the whole,35 containing, some valuable hints, but which will require, as I believe, considerable revision before it can be considered as representing with accuracy the opinions of Ptah-hotep, whose name Mr. Heath converts into Aphobis.

[277] The Prisse Papyrus contains eighteen pages of writing, the first two being the conclusion of a work. Then follows an erasure of the size of a page or two, the papyrus having been carefully scraped, as if with the intention of inserting a new text. After this come sixteen pages which comprise a complete work, entitled 'The Instructions36 of the Magistrate Ptah-Hotep, under His Majesty the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Assa, Everliving.'

The author of the fragment on the first two pages, whose name is not given, and who may or not have been Ptah-hotep, says, 'When the king of both Egypts, Our-en, died, then the king of both Egypts, Snefrou, became the king of the whole land. Then was I made a magistrate.' We have here mention of one of the oldest kings of Egypt of whom any contemporaneous monumental traces remain. The tablets of king Snefrou, at Wadi-Megara, in the Sinaitic peninsula, recording his conquests over the Arabs, are thought to be the earliest historical monuments in existence. Whether, however, our papyrus goes back to this date may well be doubted. It may, very probably, be a production of some writer of the court of the Antef kings, of the 11th dynasty, who put his own maxims into the mouth of a sage of former days, just as we find Enna, of the court of Seti II., writing the instructions of Amen-em-ha. There can be little hesitation, however, in recognising, with MM. Chabas and De Rouge, this MS. as the most ancient book in the world, unless, indeed, we except another, said to be of the same epoch, now at Berlin. The contents of both works in the Prisse papyrus, that of which we possess but the last two pages, and that which fortunately remains entire, are much of the same kind. They were collections of proverbs or maxims upon moral and social subjects. The obedience of children to their parents is particularly dwelt upon. I shall borrow a specimen from M. Chabas:

The obedience of a docile son is a blessing: he who is obedient walks in his obedience, and he who listens to him becomes obedient. It is good to listen to everything which produces affection it is the greatest of blessings. The son who attends to the words of his father will become old thereby. God loves obedience; disobedience is hated by God. The heart is a man's master for obedience or for disobedience, but a man through obedience causes his heart to live; to listen to instruction, to love to obey, this is the fulfilment of good precepts. The obedience of a son to his father is joy. A son of whom this can be said is agreeable in all respects, [278] docile and obedient; he of whom this is said has piety in his bowels; he is dear to his father, and his fame is in the mouth of the living who walk upon the earth.

The rebellious one, who obeys not, accomplishes nothing at all; he sees wisdom in ignorance, virtue in vice. Every day he commits all sorts of frauds with boldness, and therein he lives as one dead. His are contradiction; he feeds therein. That which the wise know to be death is his life every day. He goes on his way, loaded with curses daily.

A son, teachable in God's service, will be happy in consequence of his obedience; he will grow to be old, he will find favour; he will speak in like manner to his children. Precious for a man is the discipline of his father. Every one will respect it, as he himself has done. That which he says to his children concerning it, oh! let their children repeat it, feeding on that which proceeds from thy mouth, the true seed of life to thy children.' Ptah-hotep concludes his instructions by saying:

It is thus that I would gain for thee health of body and the king's peace, in all circumstances, and that thou mayest pass the years of this life without deceit. I have become an ancient of the earth, I have passed a hundred and ten years of life by grace of the king, and the approbation of the ancients, fulfilling my duty towards the king, in the place of their favour.

The scribe adds 'Finished from beginning to end, as it is found in the original.'

With this venerable utterance of primeval wisdom, I close the present account of the Hieratic papyri. Enough has been given, I believe, to convince the reader that we have in them something more than the mere dry bones of the Egyptian language, and to prove their importance towards the completion of our knowledge of this wonderful people. The value, however, of the monumental and sepulchral records must not be underrated. These have yielded the most brilliant results to the labours of antiquaries. Through their assistance the names of whole dynasties of forgotten kings have been recovered, and great progress made towards the completion of the chronicles of Egypt, of which the fragments of Manetho give us but a bare and defaced outline. The late researches of M. Mariette in the Serapeum, or tomb of the Apis gods, have been particularly fruitful in materials for this purpose. From them M. Lepsius has restored the 22nd and some part of the 2ist dynasties. The annals of the reign of Tothmes III. on the walls of Karnak, which have been successfully translated by Mr. Birch, are a noble record of the splendour of the Egyptian monarchy at the commencement of the 18th dynasty. A treaty of alliance between Rameses II. and the king of the Hittites, engraved in one of the Theban [279] palaces, is a monument of no common interest. One small tablet, now preserved in the Bibliotheque Impe'riale, contains the memorial of an event of so curious a nature that I cannot refrain from introducing an account of it here. The tablet in question is engraved in the Monumens Egyptiens of M. Prisse, by whom it was brought from Egypt. The meaning of its contents was first discovered by Mr. Birch, who published a translation in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, 1852. This translation has been recently carefully reviewed by M. de Rouge,37 who does not materially alter the views put forth by Mr. Birch, so that we have the authority of these two eminent Egyptologists for our belief in the soundness of the interpretation given. The inscription belongs to the reign of one of the kings of the 20th dynasty, the whole of whom bore the family name of Rameses, but which of them in dynastic order is not clearly known. According, therefore, to the chronological views which have been assumed, it was engraved during some part of that period when Israel was ruled by Judges. At the top of the tablet is a vignette representing two arks or shrines, one borne on the shoulders of twelve, the other of four, priests; these arks belong to two different gods, both named Chons, but with different titles. The inscription, after the usual flourish of royal names, relates, that when his majesty the king of Egypt was in Nahar (probably Mesopotamia), collecting tribute, the princes of the land came to offer him presents. Among them came the king of a country named Bakhtan, who offered his eldest daughter as a present. The Egyptian monarch was graciously pleased to accept the princess, who was very beautiful ; and he took her to Egypt and made her his principal queen. In the 23rd year, on the 22nd of Epiphi (the Egyptians love to be exact in their dates, though, unluckily, we can seldom derive any direct chronological information from them), an envoy arrived from the king of Bakhtan, bringing presents to the queen. The usual compliments having been terminated, the envoy informed the king that the principal object of his mission was to ask advice and assistance for the princess Benteresh, the queen's younger sister, who was afflicted with some disease in her limbs, and he requested that a wise man of Egypt might be sent to see her. The king summoned his physicians, and ordered them to choose one of their number to visit the princess. A royal scribe named Tet-em-heb is chosen, who immediately proceeds to Bakhtan. On arriving there, the wise man instantly found the princess to be possessed by a spirit or [280] demon, and declared the cure to be beyond his art. Upon this the king of Bakhtan sent another embassy to request that a god might be sent. The king of Egypt applies to one of the gods named Chons apparently the elder or superior of the two asking his consent that the other may be allowed to go to Bakhtan to work the princess' cure. The two gods confer together, and the result is that the younger Chons is despatched to Bakhtan, borne in his ark by priests, and with a numerous retinue. It is mentioned that the journey from Egypt to Bakhtan occupied a year and five months. Upon the god being brought to the princess, the spirit who was in possession of her instantly acknowledged his inferiority:

Then said the spirit which was in her, to Chons, the mighty one of Thebes, 'Thou art welcome, great god, smiter of rebels, Bakhtan is thy land, its inhabitants are thy servants; I am thy servant. I will go to the place which I came from, in submission to thee, that thou mayest approach her. Let the king command a feast [of reconciliation] between us.'

The god assented to this through the medium of his priest. A great least was accordingly made, and, in the presence of the king of Bakhtan and his warriors, who were awe-struck by the solemnity, the spirit departed whither it pleased him, leaving the god in peaceable possession of the princess. The king of Bakhtan was so delighted with this success, that he declined to allow the god to return to Egypt. Accordingly, Chons remained three years, four months, and five days in Bakhtan. At this time the king as he lay upon his bed had a dream, in which he beheld the god issuing from his ark in the form of a hawk, and spreading his wings as though to re turn to Egypt, in which be was opposed by some other bird, apparently an owl.38 The priest of Chons, to whom the dream was communicated, declared that it indicated the impatience of the god to return to Egypt, and the king of Bakhtan consented to let him depart. The god was sent back with magnificent gifts, the whole of which on his arrival he presented to the elder Chons, keeping back nothing. The return took place in the 33rd year of the king's reign, on the I9th day of Mechir.

The land of Bakhtan cannot be identified with certainty. Mr. Birch offers several conjectures; he thinks it most probable that Bashan is intended. M. de Rouge inclines to Bagistan or Behistoun. It is worth remarking that an account of the emigration of an Egyptian god to the East has been preserved by Macrobius, Sat. lib. i. cap. 23. In this case, [281] however, the god did not return to Egypt again. Macrobius says:

The Assyrians celebrate with great ceremony, in the city of Heliopolis, the worship of the sun, under the name of Jove. The image of the god was brought from a city of Egypt, also called Heliopolis, in the reign of Senemures, or Senepos. It was first brought to Assyria by Opias, the ambassador of the Assyrian king Deleboris, and by Egyptian priests, the chief of whom was named Partemetis. After having been for sometime kept among the Assyrians, it was conveyed to Heliopolis.

I commend king Deleboris to the notice of the investigators of Assyrian antiquities. The Egyptian names are evidently corrupt, but the passage is well worthy of attention, and may possibly hereafter help to furnish a point of historical contact.

The labours of Egyptologists during the last thirty years have been vigorous and well-directed, yet how much remains to be done before Egypt's 'place in the world's history' not chronologically merely, can be defined and appreciated. The names of her kings have been collected from the stones of their palaces and tombs with unwearied industry, and now the Konigbuch of Lepsius presents lines of monarchs more interminable than that which the witches' cauldron disclosed to Macbeth; but for us the most of them are but ghostly nonentities, as shadows they come, and so depart. The works of Sir Gardner Wilkinson are in everybody's hands; and here the Egyptians as painted by themselves move and gesticulate before us; yet how silently! Who has not felt, in surveying the minute details of Egyptian life which those interesting volumes present, the wish that these people could speak for themselves and tell us something of their thoughts and feelings.

It is through the hieratic papyri that we once more hear the voice of these ancients, speaking more or less intelligibly, and as man with man. The heart of Satow is found. By-and-bye these sepulchral utterances will be plainer to us than they are yet. Penta-our and Enna will yet walk and talk again, 'as they did upon the earth,' according to the aspiration found in every page of the ritual. But patience and labour are still required before the vivification is complete. The crying want now is for more papyri. It is true that the greater part of those which we already possess have been but imperfectly read, but every additional one increases the chances and means of discovery. A few more in the style of the Two Brothers would be of immense value. And some such surely must exist, either above or below the ground. It is to be feared that an enormous destruction has taken place of these [282] fragile records. The Anastasi, Sallier, and D'Orbiney papyri probably all came from a single tomb, and are the remnants of a large collection. What has become of the rest? At one time mere ignorance and carelessness on the part of the Arabs, who are usually the finders of these treasures, caused their destruction. At present these people are well aware of the commercial value of papyri, and unluckily this knowledge is accompanied by another cause of ruin; for their desire of making the most of their commodities, leads them to break up the manuscript into fragments. And so perish the world's records!

Nile tourists would do well to remember how infinitely greater, Europeanly speaking, is the value of a perfect papyrus, whether in hieratic, Coptic, or Greek, than that of one torn or cut down the middle, so as to yield only the ends or be ginnings of the lines, which is the condition in which some have been brought over.

Those who already possess hieratic papyri of a literary, not funereal, character, cannot be too strongly urged to make them public. It is possible that in this land of travellers, undreamed-of treasures may be lying in private cabinets.

A considerable impediment to Egyptological inquiry exists in this country in the want of hieroglyphical types. The savans of France and Germany are able to publish their investigations with complete hieroglyphical illustrations, both Paris and Berlin possessing excellent collections of types. London has nothing of the kind. No hieratic types, however, have yet been attempted in any country. They might be used with as much facility as the hieroglyphical ones, one good text being taken as the standard for the formation of the letters and symbols, to which all the scrawls of the less careful writers should be reduced. The D'Orbiney papyrus is the obvious model to be taken. This alone would not in deed furnish the whole circle of hieratic symbols, but the wanting ones might be easily supplied from other good texts, such as Anastasi No. 1, 4, and 5, and Sallier 2. How small a drop of the waste capital of England would it take to carry such a design into execution!

C. W. G.


FOOTNOTES

1 The only other treatise that I am aware of, is that contained in Baron Bunsen's work on Egypt, which is of great utility. A demotic grammar has lately been published by M. Brugsch.

2 Those who wish for a complete view of the course of Egyptian discovery and of the system of hieroglyphical interpretation now recognised, will find a popular and at the same time exact, account of these subjects in Mr. Birch's Introduction to the Study of Egyptian Hieroglyphs, published with Sir Gr. Wilkinson's Egyptians in the Time of the Pharaohs.

3 M. de Rouge, in reading this name Satou, expresses a doubt as to its correctness. I believe that the first syllable is Ba, being represented by the hieratic equivalent of a bird with a tuft in front of its neck, of which the sound is well-known to be la, and which is often used to express 'the soul,' Copt. ba. The other syllable is a word which, standing by itself, means 'bread' or 'food,' and of which I believe the sound has not been certainly ascertained. In adopting M. de Rouge's translation of this papyrus, I beg to say that 1 have verified every word of it, and may venture to express a conviction of its general accuracy. On some few points I see cause to differ. This Essay is not, however, the place for discussing at length such variations as I am led to make.

4 Pigs, according to M. de Rouge, but the word occurs in a passage in Anastasi No. 4, from which I think it must mean some kind of dog.

5 M. de Rouge thinks the word which I have translated washers may mean dyers. The word occurs 2 Sall. PL xvii. and 4 Anast. PL xci.; but from neither passage can the meaning with certainty be determined.

6 This part of the story recalls the legend of Rhodope, the Egyptian prototype of Cinderella, related by lian. An eagle seized one of her sandals whilst she was bathing at Naucratis, and dropped it in the lap of the king at Memphis, as he sat in the open air administering justice. The king sent messengers throughout the land to find the owner of the sandal, and when she was discovered, made her his queen.

7 I rather think the meaning of the original is, that a woman was sent with this party bearing the presents in question.

8 M. de Rouge reads Atesch, but there are very strong reasons for believing that the first syllable in this word is to be read Kat not At. Of this opinion is M. Brugsch. The Syrian name was probably Kadesh, the Holy City, which the Egyptians, not having the letter d, wrote Katesh. There were several places so called in the East, but the Kadesh here mentioned has not been satisfactorily identified with any of them.

9 The word horse is used in the original for a chariot. Homer uses the plural Imroi in a similar manner.

10 The word translated axe reads in one MS. akau, in the other afcasu. It may be the Copt, ates, cuspis ferrea, Gr. [Greek], Lat. ascia, Eng. axe, hatchet, Fr. hache. Perhaps it means here rather the ploughshare than an axe.

11 The word translated within is of doubtful meaning, but it is clear that it designates a particular palace, perhaps one that stood within the city walls, just as we say St. Botolph's Within.

12 There is another copy of it in Anast. 4. Mr. Heath, Exod. Pap. p. 213, has given the substantial meaning of it.

13 See Brugsch, Geographic. Mr. Heath gives a translation of this letter at p. 73 of his work.

14 M. Brugsch was the first to point out the groups meaning summer and winter. See his Nouvelles Recherches sur la Division de l'Annee des Anciens Egyptiens. Berlin, 1856, p. 10, where a few words of this passage are translated.

15 Can Kati be Gath of the Philistines? The name Gath means a wine-press, and it is not at all certain that the oft-mentioned hek, translated leer, was not a more generous liquor, perhaps a kind of palm wine ...

16 The same animals, I believe, as those to which Anepou is said to have thrown his wife, in the Tale of the Two Brothers. The word translated 'wolf-dogs' is identical with the Coptic ouonsh, wolf.

17 Mr. Heath translates this word 'vessel,' p. 140. I am doubtful if 'ox' be the right meaning. The word is expressed by a single symbol, which much resembles that known to stand for an ox in hieratic.

18 This is the formula usually appended to the name of the king. It is literally, 'thy life, thy health, thy strength.' Mr. Heath has 'thy majesty,' but I doubt if this letter was addressed to the king.

19 An allusion, perhaps, to the temperance pledge, mentioned in Amen-em-an's lecture to Penta-our.

20 Literally, 'By the life, health, and strength,' or 'By the majesty.' I believe the whole expression here is equivalent to our shorter formula, 'In the king's name,' or 'On his majesty's service.'

21 There is much doubt about the meaning of this word Madjaiou. Mr. Heath calls them Midianites, but the Hebrew equivalent would be [Heb.].

22 Literally 'your life, your strength, your health,' the usual pendant to a king's name. It is pretty clear, however, that the personage addressed in this papyrus was not a king.

23 The same word as that translated acacia in the romance. From this passage (query), whether it be not a taller kind of tree perhaps.

24 Have we here the Cassiopeia of the Greeks, the mother of Andromeda, the scene of whose adventure is placed lower down the coast at Joppa.

25 The names of these three places were first identified, I believe, by Dr. Hincks. Trans. Royal Irish Acad. 1848.

26 In the former of these words 'Karta' is the Hebrew [Heb.] in the other 'Bita' answers to [Heb.].

27 Chronologic, p. 49, note.

28 A doubtful phrase here, of which I give what appears the general meaning.

29 An obscure idiom, of which I only guess at the sense.

30 Egypt, teb, comp. Coptic tebi, 'praescriptus labor.' The passage is doubtful.

31 The substance called here 'lapis-lazuli' (kheslet, compare Copt. [Coptic], margarita, electrum, orichalcum) is frequently mentioned in Egyptian texts; it seems to have been regarded by the Egyptians as a most precious substance. There were two sorts, the genuine or Babylonian, and the artificial, believed to have been manufactured by the inhabitants of Cyprus, and regarded as hardly Jess valuable than the other.

32 It will be recollected that in the Tale of the Two Brothers, the seven Hathors, or sacred cows, upon seeing the newly-created daughter of the gods, at once predicted the death she was to die, but upon what grounds is not said.

33 Or, the passage may mean, that on this day the reigning monarch receives the white crown from Horus, the red crown from Set.

34 The British Museum possesses the coffin of one of these kings, the Louvre another. Their family name was Autef, and they seem to have reigned in great splendour, although their rule was probably confined to Upper Egypt.

35 A Record of the Patriarchal Age, or tie Proverbs of Apkobis, B.C. 1900, now first fully translated by Rev. I. D. Heath. London and Eyde.

36 M. Chabas translates this word oraison,'prayer;' Mr. Heath, 'a flute tune.' It is the same as that which I have previously shown reason to believe means 'instructions.'

37 In the Revue Asiatique of 1856 and 1857. The review is not yet complete.

38 There is some doubt of the meaning of this part of the inscription.