THE NATURAL GENESIS
NATURAL GENESIS AND TYPOLOGY OF NUMBERS
The limits are here identical with the origins; and to demonstrate the one is to define the other.
We have seen that the first beginning is figured as opening; and this bifurcation of the one in the commencement may be compared with the opening of the oyster. The present section will determine whether the writer has securely inserted the knife into an hitherto unopened bivalve of the 'Two Truths' type, because numbers furnish a crucial test of this beginning with the two hands as demonstrators of the Two Truths.
Numbers constitute a true connecting link between the earliest gesture-signs and spoken language. Hand-reckoning with digital numerals is one of the primitive customs found to be universal; our English hundred—the Arabic hand—is founded on the hand-type of counting up to ten.
The Omagua gets his number five from the hand, pua, and his ten by duplication from upapua. Tallek, a hand, serves also for the number 5 in Labrador. The Lower Murray natives of Australia express 5 by one hand, and 10 by two hands. Tat (Eg.) is a hand, also the number 5. Kep is the fist, and the variant seb is number 5.
The Hottentot kore for number 5 means the palma cava, the inner or female hand. In the Kamite typology the outer or second of the two is considered the male type, an equivalent for number 2 or number 10.
The Latin V sign for number 5 is obviously a hand, conventionalized to represent the divided thumb and fingers. The Phonetic v or f was a syllabic pa, i.e., a hieroglyphic hand; originally a kafa or kaph.
Tatlemat in the Eskimo (tshuktshi, nos.) is number 5, and the word is connected with the arm in Greenland, whilst in Egyptian tat is the hand (a number 5), and lem denotes the arm.
An Irish a, the first, the one, as a letter, is named acab, corre- [p.186] sponding to the hand, the kep (Eg.), gap Akkadian; kaph, Hebrew. The British letter 'cailep' is the 10th and it signifies the double or second hand. Khep (Eg.) to make the figure also denotes the figure as the fist, of five digits. So in French, chiffre, for the figure, is the name of the digit.
Number 20 in the African Pika, is kobolo, literally two heads or two upper halves. This agrees with the number 10 of the Towka Indians of South America, which means half a man; the number 20 being equivalent to a whole man. In Egyptian ten is one half. The Vei numeral for number 20 is called mo bande, and in kono mo odon bande; these denote a person completed.
The Tamanacs reckon number 5 as a whole hand, and 10 as both hands; 15 a whole foot, and 20 a whole Indian. The Aztec 10 is matlactli from ma, hand, and tlactli, one half; 10 is the upper or hand-half of a man. The Greenlanders, Eskimos, and others, count by the hands and feet, with a whole man for 20. The Rajmahli tribes still reckon by twenties in this way, although they have the Hindi numerals as well. In the memoria technica of the Hindu sages the nail is a sign of number 20. The nail is a type of virility and of manhood as previously shown. The number 20 is equivalent to a whole or completed man, the man of twenty years, as well as the 20 nails.
Thus when the Buddha is represented with a nail in the palm of his hand (as in a statue now at Birminghami), instead of denoting the crucified, it distinguishes the completed male from the Child-Buddha; the nail as clavus serving instead of unguis. So the clavus was used in the ancient Roman reckoning of years in place of the unguis.
Man and the number 20 have the same name at times in the same group of African languages. Thus man is momba in Bala, Pati and Momenya, whilst momba is number 20 in N'goten and Melon. But 20 implies an advanced stage of reckoning. The 2, 5 and 10 were the earlier limits. Various African tribes only count up to five, or one hand. In the Mbamba they reckon up to betan, 5; in N'Ki, to mitan, 5; in Tiwi, to witan, 5; in N'Kele, to tane, 5; and then they begin again. The tan is their division, end, a place of division, and cutting off, of tenning, so to say.
In Algonkin ten is the five more than the first five, equal to the second of the two hands. In the Makua numerals pili is 2 and 7, taru is 3 and 8, cheshe is 4 and 9; that is, 2, 3 and 4 on either hand, according to the gesture-sign. So in the Aht language there is but one name for numbers 1 and 6, and one for numbers 2 and 7. Also, guii is 1, guisa, 6; gain, 2, gamana, 7; nona, 3, nonadi, 8, in the Ai-Bushman. This mode frequently survives and the hand type is [p.187] implied where the principle of naming has been lost sight of altogether.
The oldest Australian languages show that originally they had no names for numbers beyond two. The Tasmanians counted one, two, plenty. The New Hollanders reckoned one, two, many. But they had the means of reckoning up to ten in their digits, which would serve to signal how many, although they had no names for the numbers. Here we have a test of the unity of origin. For, as the two hands, or rather two arms, were reckoned first, and the ten digits afterwards; as one hand is a figure of 5, and two hands form the 10, it follows on the development theory that the names of no. 1 as arm or hand, will often agree with those of no. 5; and the names of two, as hands, with those of no. 10.
This is what we do find. The hand and no. 5, the two hands and no. 10 are constant equivalents under the same name. 'Keba,' in Kra, and other dialects, is an inner African type-name for the hands, or other two limbs. This is continued as the kab, kaf, kep, or khep, for the hand in Egyptian, kaph, Hebrew; gap, Akkadian; cab, Mexican; chopa, Movima; tcapai, Pujuni; gaupen, a handful, in Scotch. Keb (Eg.) signifies double, to duplicate, and the hand, arm, or leg, is a dual member. The hand, then, is a figure of five or ten according to the gesture-sign. We see by the hieroglyphics that kep, a fist (of five) preceded the modified Seb for the number five. And this type-name will be often found as the title of ten.
In the Yukahiri Tungus language the numbers two and ten are both named dzhur, the two hands being equivalent to the ten fingers. In Egyptian shera is the boy or girl, the child of either sex; the two sexes being likewise equivalent to the two hands. So in the Norway gipsy dy is number two, and ty number ten.
Lekh (or rekh) in Egyptian is to count; lokket in Finnish is to reckon, lokke being number 10, or the reckoning; and in Russian ruka (luka) is the hand. Kaks (modified kàs) number 2 (or twin) in Akkadian; kaksi, Olonets; kaksi Karelian; kaks, Fin; kasi Vod; kaks, Esthonian; kads, Kamchatkan; are explained by the name of the hand, which is kâsi, Karelian; kâsi, Olonets; kâssi, Esthonian; kêsi, Fin. The Egyptian khekh, or khaûsu, for the beam of the balance, is another form of the one that is twin in its two arms. Also khkha (Eg.), is the name of number and to number.
The names of numbers throughout all language show an incessant interchange in this way under one and the same type-word. Kefto is the number 2 in Mordvin; and khepti is the two hands, kabti the two arms in the hieroglyphics. The Mexican quipu, knot (Egyptian khabu), is a tie of 10, yet it agrees by name with kep (Eg.) for the fist of five. So the Hebrew yod is one hand, but it suffices for the [p.188] numeral sign of 10. With the exception of number 1, all the numerals of the Absné (Circassian) language are based on this hand-type of name,
|seka is no. 1.||khuba is no. 5.||akhba is no. 8.|
|ukhba " " 2.||ziba " " 6.||ishba " " 9.|
|khpa " " 3.||bishba " " 7.||zheba " " 10.|
|pshiba " " 4.|
The foot is shepeh, in the same language.
The Assyrian numbers are digital. One is the hand. Two signifies duplication. Three means after, or following. Five is a fist. Six denotes the other hand. Ten means together, the total expressed by two hands, or ten fingers in detail.
The Akkadian ua for the sole, chief one, and the Fijian vita for the one only, agree by name with the Egyptian uâ for the one, the one alone; the only one. This uâ (Eg.) has the hand for determinative, and is probably a worn-down form of ufa, from kufa, the hand or fist. Uâ is written with the barbed hook; a later type of laying hold. Kefa, shâ, api, fa, uâ, â are all Egyptian forms of the first one, number 1, or one hand. The Egyptian ua or uat (Coptic ouat, Toda vodd, for the one) is number 5 in the Ostiak uet, that is the one as a hand.
Pairing the two hands would be a primary mode of signifying or reckoning two. Clasping the hand, the earliest manner of flying, by making the fist, and the two hands clasped together and cut off at the wrists form the hieroglyphic sign of number 10, ∩.
The root of the words numero and number may be found in num (Eg.) to join, or put together, add, repeat, again, twice, second. Nema in Sanskrit, for the other, one-half of a whole, thence the other or second half is identical with the Egyptian num or nem, which is as early as adding another one to the first to reckon two. Num for twice and second has a variant in nub, the all, as a twin-total; the male and female, or the two hands.
In the Manyak language number 2 is nabi, and in the North American Indian languages it is:—
|nopa in Yankton.||nompiwi in Winebago.||nomba in Omaha.|
|noopah in Minetari.||nompah in Dakota.||noomcat in Crow.|
|naperra in Catawba.||nombaugh in Osage.||nompah in Mandan.|
Here the digital origin is likewise shown by the name for the hand itself, which is:—
|napai, Yankton.||nomba, Omaha.||nimel, Shabun.|
|nahbeehah, Winebago.||numba, Osage.|
But there is more than one way of duplicating, and the earliest is by division of the one, not by addition to it. The Gallas obtain their two as two halves of the one, by breaking a cake of salt; a broken piece, from tchaba, to break, having the meaning of one-half. This [p.189] is the Egyptian kab, double; Xhosa gabu, to part in two, double; gabha, Sanskrit, to be cloven in two; kapala, one half; koporo, Maori, truncated; kabul, doubly, Zulu; kuppoa, the elbow, Murray (Aust.); Akkadian gab, for the female breast, to be abreast, or duplicated. The body is one, but when divided the hand or foot becomes tchaba, kaf, khep, kab, or gap (Akk), by name as the divided or duplicated one. The principle may be illustrated by the gab for the mouth; the geb for the bird's beak, and by the gape. The gab becomes dual in the gape. Gcaba, Xhosa Kaffir, is to crack open, as in the chap. 'I Cebo' is true and good counsel when the word is used in the singular number, but in the plural it means false or bad advice.
Pidu is an Akkadian name of number 1 or the first one. Bat is the Basque name for number 1. Foda is number 1 in Bulanda. These denote the opening one that divides and duplicates. Put or pet in Chinese signifies the very beginning, by opening, putting forth. Puthu (Eg.) is to open the mouth, or other member that divides in two. Pita (Ass.) is to open; תפ (Heb.), the opening; Arab, fath.
Pepu and pû (Eg.) are to divide. This the wings do for flight. Hence ppat means to fly. Ppat, to figure forth, is by dividing. So the wing or foot divides to become a figure of two.
The New Caledonians count ten with a prefix to the names.
|oua-nait is no. 1.||oua-naim is no. 5.||oua-naim-guein is no. 8.|
|oua-dou " no. 2.||oua-naim-guik " no. 6.||oua-naim-bait " no. 9.|
|oua-tugien " no. 3.||oua-naim-dou " no. 7.||oua-doun-hic " no. 10.|
|oua-tbait " no. 4.||
This oua is otherwise rendered paih and wae, and in Tahitian pae denotes the division or portion divided off as a hand, or one half. Wae in Maori signifies the limb and to divide, part, separate. Applied to the hand it would denote the dividing of the one hand into two, and the two hands into ten digits in accordance with the natural process. The Hebrew sephr, to number, also denotes a splitting and dividing into parts.
The principle of derivation through division may be illustrated by the Hebrew achad for the only one. This is a common name for the numeral one. In Africa, for example,
|gade is one in Bode.||ka-do is one in Afudu.||keddy is one in Begharmi.|
|gadsi " N'godsin.||a'iiden " Legba.||kadenda " Darrunga.|
|gudi " Doai.||kudurn " Kaure.||hido " Batta.|
|kide " Bagrrni.||kudom " Kiamha.||ahad " Hurar.|
|ket " Anan.||kedem " Soso.||adde " Tigre.|
These can be followed by:—
|ahad, Arabic.||kat in Lepcha.||khuta in Pumpokolsk|
|achad, Hebrew.||kat in Magar.||chuodschae in Kamacintzi.|
|ahad, Assyrian.||kate in Gyatung.||ikhet in Watlala.|
|hhad, Syriac.||khatu in Tengsa.||akt in Lap.|
|kotum, Omar.||katang in Nowgong.||yet in Tharu.|
|keteh, Insam.||ektai in Kirata.||it in Milchan.|
|hets, Yengen.||akhet in Khari.||it in Sumchu.|
|kitol, San Antonio.||kadu in Pwo.|
This is also a type-name for the woman, as:—
|kat in Karagas.||kota in Kwaliokwa.||kithia in Chetemacha, etc.|
Likewise for the hand and the uterus, as in:—
|geta, hand, Cape York.||qatu or kete, womb, Figi.||ucht, womb, Gaelic.|
|geta, " Massied.||quida, " Old Norse.||kutte, cut or cat, womb, English.|
|geta, " Kowrarega.||quitki, " Alemannic.||chedar, " Hebrew.|
|ket, " Lap.||cwythu, " Welsh.|
|kat, " Assyrian.|
The Hebrew name of the one, as chad or achad is related to chadi in the middle, that which divides in two, as the breast; also the place where the two halves divide.
Achad is applied to unity as well as to the unit, hence it means together.
The Hebrew rites of achad, the only one, denounced by Isaiah in a confused but conscious passage, applied to that primordial unity only to be found in the female nature, which was personified in the mother, as Kat-Mut and Hat-hor; the British Kêd; Katesh, an Egyptian form of the naked goddess Ken or Chivn; and Kotavi, the naked type of Durga in India. The female alone divides to become two and she therefore was the only one who is still worshipped by the Yonias as the one alone from the beginning.
Under the type-word ankh we also get back to a oneness, or a one in phenomena which is represented by the ankh-tie, the hank or ing as a community, and the ng as first person who duplicates.
Inek is number 1 in the African Shiho, inneke in Danakil. This one is the man in the Eskimo Inuk or Innuk. In Egyptian ank is the one as the king, the first person, the I or A one. Enika, aku, is oneness applied to personality.
Ankh also denotes duplication, and Ank the mother is the one who duplicates. Several other types of oneness and the one that duplicates are extant, in the ankle, knuckle, and the neck, the hinko in Nyamwezi: the ancha, Arabic; hanche, French; haunch, English, for the hip; the inoku for the navel, Nyamwezi, as the place of duplication where the two were joined together, and severed. Naka, Maori, means connection; niko is the tie. The anga, Maori, is a bivalve fish. Hangi, Nyamwezi, is repetition, and duplication.
Here then we have a type-word which signifies the one (like the hand, foot, or ear), as the initial point of reckoning. Under such a type-name we may expect to find the numbers 1 and 2; 5 and 10 because of the two sexes, the two hands, and the digital origin of reckoning.
In keeping with these initial limits the Maori anake is the one, only, unique, without exception.
The Xhosa onke, for one (one loaf of bread), every one, is also a plural, and signifies the all which, as the typology shows, may be [p.191] comprised in the dual one or oneness of the beginning, that divided and became twain.
In the Kaffir languages nye, earlier nge, signifies oneness, unity. Hanac is the one in Quichua. Nge or nye is the African guttural-nasal, no, the sound of negation which was first, whether represented by the water, the motherhood, or the left hand.
The English ing or hank is one as a body of people; the Hottentot hongu is one as a group of seven and the number 1 is:—
|onji in Tulu.||naksh in Piskaws.||jungkihkh in Winebago.|
|nge in Kakhyea.||hongo in Chetemacha.||quenchique in Bayano.|
|nkho in Atna.||wancke in Yankton.||ingsing in Karaga.|
|ankua is no. 5 in Faslaha.||ango is no. 5 in Dofla.|
|ankua " " Agaomidr.||panj " " Gadi.|
|nga " " Sak.||panch " " Deer.|
|nga " " Tablung Naga.||panch " " Kooch.|
|anju " " Veruksli.||penjeh " " Persian.|
|anju " " Tamul.||panka " " Sanskrit.|
|anja " " Malayslim.||penki " " Lithnanic.|
|anje " " Kohatar.||bunch (of five) English.|
Ankh or nak is also a common type-name for number 2.
|ankh, two ears, Egyptian.||ainak, Kushutshewak.||neguth, Cheyenne.|
|hanak, no. 2, in Banyun.||aniko, Miri.||nakte, Toscarora.|
|akinka, Timbuktu.||nkhong, Singpho.||nhaik, Rukheng.|
|onogka, Nubian.||nyik-ching, Changlo.||niokhtsh, Kolyma.|
|nakha, Dog-rib Indian.||onkong, Kakhyen.||niyoktsh, Koriak.|
|nakhei, Kutshin.||naghur, Chepewyan.|
Nak permutes with nas, and in this form of number 2 we have:
|nyis, Tibetan.||nes, Darnley Island.||nes, Etchemin.|
|nish, Milchan.||naes, Erroob.||niss, Abenalui.|
|nish, Sumchu.||neish, Potowatami.||neis, Arapaho.|
|nis, Magar.||neezhwand, Ojibwa.||nass, Adaihe.|
|nishi, Sunwar.||nishuh, Knistinaux.|
The ankh (Eg.), as ear, is both one and two. So is it with the hand or panka (Sanskrit). In the Portland dialect (Australia) the ear is named wing, which reminds us that the wing also duplicates and becomes a pair, like the ear or the hand. Pankti (Sanskrit) number 5, a set or cluster of five, is also the number 10, because the pair, as arms, subdivides into 5 and 10 as fingers.
Ango is five in Dofla, and inge, in Abor (the same group of languages), is number 10.
|onger in Amberbaki.||wonka in Tsbuvash.||ongefoula in Cocos Island.|
|inge in Abor and Miri.||iangpono in Tagala.||nokolou in Fonofono.|
|ongus in Yeniseian.|
The type-names, then, for number 1 include various forms of the one that became two, or had a dual manifestation and are not limited to the hand. These may be the one being that bifurcates as Omoroka; the one mother that divides into mother and sister or mother and child; the one species of the two sexes; the male front [p.192] and the female hind-parts. One person with two halves, upper and lower, or hands, right and left.
The notion of oneness and firstness preceded that of one in reckoning, and this had several types. The mother was first; darkness was first; water was first; the left hand was first. The Hebrew ה, or heh, which the rabbis tell us 'all came out of,' has the numeral value of 5, the equivalent of one hand, hence it interchanges with the yod (hand). The left, inner or female hand, is the first that was used in reckoning the number five.
The Australian ngangan, for the mother, signifies the thumb. So in Maori matua the first, the parent, denotes the thumb, the koro-matua, as the first or fifth, the one or the sum of the five. The first one and five were those of the left hand, the mother-hand, or inferior first. Whereas 'tupa,' the other thumb, in Xhosa Kaffir, is also the name for number 6. This was a male type. Reckoning from the left hand as the first and foremost is yet extant amongst the Kaffirs in whose social system the wife of the left hand is the great lady; the wife of the right hand is the secondary and lesser one. Also the son of the left hand is the elder, superior—who is the principal heir, and the chief of the first clan; the son of the right hand being the inferior one—the head only of a secondary clan. This progression from left to right illustrates the bifurcation of beginning in the societary phase, just as the circle of heaven was divided to become two, as night on the left hand, and day on the right.
The Egyptian un or one is the round of an hour. The circle is represented by the cipher, as the first figure or one. The circle, the nought, the cipher, is still the primordial figure, as the sign of zero. It has gone down low, or rather remains first; it is the repeater and dominant determinative of figures, and still gives significance to all the rest.
The Welsh cyfr, English cipher, French chiffre, Arabic sifron, Italian zephiro, Swahili sifuru, Hebrew רמס, may all be derived from the Egyptian khefr or khepr. Khepr means to figure, to make the figure, form, or type which in the cipher is a circle. In Africa the beetle, khepra, was an early form of the cipherer or chiffrer (French), because he was observed to roll up his ball in the shape of a cipher, or of the worldi. His name is derived from khep, to form and figure forth.
The figures made use of in Africa, which are called the 'gobar' figures, bear the name of Khepra—a name probably derived from the scarab (khepr) as the figurer. 'Gobar,' says Max Muller, 'means dust, and those figures were so called because, as the Arabs say, they "were first introduced by an Indian who used a table covered with fine dust for the purpose of ciphering."' Ghubâr is dust in Arabic; gobar, [p.193] cow-dung in Hindustani; but, if we read khepr for the Indian who used dust for his figures we shall recover the original cipherer of the legend in the beetle (khepr) that rolled up its ball of dung and dust and covered its seed in making the first figure or cipher.
The beetle was a lunar emblem before it was assigned to the solar god, and the figure made by the renewing moon was that of the horned crescent orbing into a circle. The figure of the new moon is kupra in Etruscan, and kibulia in the African Guresa language. These correspond by name to Khepra, the figurer of the circle in Egypt, and to the 'gobar' figures of the Africans. But the earliest maker of the circle in heaven that is related to time and number was the genetrix Kep, the goddess of the Seven Stars, who carries in her hand the noose sign } of ark, a period, an ending, a turn round, i.e., a time. She was the mother of the first revolution, registered as a figure, circle and cycle of time, in a latitude where the Great Bear was the Dipper below the horizon at the crossing in the north. Her symbolic figure combines a circle and a cross, the image of the circle above the horizon and the crossing below. In making her circle and in crossing she formed the cipher and the cross-sign of ten; and Kep is the first one in Egyptian mythology—the genetrix whose hands are said to be the two bears. Kep or Kef was the mother of beginnings, and in Barnbarra kufolo is the beginning.
So uâ (Eg.) in the feminine gender is Uat, the genetrix, and the one in Coptic; uata, the woman, as mother, in Hausa; and Uat is another form of this goddess of the north.
The mother then is our chief type of number one or the first in figures and numbers, as she is in nature and in the mirror of mythology.
Horapollo tells us the vulture, mu, represented 'Two Drachmas, because among the Egyptians the Unit of money was the two drachmas, and the Unit is the Origin of every number; therefore, when they would denote two drachmas they, with good reason, depict a Vulture, inasmuch as, like Unity, it seems to be Mother and Generation in one.' This was as a type of the Two Truths, or the dual one. The Alexandrine interpreters of the Old Testament always reckon the Hebrew money by the didrachma. For the drachma they use the half of a didrachma, τό ημίσυ τοΰ δίδράχμον. The vulture, mu, was the sign of the gestator, the royal mother, the woman of the Two Truths, who wore the double crown; the one that first duplicated. This, too, shows a beginning with bi-unity of type in which the dual may be said to precede the singular.
In the inner African languages the mother is identical with the number 1 as the mama (variants nga-nga, nana, and kaka). Number 1 is:—
|mom and Momu in Tiwi.||mumo in Mutraya.||momos in Babuma.|
|momo in Bumbete.||mmo and Mo in Bayou.||mbo in Ndob.|
|mbo in Tumu.||moi in Bute.||mô in N'goala.|
|mbo in Aro.||mô in Mbe.||mô in Bamom.|
|mfu in Isdiele.||mô in Pati.||mô in Bula.|
|umot in Penin.||mô in Papiah.||mô in Bagba.|
|emot in Konguan.||mô in Momenya.|
|imo and mo in Para.||mô in Kum.|
In the Tungus dialects:—
|mu, dmu or momu is no.1||mo in Ka is no.1||mue in Mon is no.1|
|moe in Khong is no. 1|
This reduced form of the primary momu takes on the terminal t and becomes met, number t, Cochin; mot, number 1, Tonquin just as mmu and mu become mut in the African languages. The full form is momo or momu; mô, as in Bayon, is the reduced word. Momo, mom or mam, for the one enables us to identify this name of the one with the mother. Mmu, mu, or m, denotes the mother, in Egyptian; and Mu, the vulture-type of the genetrix. Mam, umam, umma, and ma, are the mother in the Kiranti dialects. This type-name for the mother is widespread.
|mam is the mother in Welsh.||mamma is the mother in Murrumbidgee.|
|mma is the mother in Akaonga.||ama is the mother in Erroob (Australia).|
|momo, moo, or mu is the mother in Chinese.||memi is the mother in Barre (America).|
|mu is the mother in Amoy.|
In the African languages the mother is:—
|mama in Makua.||mama in Kanyika.||maman in Nyamban.|
|mama in Songo.||mama in Ntere.||mama in Landoma.|
|mama in Mose.||mama in Mutsaya.||mame in Koro.|
|mma in Guresa.||mama in Babuma.||mama in Undaza.|
|mma, mema and mua in N'goala.||mama in Kasands.||mma in Benin.|
|mmo or mmae in Momenya.||mama in Nyombe.||mam in Kaffir.|
|mmae in Papiah.||mametu in Kisama.||mam (woman) Dsarawa.|
|mama or mamante in Mimboma.||mma in Kiriman.||momare in Baseke.|
|amama in Meto.||omma in Kanyika.|
These, with their variants and reduced forms, show a general type-name for the mother in Africa.
It is still more to the purpose that the grandmother, the old, first mother should bear the same name almost universally as the mama, or the mâ.
|mama||"||Baga of Kalnm.||mama||"||Mende.|
The mother, then, was the first person, as the mama. Mama, to bear, to carry, denotes the enceinte mother. In the single form [p.195] the word this becomes mâ, mu, or mo, for the mother, and for the number 1. In Egyptian the reduced mâ or mû takes on the feminine terminal t to become the mât or mût, the mater and mother; whence came those words. The mother being the first person recognized as primus, we may expect to find hers is the first personal name, or the pronoun of the first person. This appears in the African languages as:—
|mom, I,||in||Yagba.||mem, I,||in||Nki||mem, I,||in||Mutsaya.|
The mô, ma, and mi being likewise universal for the I, or, as we have it in English, the me. This is mam in the Avesta; memet, Latin; mu, Akkadian; mû Proto-Median; mâ, Finnic; ma, Ostiac; me, Etruscan; me, Ziranian; mi, Welsh and Irish. The primordial personality was not that of Self—not the I or Me, but that of the mammy, the mother, the my one, mine. The African mame, in the Kaffir languages, is the abstract form of the motherhood; and 'mame' is my mother. Captain Burton says the African negro is still a child who, in his fear or distress, will call on his 'mama' above, like any other infant. The Hindu does the same, to quote no others. 'Mame' is a Kaffir exclamation, a call to stop, and an invitation to a feast. Momi, in Maori, is to suck; mama, to ooze through a tiny aperture, as does the milk from the mammae—the maameyhu, or mother's breast, in the Carib languages. Mamma, Fin, is the mother's breast; mamme, Dutch, is the mother, nurse, and breast; mamman is to give suck. The African 'mama,' interchanges with nana, for the mother, the first one, and this also is a type-name in language for number 1, as,
|nain, in West-Shan.||unien, in Appa.||nengui, in Fonofono.|
|nung, in Siamese.||unnane, in Manx.||nyoonbi, Lachlan (Aust.).|
|nung, in Khamti.||onan, in Cornish.||nin-gotchou, in Ottawa.|
|onnan, Koriak.||unan, in Breton.||nancas, in Adaihe.|
|ennene, in Reindeer Tshnktahi.||onna, in Malayalim.||unin-itegni, in Mbaya.|
The inner African n is commonly sounded ng, and nana represents nga-nga. Thus the mother is named:—
|nga, in Soso,||noki, in Hwida,||ngoro, in Mbamba.|
|nga, in Kisekise,||engo, in Kiama.||nga, in Dsarawa.|
|nga, in Tene,||ngue and ngie, in Orungu.||ngo, in Tiwi.|
|nge, in Mende,||ngua, in Musentandu.||ngob, in Mbe—|
which furnishes another form of the first personal pronoun.
|nge||is I in||Mende.||nga||is I in||N'gola.||ng||is I in||Dahome.|
|nge||" "||Gbandi.||nge||" "||Songo.||ngi||" "||Bola.|
|nya||" "||"||ngini||" "||Fulup.||nko||" "||Marawi.|
|ngo||" "||Landoro.||nga||" "||Kise-Kise.||ngi||" "||Minboma.|
|ngo||" "||Kasands.||nga||" "||Gbere.||ngi||" "||Musentandu.|
This supplied a universal form of tile first personal pronoun, ranging through:—
|ngs in Ethiopic.||naika in Kamilaroi (Ngai is My).||hang in Thara.|
|ank in Egyptian.||ngo in Chinese.||nga in Burman.|
|amaku in Assyrian.||ink in Palouse.||ngai in Tarawan.|
|anokhi in Hebrew.||inga in Limbu.||ayung in Cherokee.|
|nga-nga in W. Australian.||ung in Khaling.||nak in Gundi—|
|ngai in Port Lincoln.||naika in Chinook.|
|ngatoa in Wiradurei.|
and numbers more. This root of the one gave the name to the ank (Eg.) forking; Greek anax; Peruvian inca; Maori heinga; Irish aonach (prince); Arabic aunk; Malayan inchi (master); the Basque jainco (Jingo) for the divinity. These were applied to the male who came to the front as the chief one, the ruling I of later times. The earliest male ankh, however, was not the father, but the uncle, the Kaffir nakwabo or sister's brother, on account of the blood-tie; he who became nakh or ank (Eg.) at puberty. With the Hottentots, the uncle is the naub or ancestor. The mother of life, ank, the goddess of life in Egypt, and the ankh or hank of people, were still earlier. The female was the first known reproducer of the particular child, and therefore was recognised and named as the primal parent, the one, the earliest ankh or ancestor.
The primary mode of duplicating in language was by repeating the word, syllable, or sound. And ankh (Eg.) to duplicate, to double, a pair, is the name of the mother in the duplicative stage, as:—
|nâ-nga and nga, Tene.||nýongo or nyongono, Piwala.||ngqangi, in Xhosa, is the first in time.|
|nýang, Mende.||nguaku, Musentandu.|
|ninge, Landoro.||nýangei, Nalu.|
This dual form is perfectly preserved in the Australian and Maori languages, where ngangau is the mother in the West Australian. Ngaingoi, Maori, is the typical old woman, answering to ank (Eg.) the mother of life. Nêing-menna, Tasmanian, is the mother. Ngango in Yarra (Aust.) is the breath. In the Pine Plains (Aust.) dialect, ngango signifies the very beginning.
These show the ankh of the beginning under the duplicated form of the name, the mother being the first duplicator. This primordial type-name is that of the woman, as:—
|nike in Eafen.||ankona in Bushman.||naijah, woman, Uta.|
|nkas in Marawi.||nyoka, thy mother, Kaffir.||nogakah " Winebago.|
|negne in Bute.||enga, mother, Ho.||yekeng " Seneca.|
|onogua in Akurakora.||unnaach, woman, Chemmesyan.||nickib " Attakapa.|
|ungue in N'goala.||ehnek, woman, Santa Barbara.||neýau " Baniwa.|
|nkelo in Nyombe.|
Nga wears down to the eka, ich, and I. It did so in Africa, as:—
|Iga, Bini.||Ai, Timbuktu.||I, Bidsogo.|
|Gi, Bola.||A, Kasm.||I, Landoma.|
|Gi, Sarar.||I, Eghele.||I, Kisi.|
|Gi, Toma.||I, Bini.||I, Timne.|
Again, water, drink, or suck, is another form of the first one, as the element of life derived from the mama and mammae. It is the primary truth of the two in mythology. And water is:—
|mema in Lubalo.||mmeli in Isoama.||mambia in Biafada.|
|mmi in Isiele.||momel in Fulup.||mambea in Padsade.|
|mmeli in Aro.||momel in Filliam.|
With many variants and worn-down forms in ômi, ûmi, âmee, and mâ. Blood, the mystical water of life, is mme in Abadsa; mmei in Aro, African. Mum in Japanese signifies that which is primordial, the first, and in the Assyrian creation the mumu or mami are the waters of creation. Mamari in Polynesian is the spawn of the waters. This inner African type-name for water and the mother-source still survives, as:—
|mem, Upper Sacramento.||momi, Tsamak.||mimil, Reindeer Tshuktshi.|
|mehm, Copeh.||mumdi (River) Sekumne.||mimlipil, Karaga.|
|mem, Mag Readings.||mimal, Koriak.||mampeeka, Willamet.|
|momi, Pujnni.||mimal, The Kolyma.||mampo, or ampo, Lutuami.|
The mother and water are one in mythology, and both have the same name in the earliest stage of language—that of the mere duplication of sounds to constitute words.
It is now suggested that ma-ma signifies the mother (bearer) in Egyptian—
|momo in Chinese.||mama in Fin.||mamma in Australian—|
|mam in Welsh.||memi in Barre (American).|
because of the origin in inner Africa as the birthplace of language.
The number 2 in the African languages is—
|beba in Melon.||mba in Puka.||mba and pipa in Param.|
|biba in Baseke.||mba in Pati.||mfa in Okam.|
|beba in Udom.||mbê in Kum.||mva in Yasgua.|
|beba in Diwala.||mbê in Bagba.||vêi in Fan.|
|beba in N'kele.||mbê in Bamom.||epfa in Eghele.|
|befè in N'Ki.||mbê in Momenya.||eva in Bini.|
|befai & Mbefai in Afudu.||mbâ and pa in Papiah.||eva in lhewe.|
|bepat in Konguan.||mbâ in N`halmoe.||eba in Ekamtulufu—|
|mbê in Tumu.|
The Param language shows that pipa is a modified form of mpipa or mbipa; as befai is the abraded form of mbefai in Afudu. The mb of the primitive pronunciation having been worn down to the simple b in 'befai.' As abraded forms of the original momo for number 1 and mbefa number 2 we have:—
|mô, no. 1; mba, no. 2; Pati.||mô, no. 1; mbê, no. 2; Bamom.|
|mô, no. 1; mbê, no. 2; Bagha.||mô, no. 1; mba and pipa, no. 2; Param.|
The father in Africa is a type of papa or mbefa, number 2.
Here the father coincides by name with the number 2, and as the foot is also a figure of two, this will account for its being named pupu, ipupo, etc., in the Carib languages, as well as for;
|bofo, no. 10 in Eafen,||papo, no. 10 in Padsade,||babalnecrahuk, no. 10 in Timboras,|
being equivalent to the two as feet. These inner African type-words for the mother and father are found in various other groups of languages. The African mb is also preserved in the Barre dialect of America.
|mama,||"||papa,||"||English & others.||ama,||"||pha,||"||Tibetan.|
|amma,||"||aba,||"||Dhimal.||momo or mu,||"||fu,||"||Chinese.|
The worn-down forms are also African, as—
M (mam) and b (bab) as signs of the first and second, the mother and male, are numerically equal to one and two, or the singular and plural numbers in language; and in the Kaffir dialects the um prefix stands for the singular number, and aba is the first plural. Thus um-fazi is a (one) woman; aba-fazi, women. Um-ntu is a person; aba-ntu, these persons (from which we may derive the Bantu name).
It was not the individualised father, however, who was first named; the baba, bube, or bêbê—
|pupombo, the boy, Kisi.||fopen, boy, Toda.||bubboh, little boy, Fernando Po—|
|bafet, boy, Baga.||bube, boy, German.|
was the earliest male.
The pup is the young one. The pubes constituted the one who was pubens, whence the papa as begetter. In Egyptian, pa-pa means to [p.199] produce, and this is first applied to the female being delivered of a child, she who was the primordial producer. Pepe (Eg.) signifies to engender. The name for mankind, the race and the male, is derived from this root, based on puberty. Papa, or pepe (Eg.), contains the elements of 'the he;' the him or it of a masculine gender. The reduced pâ also becomes the masculine article. The 'papa,' or inner African father, whether as the second of two, or as the reproducer and male duplicator, is indicated in the duplicative stage of sounds. This is continued in pepe, to engender. It is visibly reduced to pâ for the masculine pronoun, and then instead of the pa being repeated, as in 'papa' for the father, a dual terminal t was added, and we have pât or bat (Eg.) as the name for the pater, vater, or father, and pati (Sanskrit) for the husband. Instead of pepe, to engender, bat is to inspire the soul (or paba), give breath to by means of the male. With the addition of t, ti, or a sign of 2, for a terminal, we have the plural in a more workable form, and pât serves for mankind in general, whereas papa was limited to the producer. In the same way sen-sen is the Coptic word for sound, based on sen-sen to breathe, or breathe-breathe. But in the secondary stage of formation sen-sen is represented by sen-t (Eg), the English sound. The t or d being used instead of repeating the same sound. So 'papa' served as a sign of number 2, reckoned by the repetition of a sound; but, with the figure of two added in the t, reckoning was superseded, and the sign for reading took the place of the sound repeated for the ear.
Egyptian shows the visible passage from this inner African stage of mere duplication of the same sound to denote the second, the reproduced, or the reproducer, to the later mode of indicating the duplication by means of a dual terminal, in which process the papa or baba as reproducer became the bâ.t or pât, and the father of later language; as the mama became the mât or mut, the mother. Papa then was reduced to pâ, and the terminal t (or ti) was added to form the word pât (bat), as the name for the second, or dual one. In Egyptian, for example, pehi-peh is synonymous with pehti, and these likewise show the two modes of duplication. Peh-peh, or pehti, is the lioness in two halves. This dual one was the child, at first, on account of the two sexes. Also it was the male child at two periods. In various African languages the boy is known by two different names—the one before, and the other after, puberty.
Another type of the dual one is the foot or put (Eg.), and the pud or hand, the one that divides and becomes twain. Fut (Eg.) is to be divided and separated, and the foot is a type. Thus pat (Eg.) is two handfuls.
|bit,||Chinese,||is to separate||futa,||
is no. 2 in
|and be doubled.||piti,||" "||Tahitian.||pe is||no. 2 in Batta.|
|bheda,||Sanskrit,||dividing.||pitco,||" "||Riccari.||bi is||no. 2 in Akkadian.|
|path,||Tamil,||division.||peetkoo,||" "||Pawni.||b "||" " Avesta.|
In this final form the letter b suffices to figure the duality of pat, the earlier pa-pa, to the eye; and in the hieroglyphics a double p deposits or represents the sound and sign of b.
The foot is a type of number 2. It was named in the inner African languages as—
And this type-word is universal for the foot.
But the primordial type of the one that divided to become two is the female or uterine abode which is the
|bed, in English.||patu, in Malay.||fud, in Bavatian.|
|butah, in Basque.||baat, in N. W. American.||pudendum, in Latin.|
|beth, in Hebrew.|
We have now got pat, put, fut, for the typical two, in place of papa; and pat (Eg.), for two handfuls, when applied to the digits, is equivalent to number 10. Thus putolu, two hands or two feet, is number 10 in the Micmac Indian. And this will explain why number 10 has the same name, especially in the old non-Aryan languages of India.
|bud||is 10 in||Khotovzi.||padi||is 10 in||Telagu.||patte||is 10 in||Kohatar.|
So in the African languages the name for number 10 is a form of the number 2, as—
|papa, 10, Padsade.||opoa, 10, Basa.||ubo, 10, Eregba.|
|bofo, " Eafen.||opa, " Kamuku.||evuo, " N'goala.|
The one is followed by two, either through dividing or adding. The mother became two by dividing or bifurcating at the link of the umbilical cord. This accounts for other type-names of the number two. One of these is pet, pat, or bat. The goddess Pekh divided into the two halves of the Lion which was masculine in front and female behind.
The Brahmins say, 'The supreme Spirit in the act of creation became, by Yoga, twofold.'
Pik, in Chinese, is to cleave; pakohu, Maori, is the cleft or division; pakato, Zulu, the uterus; pate, Maori, denotes the sound made in [p.201] dividing or rending in two; and in Toda, the umbilical cord is the pokku, that which is severed at birth, when the one becomes twain.
Abeka, in Kaffir, is to divide by spontaneous or internal action; pagu in Tamul, is to divide; phaka, Vayu, means by halves; posh, English gipsy, is one half, a halfpenny.
When the human being is divided into front and hind-part, the pekh (Eg), or rump, is the back, the hinder of two halves. Thus page, Gundi, is the hind-part; pak, Chinese, the back. The page is one side of the leaf which divides in two. The peg is divided, or serves to divide. The word epoch, for a solemn date, denotes the division applied to time. And in the African Isubu language, the epoke is the native name for the division. So primitive is the application, that the people divide their day into three epokes, and have no other reckoning of time.
According to Caesar, Gaul, of the Kelte, was divided into forty-three pagi, clans, or communities. In this instance the pagi is tribal, and the divisional name is applied to the people on the land.
The pekha or fekh (Eg.), for a reward, signified the division as a share, and this was the primary form of fee and pay, both in nature and by name.
In Java and Tibet the number two is expressed by paksha, a wing or other member that is twofold. A pickaxe is a double weapon. A pikel is a two-pronged fork. Piebald is pick-bald, or two-coloured as is the magpie, and in Devon this duality is called pie-picked.
The pigeon, or dove, like the pye, is a parti-coloured bird.
The bat is a twin-type, and the Scotch call this winged mammal a 'bakie' bird; the Maori name for it is peka-peka; both 'bat' and 'bakie' denote the twofold nature, and both are derived (with two different terminals) from an original baba, papa, or pepe, to divide, be double, become twofold.
Number 5 is the dividing number on the left hand, and number 6 on the right. In the African languages number 6 is named both
|pagi and padsi, in Sarar,||pagi and padsi, in Kanyop,||mpagi and mpadyi, in Biafada,|
just as bakie and bat are two names of the winged mammal in Scotch.
'The bat,' says Horapollo, 'was an Egyptian image of the mother suckling her child.' It represented that bi-unity of being which was first seen in the mother who had 'bagged'; and next was typified in the bach or Bacchus, the child of both sexes.
Bak and pak, to be dual or divide, will explain the name of the foot; as—
|pog, foot, Avar.||pog, foot, Tshari.||bisi, foot, Ceram.|
|pog, " Antshukh.|
Also the moon, which is dual in its lunation, is
|biga, in Nertshinsk.||bega, in Yakutsk.||bekh, in Larnut.|
The frog is the divider, named bheki in Sanskrit.*
* Pekh. A type-word like this may be followed in language under numerous co-types. It is an inner African name for the knife, as the divider, which is
|poko, in N'gola.||poko, in Kisama.||faga, in Kra.|
|poko, in Lubalo.||lipoko, in Kasands.||fagbe, in Gbe.|
In the Tinneh (American) group of languages this supplies the name of the knife; as
|pesh, Apache.||paas, Dogrib.||paysche, Pinalero.|
|pes, Coppermine.||pesh, Navajo.||pesh, Mescalero.|
To bag in English is to become pregnant, to duplicate in being with child. Bok, in Vayu, is to be born.
The human being divided as the mother and child. Next, the little one is the bach, Welsh, the little boy; beg, Celtic; beag, Gaelic and from back or bag comes the name of the boy. This is the Xhosa baxa, for the young child of either sex; also the fork in the branch of a tree.
The child is the pagarai in Tasmanian; the pickaninny in North Tasmanian; a pickle in provincial English.
The boy, or bach, as the little one, is the second of two, and of a dual nature. This is the Bacchus or eternal boy; the child which may be of either sex, and so was divinized as the type of both.
In England twins of both sexes are called a pigeon-pair. Bak, then, denotes the dual, the second, in various languages, and thus becomes a type-name for number 2, as—
|biga, in Basque.||poquah, in Darien.||pec'h (a piece), in Breton.|
|begu, in Savara.||vocua, in Cunacuna.|
As Bacchus represented the bach, or little one that was of either sex, and the boy in two phases, so did bar (Sut), the Hebrew Bâal the son of Typhon. The Hebrew form of the name as bagal (לגב), and the New Forest bugle for the bell, show the root bag or pekh, to divide and become twain, as did the child in boy and girl. In sex the Bar or Bâal was twin, hence the biune being; so that there is a meeting point between bar and pair. The child being what is still termed a pigeon-pair (i.e., boy and girl) or twin, because of either sex. Bala, in Sanskrit, denotes the child of either sex up to the age of puberty. This was Bala-Rama.
Abela, Kaffir, is to divide; bil, Sanskrit, means to split, cleave, divide in two. The bill as weapon, is the divider, equally with bar, the foetus, in Persian. Bhurij (Sans.) denotes the two hands, two halves of heaven and earth, a pair, as shears, or scissors. Baru (Ass.) is one half; paru (Eg.) one half of the double house. In Tasmanian the feet are named perre—berre in some Australian dialects. And, by duplication, purre-purma is number 4 in Catawba.
Bara, in Vei, is the umbilicus, the place of dividing; begel, whence [p.203] bêl (Cornish), is the navel; bal (Akk.), the axe or hatchet; palû, Assyrian, an instrument for dividing.
The first instrument used for dividing was the stone; and this in the African languages is the
|pulag, in Kanyop.||pulak, in Bola.||fulagu, in Bulanda.|
|pulak, in Pepel.||pulak, in Sarar.|
Pelek is the axe in Greek.
Peleg, in Hebrew, signifies the first division of mankind into the gens, tribe, or totemic family, and this type of number 2, which is the second stage, promiscuity being the first, is worldwide under the same name. We are told it was in the days of Peleg that the earth was divided. It certainly was under that name the mass or horde was discreted to distinguish the one from the other, or to discriminate them at all. The Hebrew peleg is the Akkadian pulugu, and the Assyrian bulugu, for the division or dividing. This primary division was inner African, for piliku (or piriku) is an ancient name of the tribal divisions of the Kaffirs. The name had crossed the world; it reappears as the 'bulluk,' an Australian (ja-jow-er-ong) name for the tribe; and the palleg, or body, in Lap. It was also brought into the British Isles as the balg, the Irish Fir-Bolg. The Belgæ and Bulgars likewise continued this name, which has survived from the earliest division of the race into communities, companies, partnerships, such as the Swedish bolag, Icelandic felag, Turkish buluk, Slavonic pulk, Gaelic burach, and English borew, in which the division was by ten, the base of our cantreds, hundreds, and the counties that became the final divisions of the land.
The flagstone is the divided one, and the flag (banner) is the sign of the division. One name of the Koran is Al Forkan, from faraka, to divide. The Avesta fargard is a division. So the Hebrews employ the word perak or pirka for a section or division of scripture. These are identical with our word fork, for the divided body. The month Nisan is called purakku in Assyrian, the dividing month; and the veil of the Jewish temple was the dividing veil named Parakak (הכרפ) [or Paroketh, in the Kabbalah] because it divided in twain like the circle of the year.
The foot being dual, is named
|bilge in Mordvin.||bhori in Kooch.||berre in Australian.|
|bole in Murtni.||fiyolu in Maldive.||poro in Mayoruna.|
|bhale in Gurung.||balankeke in New Ireland.||it-pari in Tocantins.|
|pali in Newar.||perre in Tasmanian.||da-para in Cherente.|
|pal in Korean.|
The arm being dual, is named
|bulo in Mandenga.||belare in Tene.||brech in Cornish.|
|bulo in Dsalunka.||belarai in Kisekise.||braich in Welsh.|
|bulo in Kankanka.||balarai in Soso.||porene in Pinegorine.|
|bulo in Bambara.||bera in Udso.||ibarana in Ombay.|
|buro in Vei.||brech in Breton.|
The breech is divided, the brogue (shoe) is double; as speech, it is a mixture; breeks are the divided garment, following the naming from the limb. Brack is speckled; braggled is brindled. A brocket is a two-year-old stag. Bragged (English) is to be pregnant or in foal. The brat is a child of either sex. The ballok is twin.
This root supplied a type-name for number 2. In the African languages two is—
|bar, Mobba.||bela, Karekare.||fila, Toronka.|
|bier, Darrunga.||bali, Dse]ana.||fila, Dsalonka.|
|bin or bili, Swahili.||biele, Ntere.||fila, Kankanka.|
|bella, Dalla.||biele, Meto.||feda, Kono.|
|beli, Kiriman.||peli, Matalan.||fele, Gbandi.|
|bale, N'kele.||vere and pfere, Obese.||fele, Landoro.|
|bele, Nab.||pere, Gio.||fele, Mende.|
|biele, Mhamba.||pere, Mann.||fele, Toma.|
|bol, Mutsaya.||fila, Mandenga.||fillo, Gadsaga.|
|buol, Bahama.||fila, Kabonga.||fali, Ham.|
These are inner African, and this is the type-name for number 2 in the Australian dialects, as—
|bulla, Morton Bay.||bular, Karaola.||baloara, Wiradorei.|
|beloara, Lake Maeqoarie.||pulla, Wollondilly River.||balarr, Kamilaroi.|
|bula, Wellington.||bullait, Witooro.||burla, Qoeensland.|
Number two is also—
|bar in Khong.||pir in Cambodia.||barria in Sonthal.||bar in Ka.|
And as 2 and to are equivalents in the two hands, the number 10 accordingly is—
|bela bu in Gbe.||fulu in Batta.||puluh in Malay.|
|fer in Dselana.||pulu in Atshin.||peru in Akkadian.|
|fura in Kasm.||fulu in Malagasi.||borow (a tenth) in English.|
|fura in Vola.|
Bar, the child, in Egyptian, Hebrew and Assyrian, is an inner African name for the boy who became the vir.
|bira, a boy, in Mose.||bara, a boy, in Yola.||bela-kuro, a boy, in Mandenga.|
|bear " " Dselana.||pera " " Legba.||belin is the young one.|
|bila " " Guresa.||efilera " " Kaure.|
In Persian pur is the boy, or son; bor in Suffolk; ballach, in Irish is the boy. Per (Eg.) denotes the male manifestor. From this root-name of the boy came that of the brother as one of two; the sister being the other. In the African and other languages the brother is—
|eburo, Aku.||aburo, Dsebu.||brathair, Irish.|
|aburo, Idsesa.||aburo, Ife.||bhratar, Greek.|
|aburo, Voruha.||brai, Zaza.||bhratar, Sanskrit.|
|aboru, Eki.||brat, Slavonic.||frater, Latin.|
Paltr or paôtr is the Breton name for the boy.
The type-name for number 2 in Egyptian is shen, and shen denotes the brother and sister; two in sex. Shen is also the double [p.205] or mummy-type of the second life; shen, the seal-ring (and circle) of reproduction; shena, the knee-joint and elbow.
|znauh, the two arms, Coptic.||dsin, no. 2, Kandin.||song, Laos.|
|shana, feet, Luchu.||sani, " " Wadai.||song, Siamese.|
|sinee, no. 2, Hebrew.||seneni, " " Berao.||sang, Ahom.|
|sina, " " Assyrian.||eshin " " San Louis Obispo.||song, Khamti.|
|sen, " " Barber.||essin " " Tonareg.||tsong, Shan.|
|san-dah, " " Mandara.|
As the two are also two hands, this name will account for the number 10 in some other groups of language. Thus—
|dzhun, is no. 10, Mantshu.||dzhan, is no. 10, Yakutsk.||dzhan , is no 10, Mangasela.|
|dzhan, " " Mid-Amoor.||dzhan, " " Tshapodshir.||dzhuon " " Mille.|
|dzhan, " " Nertshinsk.|
In the last-quoted language (Mille, Tarawan group) dzhuon is the base of all their reckoning; their 1 as well as 10; 6 is dildzheno; 7 is adzheno; 9 is me-dzhuon on this foundation, corresponding to the shen-ring which is dual by name, and is the sign of duplicating.
The nursling and effeminate child of either sex is the rena in Egyptian. In inner Africa len yahare is the daughter, in Gadsaga; lonufi in Anfue. Rinmer is the child in the Australian languages. In English we have the runt for the little one, the dwarf and for the castrated ox. The loon, Cornish lin, a fool or simpleton, is a form of the renn or lenn. The impubescent child of early times furnished a type-name for the grown-up simpleton of later language.
The renn as child is equivalent to number 2. In the African Agaw dialects the number 2 is lin-ga. In others—
|paren, is two, in Naga.||silin, is two, in N'godsin.||rendu, is two, in Malayalim.|
|firin " " Solima.||silin " " Doai||irandu " " Tamul.|
|firin " " Kisekise.||erndu " " Irular.||rendu " " Verukali.|
|firin " " Tene.||rendu " " Telegu.||rendu " " Gadaba.|
|selin " " Puce.|
Another Egyptian name of the nursling child is rer or ru-ru. This also is a dual applied to companions, steps, and to the horizon as the place of the two lions. It applies to the child or children. Ru-ru is two by repetition. This furnishes another name for the number 2. In the Moor dialect, New Guinea, number 2 is roeroe still and answers to rut-u, for the child, the children, or the double horizon.
We likewise have the rere as a dual in the 'rere-mouse,' the winged mammal; the rere-supper, a second course, the rere-tail, and the rear for the hinder-part or following after. R and l are interchangeable, and in the Fonofono dialect of New Caledonia lelou is number 2, and lolai in Mangarei. The duplicate was first because the number two depended on repetition, but this was modified when it passed out of the phase of reckoning. Thus we find—
|rererua, twins, Maori.||rua, no. 2, Figi.||lelou, no. 2, Fonofono.|
|roe-roe, no. 2, Moor.||rua, " " Polynesia.||lua, " " Polynesian.|
|oroo, " " Pelew Isles.||rua, " " Maori.||loa, " " Cocos Island.|
|wa-roo, " " New Caledonia.||rue, " " Malagasi.||lua, " " Kanaka, Sandwich Islands.|
|erua, " " Manototo.||rua, " " Timur.||lo, " " Uea.|
|arua, " " Baoro.||rua, " " Saparua.||lena, " " Mami.|
|roe, " " Salawatti.||rua, " " Mille.||lude, " " Lifu.|
|ero, " " Annatom.||lelai, " " Mangarei.|
Another Egyptian name for the child of either sex is the sherau, the youth, the son, or daughter. This too is a twin-title for the child in two characters; and the kindred name for number 2 is—
|shiri, Mingrelian.||dshur, Tshapodzhir.||dzhur, Vakutsk.|
|serou, Papuan.||dzyur, Yenesei.||dzhur, Tungus.|
|dsur, Lazic.||dzhur, Lamut.||dsur, Amur.|
Sher (Eg.) for the adult, the male in his second phase, also agrees with and accounts for the names of number 10 as—
|ashiri in Kaffa.||assur in Hurur.||asar in Hebrew.|
|ashur in Tigré.||assir in Vangaro.||sher in Egyptian.|
|assur in Arkiko.||ashar in Arabic.|
All beginning in language and typology is bound up with the one becoming twain, in accordance with the doctrine of the 'Two Truths.' The mother was the one that duplicated in the child, which was the twin or two-one because of either sex.
Number 3 is the pubescent male. The mother was first recognised as the producer, because she was the bringer-forth, therefore she was the primus, the typical number 1 under several names. From her the children traced the earliest descent, and the child was the second as the one reproduced, therefore the child is number 2. The begetter was last, and where three were distinctly recognised he was third person in the series. This was the order of nature which passed into the primitive sociology and mythology; for, as it was on earth so is it in Heaven. Hence it follows that in the oldest cult, there is no father in Heaven, but only the child of the mother who becomes pubescent to reproduce himself in the celestial couvade, because the system was founded before the begetter could have been recognised as the individual father of the child. This was the cult of the mother and child, in which the child included both sexes, because it could be boy or girl, and the boy at puberty becomes the consort of the mother to reproduce the babe. So excessively simple in nature was the origin of this great theological mystery.
When the Otomacs signify the number 3 they unite the thumb, the forefinger, and the third or root-finger, the other two digits being held down. This same sign of the trinity in unity is made by the Hindu compound being Arddha-Nārīi, with the hand that holds the trisula. Arddha-Nārī is a biune being as male and female; and yet of a triadic nature, because the mother, the child, and the virile one were represented as the totality of being that was triune in nature and biune in sex. The contention between this triadic-dyad, and the later, more orthodox Egyptian trinity of father, mother, and son, is also found in language with regard to the names of the boy and man. [p.207] Tutu (or tet) in Egyptian is the child, the son of the mother. This is an inner African type-name for the young one, as
|teto, Ota.||o tutu, Oworo.||tito, Dsekiri.|
|tutu, Dsumu.||tuto, Eki.||o tito, Ondo.|
|tutu, Dsebu.||tutu, Ife.||teto, Idsesa.|
The name is applied to the young, renewed moon, which was reproduced by the old moon (compare Ishtar, as Goddess 15), considered to be the mother of the child; the full moon representing the genetrix who as the one alone. The young moon is
|tutu, Egba.||tutu, Dsebu.||tutu, Ife.|
|toto, Yoruba.||teto, Yagba.||tito, Dsekiri.|
|tutu, Oworo.||titu, Ota.|
In Egypt, this name of the new moon was continued in Tet, Taht, or Tahuti, the god who carries the young moon on his head. Tet, Tat, or Tahuti, is a dual form answering to two or the second of two, the young one of two. Ti written Ûï shows the duplication of the t, and the inner African tutu is just the sound of double t. So that the name of the young one, the child, the repeater, the second of two, is expressed by repetition and duplication of the t-sound, and tet (tutu) is afterwards depicted by one t, with the sign of duplicating as a terminal. Because it was the sign of the one reproduced as the child, tut or tat could be, and was, extended to become the name of the reproducer as the individualised father in later times. In Egyptian, tat is the generative organ; it also means to engender, to establish, and denotes the begetter; the Welsh tat, English dad, Scottish dod, Omaha dadai, and Kaffir doda. In forty different dialects of inner Africa, the radical tat furnishes the same name for the father as for the number 3, and the begetter is the third by name, as he was in the reckoning of the mother (number 1), the child (number 2), and the adult male (number 3). For
tata is father, Babuma, and tat, no 3
tata " " Bumbete, and mitatu, no. 3
tata " " Kasand,, and tatu, no. 3
tata " " Nyombe, and tatu, no. 3
tata " " Basunde, and tatu, no. 3
tata " " Pangela, and tatu, no. 3
atate " " Marawi, and tatu, no. 3.
In like manner the boy-name as bach becomes a later type-name for the man, or virile male. The boy was, literally, father to the man, and just as the father took his name from the child, according to one custom, so he continued the boy-name for the man or head as
|boie in Nertshinsk.||boya in Tunguska.||bash in Teleut.|
|beye in Manchu.||boyo in Mangasela.||bash in Baraba.|
|boye, Yakutsk.||baz in Kirghiz.||bash in Tshulim.|
|bye in Lamut.||bash in Usheh.||bash in Tobolsk.|
|boya in Venesei.|
Naturally enough the boy and man meet under the one name of bar, on account of the male principle and the boy's second character. Boro, in Sena is the membrum virile; phallos in Greek; beron in [p.208] Tasmanian. Bala in Sanskrit, and bura in Fiji, are the masculine source. Bara, in the Mandenga dialects, signifies pubescence, the pubes or beard. This is a type-name for the male as vir, which is
|viri in Kusi-Kumuk.||fir in Irish.||veres in Zirianian.|
|vir in Latin.||feru in Magyar.|
The hair or pubes is
|bal, Ghagar.||vols, Malagasy.||barba (beard), Latin.|
|bela, Tagala.||parpee, Comanch.||broda, Slavonic.|
|bol-bol, Bissayain.||folt, Irish.||barzda, Lithuanian.|
|bul-bul, Pampango.||folt, Scotch.||beard, English.|
|bulu, Malay.||folt, Manx.||varvara (hairy), Sanskrit.|
In inner Africa the male also attained the status of man (vir) under the name of bar (the boy) as
|baro in Yura.||abalo in Legba.||fela in Gura.|
|balga in Bahama.||abalo in Kaure.||vale in Kambali.|
|bala in Bagbalan.||ebalo in Kiamba.||baro in Yula.|
|mbal in Koama.||balera in Bumbete.|
Thus Ômakuru or Ômakuri is the Khem-Horus, the virile type of divinity, with the Damaras, their father in Heaven; and this god bears the type-name of the boy, who is
|Omakuri in Fulup.||Omo-Kuri in Egba.||Oma-Kure in Yoruba.|
|Oma-Kurei in Undo.||Oma-Kari in Dsuma.|
Here the name is the exact equivalent of Khem-Har, the adult and virile Horus, the man-child of the mythos. Bar-Typhon was the great stellar type of the double child of the mother, and the Khem-Horus was the later solar type.
The male child, then, had two characters. In the second of these it was Khemt, and became the Khem-Horus or virile one (the sun as generator). Khem signifies the male potency of the homme fait. And in Egyptian khemt is the name of number 3. The god Khem shows the primordial type of the begetter. Camo, in Zulu, denotes the male parts. Chem, Chinese, signifies the manifestor, fulcrum and standpoint. This is imaged by the Creator Khem. Khem is the master, the prevailer in the sexual sense; and in Irish, coimhdhe means the being master. Kum-Kani (Xhosa Kaffir) denotes kingship, rule, authority. The kumara (Sans.) is the prince, the heir-apparent, as is the Egyptian khem-ar (or har). Various titles like the emir or amir were derived from the khem-ar (Eg.), or pubescent child, who became the begetter, as consort of the mother. Kaumatua in Maori is the adult; kiamat in Bolang-Hitam is the father's title. In Hebrew the male ass is a chamor. In several African languages the male elephant is kama. Khem, the homo, being the complete man, accounts for gamru to be complete in Assyrian. Camani, in Quichua, is to create, enjoy sexually; and camac is the Creator. Comoun (Eng.) denotes intercourse. Kama (Eg.) is to create, form, produce. Khem (Eg.) for desire, to go, supplied the later name of love [p.209] as in kama (Sanskrit), kim (Comanche), to love; kamakh (Shoshone), to love; cam (Eng. gipsy), to love, desire. Khem, the virile male, is the earlier form of the homme or homo. Thus, man is—
|kame and hame in Soso.||hemi in Maring.||n'gome in Mare.|
|gme in Boko.||kamolan in Andaman.||chamhani, Vir. lb.|
|khoim in Khoi-Khoi.||kuayuma in Tawgi.||comai in Oregones.|
|gemsenen in Bode.||kum in Mid-Ostiak.||conimahe in Apiaca.|
|gemseg in N'godsin.||kume in Pun pokolsh.||comoley in Peba.|
|koombai in Nyamnam.||kum in Obi.||kmari in Georgian.|
|kamere in Darrunga.||kuim in Ostiak.||umo in Itonama.|
|heme in Kisekise.||kem in Vogul.||komi in Burmese.|
|omoi in Egbele.||kymshan in Koriak of the Tigil.||guma in Gothic.|
|nsami in Esitabo.||kamzhan in Kamkatkan of the Tigil.||gom in English.|
|khem in Egyptian.||kaimeer in Erroob.||homo in Latin.|
|kami in Kanui.||chamai in Koreng.||amme in Irish.|
|kumi in Kumi.||amme in Sibsagar Miri.|
To be khemt (Eg.) is to be pubescent, attain the second character of the male child and become the Creator. Here it may be remarked that in Tahitian hum is number 10, and the word originally signified hairs. So in Egyptian har is number 10, and the name of Horus the pubescent or hairy one, the Khem-Horus who was second of the two. Huru and hairy agree with the second of two characters just as ten includes the second of two hands. In like manner the name of the Two Truths and the twins is Ma-shu in Egyptian, and in Chemuhuevi Mashu is the number 10.
It has been confidently asserted by the Aryanists that man was self-distinguished by naming himself from his mind; that man signifies to think, the Sanskrit manu originally meaning the thinker and then man. Whereas the typology, the ideographs, and the oldest language prove him to have been designated the homo, homme, or khem and the man, Egyptian men, from his attributes of pubescence. Men (Eg.) means to erect, to fecundate, to found. Men is the bull, the typical male. In gesture language the sign for man is made in front of the crotch, not of the forehead.
The North-American Indian signs for man include one made with the typical forefinger extended and denoting him who stands like men, Mentu, or Khem. The Indian wife makes the sign of husband by imitating the male emblem with the right fist denoting 'man I have.'
The man dated from puberty as third in the triad, and the types of his virility, including hair, beard, stone, tooth, and voice, will be found under the pubescent names. Khem is one name for the man, and the hair or pubes is:—
|tchame, beard, in Tigré.||gamboei, hair, in Biafada.|
|hamoi, " " Bishari.||chham " " Thaksya.|
|sameyga " " Nubian.||cham " " Clianglo.|
|gamur " " Mobba.||syam " " Bramhu.|
|kommo " " Woratta.||chham " " Magar.|
|achom, hair, in Lepcha.||kumi kumi, beard under the chin, Maori.|
|kumi " " Sak.||kambissek, beard, New Ireland.|
|sham " " Kami.||koom, hair or beard, Myfoor, New Guinea.|
|sam " " Songpu.||gemi, beard in Hausa.|
|sam " " Kapwi.||hamber, hair in Timbuktu.|
|sam " " Khamti.||kampu " " Songo.|
|umde, beard, in Middle and Upper Obi.||kamon, beard in Garo.|
|gumi " " Tagala.||ama " " Zapara.|
|tshim, hair, in Tobi.||gume is tooth in Kajunah.|
|kum-kum, beard, in Rotuma.||kambe " " Serawulli.|
|kumi-kumi " " Marguesas.||camablee " " Maya.|
|umi-umi " " Kanaka.|
The Horus-child was represented as silent or dumb (kart, Eg.) whose virile or true voice came with puberty, when he was Khemt as number 3. So the name of Hu, the god whose symbol is a tongue, signifies the adult.
In the Australian, African, and Mexican languages, kame denotes voice, speech, utterance, and mouth. In Van Diemen's Land kamy signifies tongue, mouth, and tooth, each a synonym of puberty, like hair and beard. Khem-Horus was the adult Horus who could open his mouth and had got his virile voice, hair, or beard. Gemi is the mouth in Wolof; kambi in the Agau dialect; agema in Motorian, and kamatl in Huasteca.
Although there were three in series and development there were but two in sex, as there are only two hands. Hence the name of Khem, the pubescent male, is also identical with the second hand and number 10 in the African languages.
|kum is no. 10 in Mutsaya.||kumi is no. 10 in Nyombe.||guma is no. 10 in Bode.|
|kum " " Babuma.||kumi " " Basunde.||goma " " Doai.|
|kumi " " Kabenda.||kumi " " Muntu.||gum " " Bayou.|
|kumi " " Mimboma.||kumi " " Kiriman.||gum " " Kum,|
|kumi " " Musentandu.||kumi " " Marawi.||gum " " Bagba.|
|kumi " " Mbamba.||komi " " Nyamban.||gum " " Barnom.|
|kumi " " Ntere.||goma " " Hausa.||gum " " Momenya.|
|kumi " " Bumbete.||goma " " Kadzina.|
Ten is likewise
|cumme in Vod.||kymmen in Karelian.||hamish in Palaik.|
|kamen in Mordvin.||kummene in Olonets.||samfor in Papuan.|
|kuemme in Estonian.||amer in Basque (compare am, Eg. the fist).||samfor in Mefur.|
|kymmemen in Fin,||sampula in Bima.|
Such interchange was necessitated by the unity of the types and early limits of language.
The renn, or nursling child, became the renka, the man, at puberty, renka (Eg.) being the pubes. Hence the man is the
|ranuka in Tanema.||oreng, the man, Sumenap.|
|renk, the pubescent knight, English.||oreng " " Madura.|
|runâ " " " Quichua.||langai " " Patos.|
|reanci " " " Sabipoconi.||langai " " Panigi.|
|orang " " " in the Batta,||lonco (man and pubes), Auraocanan.|
|the Malay, and||loonkquee, " " Oneida.|
|other groups.||langu, virile male, Sanskrit.|
These names of the man are one with the Sanskrit lingam, and the linch-pin of the stag; the Zulu hlanga, or lungu, a reed; the [p.211] typical reed from which the human race originated, the male member. Other primitive emblems of virility can be traced under the same type-name.
In the Australian and other languages:
|lung, is stone, in Yarra.||long, is stone, in Kakhyen.||along, is bone, in Abor.|
|walang " " Wiradnri.||lunggau " " N.Tankhul.||along " " Miri.|
|longa " " Tasmanian.||ngalung " " Luhuppa.||irang, is teeth, in Bathurst.|
|orungay " " Tuscarora.||thullung " " Khoibu.||irang " " Wellington.|
|nlung " " Singpho.||khlung " " Maring.||irang " " Wiradurei.|
|talong " " Jili.||lung " " Thoung-lhu.||leeangy, is tooth, in Boraiper.|
|ta-lon " " Sak.||arung, is horn, in Sak.||leeang " " Yarra.|
|ka-lun " " Kami.|
Among the Australian names for the beard and hair types of virility are
|yearnka, Menero Downs.||ooran, Regent's Lake.||yarren, Sidney.|
|yerreng, Morton Island.||uran, Wellington.||wurung, Lake Macquarie.|
In inner Africa
|nlenge, is hair, in Basunde.||elungi or eluni, is hair, in Oworo.|
The nail of the finger or toe is
|lenyal in Mutsaya.||rentoli in Bumbete.||ormyara in Pangela.|
|lenyala in Babnma.||lunzoona in Lubalo.||serene in Gadsuga.|
But the second of the two in sex was third in the series of mother, child, and vir. Hence khem or khemt signifies number 3.
|khemt, Egyptian.||angom, Abor.||som, Siamese.|
|skemt, Coptic.||kasan, Gyarung.||sam, Ahons.|
|kumot, Tsheremis.||som, Murmi.||sam, Khamti.|
|chami, Cochetimi.||swom, Bramhn.||tsam, Shan.|
|kuim, Zirianian.||sumzho, Chepang.||zam, Canton.|
|kocham, Mijhu.||sumya, Kirata.||ssum, Tanguhti.|
|kimsa, Aymora.||syumsh, Limbu.||semi, Suanic.|
|kimisa, Cayuvava.||sam, Lepcha.||sami, Georgian.|
|yameence, Vanlcton.||sum, Takpa.||sumi, Alingrelian.|
|yahmani, Dakota.||sum, Lhopa.||sam, Canaan.|
|komeka, Knlanapo.||sum, Milchan.||asam, Nowgong.|
|hamuk, Cuchan.||sum, Theburskud.||asam, Tengsa.|
|hamuk, Dieguno.||som, Thaksya.||asam, Khari.|
|hamoka, Cocomaricopa.||sam, Changlo.||azam, Joboca.|
|homoko, Mohave.||sum, Tibetan.||azum, Mitham.|
|hum, Sumcha.||sam, Laos.||mosum, Singpho.|
Basnage says the world was formed by analogy to the Hebrew alphabet, which is numeral. The first three letters of this, aleph, beth, and gimel, are types of our numbers, 1, 2, and 3. Aleph is called the 'steer' in Phoenician, the 'calf' in the hieroglyphics, an image of the primordial one, who was cow-headed, as Hathor; calf-headed, as Ahti (Typhon); and the water-cow, as Kheb. The beth is both, twin, two. Gimel is the camel, a type of potency answering by name to the third, who is Khemt (3) in Egyptian.
This origin of the three is not only shown by names, it is visibly demonstrated in the shape of our figures 1, 2 and 3; the number 3 being third in series and dual in form. The same law governs our [p.212] three first notes of punctuation—the comma (,), semi-colon (;), and colon (:) in which the colon is likewise third in series and an ideographic two in shape. The duadic-triad is also figured in the Hebrew letter shin ש. This sign is a tooth. The tooth, hu (Eg.), is a type of adultship, and the name signifies the adult. The shin is a double tooth; its fangs made it a figure of the trinity in unity, and its numeral value is 3 in the series of hundreds. Khemt (Eg.) is also the trident, another figure of the triune being. The author of the Book of God gives the sign of \ for the mystical AO as the Hindu Aum; and no. 30 is the numeral value of 'khemt' expressed in tens; the symbol of the triune one.
Tree and three are also synonymous. First, the tree was the mother, as producer; the child was the branch. But number 3 implies the notion of cause, or the root of the tree. This was masculine. The ren, as renpu (Eg.), is the male root or plant of renewal. In inner Africa the root is
|ran in Nso.||aron in Anan.||lun-ganzi in Kabenda.|
|ren in Wolof.||lun-kaudzi in Nyomhe.||lingi in Timbuktu.|
|erona in Okam.|
The root likewise agrees in name with the sheru (Eg.) for the adult or pubescent youth, and with the tser rock or stone, as
|sila, the root, Mandenga.||suru, the root, Vei.||zori, the root, Pika.|
|suluo " " Kabunga.||suro " " Kra.||nzoran " " Dsarawa.|
|sulu " " Kono.||suro " " Krebo.||osire " " Akurakura.|
The number 3 and the tree are identical in the Hottentot nona, three, and nonas, the root, the radix of the tree. The third digit, counted either way, is the root-finger. Here it may be noticed that the Morindo Citrifolia tree, which has the most 'wonderfully tenacious' root, is called by the Mangaians the Nono tree.
The genealogy of the first family tree was the mother (number 1 as stem), child (number 2, as branch), adult (no. 3, as root). This may explain why the Egyptians wrote their first plural with the sign of 3 instead of 2; and why the Greeks used the oath, or typical expression, 'By three am I overthrown.' Three is likewise identical with throw, and a throw is three in number with the Letts, who, in counting crabs, throw three at a time; the word mettens meaning three, or a throw. Three is the first and nine is the full Egyptian plural, the highest number on the right. The masculine hand, as ten, resolves once more into the twin-total, the two-one, the alpha and omega of the beginning. The word three (as well as tree), in its various forms, is a universal type-name, derived from this origin. The third was the adult male, and ter (Eg.) is to engender, turreti, [p.213] in Lithuanian. Ter (Eg.), as agent, is the phallus; the Vayu tholu; English tolly (and dil), the Fijian droi, and Maori tara.
The well-known phallic ters of Antwerp was an impersonation of ter. In Egypt Khepra-Ter was the erector or re-erector of the dead. The negro god Til (Tir) who created the first human pair out of the kneecaps of the hermaphrodite mother was likewise a form of the god Three as the virile male, who followed the mother and child and became a begetting god. The Yurecares also have the god Tiri, who is said to have divided the human being into male and female. The first mortals, they affirm, were one at root, and appeared in the bole of a tree. This the god Tiri split in two, and the man and woman emerged. Tiri is a form of the god Three, who represents the distinction of the sexes at puberty, when the child becomes the Khemt-Horus, the Horus as third, the homme fait, the Lord, the root of the tree.
In inner Africa, no. 3 is
|tere in Koama.||taru in Kirinsan.||tar in Nso.|
|tore in Bagbalan.||taru in Meto.||tare in Tiwi.|
|tere in Oknloma.||taro in Matatan.||itar in Mbarike.|
|taru in Udso.||teroro in Nyamban.||tal in Gura.|
|ter in Papiah.|
Outside of Africa we have
|toru in Maori.||tullu in Savu.||three in English.|
|tolu in Fiji.||telu in Ende.||tria in Greek.|
|toru in Polynesia.||telu in Sasak.||try in Slavonic.|
|tolou in Mami.||tolu in Malagasi.||trys in Lithuanic.|
|toro in Pome.||tolu in Batta dialects.||tres in Latin.|
|bo-toro in Seroci.||dre in West Pushtu.||trui Kashkari.|
|toroe in Dasen.||tre in Gadi.||triu in Amiya.|
|toro in Wandamin.||trah in Kashmir.||tri in Sanskrit.|
|tolu in Mayorga.||tra in Tirhai.||tre in Slab Posh.|
|tolou in Cocos Island.||tholth in Syriac.||turrun in Khurbat.|
|toru in Msrquesas.||thaleth in Arabic.||trin in Tater.|
|tilu in Mille.||tri in Breton.||trin in Gipsy of Norway.|
|tulo in Bissayan.||tri in Welsh.||toluke in Kenay.|
|tallo in linen.||try in Cornish.||teli-ko in Tatalui.|
|talu in Cayagan.||tri in Irish.||tula-ha in San Raphael.|
|tolo in Timur.||tri in Scotch.||tulu-bahi in San Miguel.|
|tellu in Rotti.||tree in Manx.||torani in Garura.|
|etellu in Manatoto.||tra in Tirhai.||terewaid in Jaoi.|
This type-word for no. 3 is identical with the name of the two times, or tem (Eg.) and the second phase of the male child, who became the 'Bull of the Mother' at puberty as Ter the engenderer. Also the African name of the bull is
|tura in Biafada.||tura in Bambara.||tor in Adirar.|
|tura in Mandenga.||tura in Landuma.||tor and Adarq in Beran.|
|tura in Kabnnga.||turona in Soso.||tur in Arabic.|
|tura in Dsalunka.||bala in Bornu.||taurus in Latin.|
|tura in Kankanka.|
Tur and sur or sar are interchangeable for no. 3 in the African languages, and
|sara is no. 3 in Kisekise.||saran is no. 3 in Tene.||salasa is no. 3 in Berar.|
|saran " " Soso.||silasa " " Wadai.||selaste " " Tigré.|
These correspond to salas for no. 3 in Assyrian. [p.214] This agrees with the sheru (Eg.) for the bull or adult male, and with the name for hair and other types of virility in various languages. It is by the nature of the types alone that anything final can be determined about the names. The hairy one and the hero are synonymous because the first hero was the pubescent male.
The Egyptian sher, the hairy, is applied to barley and to the adult male. In English share is hair, the pubes of the male; Hebrew רישׂ. This is the natural root of the sire, English; the sar, Akkadian sarru, Assyrian; sar, Persian; tsar, Russian; sur, Hindi; and sar, Gaelic for the hero; the kaiser and caesar, who are all founded on the pubescent male, the bearded and hairy one. The root reappears in the Latin caesaries for the hair. The caesar represented the sheru (Eg.), and there was a popular Roman belief that Julius Caesar was long-haired when born!
The name identifies the male ruler with hair, and number 3, and the triad of mother, child, and pubescent male was completed in the sar, sheru, sir, sire, or caesar.
We are now able to affirm that, beyond the two hands as the means of signalling numbers, the archetypes of one, two and three, running through many groups of languages, are the mother, one, the child (twin) two, the virile male, three; these three being the typical trinity in unity, under various names.
The divinity Pan or Phanes, for example, is a form of this triune total or collective all. Pan is the hairy, horned one of a mystical compound nature. Hair and horn are his types of pubescence, which show the second phase of the male child. An (Eg.) for hair, to be hairy and wanton, is a reduced form of Fan, Pan or Benn, the phoenix. Phanes was the phoenix that transformed at the time of puberty. The benn or aan was the hairy ape. The phoenix (nycticorax) wore the double plume; a kind of feather of the two truths. Hair and feather are interchangeable types, and the double feather of the phoenix is still worn by the Kaffirs who don the feather of the Blue Crane.
This is the sign of the hero, but it is related to puberty; hence the winning and wearing of 'the feather' by the virile Indian, who takes a scalp to become a brave. Hence also the Mexican myth of the feather which caused conception in the virgin mother.
Our own popular 'Punch' is likewise a Pan, or phoenix, a personification of puberty in the character of the all, the Supreme Being, who acts as if he were everybody; and the drama of 'Punch and Judy' is the celebration of his coming to power. Puns in Sanskrit denotes the same typical male, the masculine attributes, the virile member; bangi in Zulu, the virile male.
Pan's animal type is the goat. In English the buncus is a donkey, and the bingo a dog. In Welsh the baingu is a bull; this was the bull of Hu, the pubescent son and consort of Kedy (who possibly [p.215] survives as Judy) the Great Mother. As Khem, the virile male became the bull of the mother, as Punch he is the bully.
In his explanation of the cardinal numbers Bopp says he, 'does not think that any language has produced especial original words for the particular designations of such compound and peculiar ideas as three, four, five, etc.' He admits that the appellations of numbers resist all comparison with the verbal roots, and he tries to explain them by the pre-nominal roots. Being limited to the Aryan group he is compelled to derive the Gothic fidvor for number 4 from the Sanskrit chatwar for number 4. But if fid were derivable from chat there would be an end to all foothold in language. It is possible of course for these to become equivalents in later language because both may be derived from an earlier word that will account for them, ch (or k) and f being the twin phonetic deposits of an original ideographic kf.
The Gothic fid, in fidvor, is one form of the type-name for number 4 to be found in the most ancient and diverse languages. It is inner African, to begin with, as—
|fudu, Hausa.||fudu, Bode.||ufade, Mandara.|
|fudu, Kano.||fudu, N'godsin.||fadye, Bishari.|
|fadu, Kadzina.||fudu, Doai.||fat, Batta.|
It was continued as—
|feto, in Coptic.||pedwar, fethera and||feother, in English (Betty-Bodkin,|
|futu and aftu, in Egyptian.||phedair, in Welsh.||the 4th finger).|
|erbaht, in Tigrd.||patzar, in Cornish.||effat, in Malagasy.|
|aybatta, in Gafat.||fidvar, in Gothic.||pi-ffat, in Guebé (Papuan).|
|arbat, in Arabic.|
(Pi is a prefix, as in pi-leure for five).
|pa-bits, Yengen.||puet, Atshin.|
|boat, Amberbaki (New Guinea).||opat, Toba Batta.|
|fat, Salawatti (New Guinea).||mpat, Sasak.|
|e-vatz, or ta-vatz, MalIicollo (New Hebrides).||opat, Bima.|
|tbait, New Caledonia.||apat, Bissayan.|
|eppat, Iloco.||apat, Tagala.|
This type-name for number 4 is one of the primaries of the present work, one of the radicals of language, one of the words of the world. The types that lead to the one prototype of the number 4 are preserved in the hieroglyphics. Fetu and aft (Eg.) are variants for the number 4, the four quarters or the four-legged thing. Aft is the hinder-part or quarter of the four-legged animal. The four-legged crocodile was one type of aft or apt (as goddess). We have the same figure of 4 by name in English as the eft.
The hippopotamus is another type of aft (apt), and this four-legged animal has four toes on each foot. The word foot, pat, or pode is identical with fut for number 4, and this points to the origin of the [p.216] type-name in that of the four-footed animal the aft or fut of Egypt. Thus, by name and nature, the type of number 4 is quadrupedal.
And the reason why the type-name of number 2 and the two feet is also a name for number 4 is because in the latter case the type was four-footed. Every primitive word has to be determined and differentiated by the type intended. Aft or fut may be the chair, the couch with four legs, the abode with four corners, or the heaven of four quarters. When the type is human the heaven above is represented by a woman arching over and resting on the earth with her hands and feet. In this case the quadrupedal type is portrayed by the two hands and two feet. It may be the four-footed fylfot cross of Thor is named from the four as fut. But the great type of number 4 was the ancient Typhon, the mother of beginnings.
Aft is an abraded form of kheft (variant khept) for the hind-quarter which was the north in the heaven of the two halves, and west in the heaven of the four quarters.
The khept is the hind-quarter of the quadrnped, and fet (or aft) is number 4 and the four quarters. By return to the earlier khaft or khept we reach an original for chat as well as fid. Khaft modifies into both khat and aft (or fet), and thus furnishes two different words with one meaning to later language. The khât (khept) as the hinder-thigh is the seat nearest to nature. So the kati in Sanskrit is the seat or buttocks. In English we have the fud for the tail. Both are contained in the word khaft, equally with chat and fid. One form of the seat is the chair, and the Irish ceathar and Manx kiare for number 4 agree with the chair, kadair and quadrangular caer, the seat-type of the four, and therefore with khept the hinder-thigh of the beast, and with aft the seat, hinder-part, also to squat or go down, as the animal on all fours. The prototypal idea of number 4 then is quadrupedal, and the quadra, quadruped, chatwar, and ceathar preserve the fact in their names.
The Assyrian arbata, irbitti or irbit, for number 4 is usually derived from rab, to be great. But the rep (Eg.) is the typical quadruped.
|rabe, Wolof, cattle.||labei, Greek, bear.||rebi, no. 4, Manyak.|
|rabu, Coptic, lion.||leep, Victoria, sheep.|
Also, עבר applied to the couch, and to the lying down of fourfooted things, agrees with the Egyptian rep.
There is no such chance or coincidence as the Aryanists have unwittingly assumed, and would make us believe, when we find that—
|fima is no. 5 in Marquesan.||pemp is no. 5 in Breton.||pemajala is no. 5 in Eslen.|
|fimf " " Gothic.||pymp " " Cornish.||pumazho " " Chepang.|
|πέμπε " " Aeolic Greek.||pump " " Welsh.|
And that in the Yesso dialect, one of the Ainu group, fambe is the [p.217] name for number 10. These are explained by the hand itself. In old English one name for the hands is fambles. This agrees with the Egyptian âm or fam for the fist, and the Botocudo împo for the hand. The hand is called a bunch of five. To five or to fin, πεμπάξειν, is to make the fist; the Egyptian âm (or fam); and five, fimf, fim, or fam are variants of one original word. In English pimp is applied to coupling together; hence the pimp as a go-between and as a faggot of sticks. So in Xhosa Kaffir famba means to heap, pile, cluster together, as in making the fist. The radical is inner African.
Poma is the hand in Mende. Asi pome in Adampe. In Xhosa Kaffir the pamby is the handle or handles of a pot or other vessel. Fumbata is to close the hand in the form of a fist; to grasp in the closed hand and hold fast what it contains.
The Egyptian âemf (or famf) is a handful of food, and as âm is the fist as well as to eat, this is the equivalent of the Gothic, Greek, Breton, Cornish, Welsh and other names for 'five' as the handful of digits, or one fist. Here the numbers 5 and 10, the fist, fambles, the clustering and handle, are all related by name to the hand, and there is as surely a unity of origin for the word and types as there is for the numbers in the digits.
Under the name of tat (Eg.) the hand is the type of offering and giving. So, here, the hand as a type of giving is related by name to the inner African words for giving.
|pem in Yula.||fima in Soso.||femao in Tumu.|
|fema in Tene.||fiumo in Momenya.||wema in Baseke.|
|fima in Kise-Kise.|
In Egyptian, one name of the finger is teb; the fingers are tebu, and tebu is the name of the number 10 in the series of thousands. Also four tebu make one palm, and seven palms (twenty-eight fingers) make the royal cubit, or sutem-mah.
In inner Africa—
|tubo is the finger in Kun.||gbala Sara is the finger in Pika.||ozubo is the finger in Opanda.|
|mo topo " " Param.||kobo-bui " " Timbuktu.||saba " " Adirar.|
|gbehi " " Bini.||kafo-Gabone " " N'ki.||saba " " Beran.|
|igbe " " Ihewe.||kpira-bo " " Egbele.||osba " " Wadai.|
The African, tch, with its variant sounds (explained later on) will account for kep, and tep being equivalent for the fist and the fingers in Egyptian. Tef (tua) is a name of Seb, the star, and the divine Father; also of the number 5. These interchange in the names of numbers 5 and 10, as
|tuf no. 5 in Batta.||dsowi, no. 5 in Pula.||gubida, no. 5 in Biafada.|
|dsif " " Bulanda.||dsowi " " Goburu.||kobeda " " Padsade.|
|kif " " "||dsowi " " Kano.||khuba " " Absne.|
|tsof " " Limba.|
|ksof " " "|
Other African variants for number 5 corresponding to the Hebrew qamz, a fist, Assyrian hamsu, for number 5, are found in
|gumen, no. 5 in Banyun.||hm, no. 5 in Basa.||hm, no. 5 in Gbe.|
|tsamat " " Baga.||hmu " " Krebo.||mhm " " Dewoi.|
|semmes " " Berber.|
The number 10 is—
|zabe ozabe & otabe in Koro.||tsofats in Baga of Kalum.||kepu in Landoro|
|dsob in Akurakura.||kob and kowa in Ham.||igbe in Egbele.|
|dsob in Okam.||kof in Limba.||igbe in Bini.|
|tubban in Danakil.||gfad in Bulanda.||igbe in Ibewe.|
|tofat in Timne.||ukob in Yasgua.||igbe in Oloma.|
These are inner African. Number 10 (to carry out the illustration) is—
|tap in Tonkin.||sib in E. Shan.||sapulu in Rotti.|
|taap in Cochin China.||sip in Khamti.||sapulu in Manatoto.|
|shap in Cantonese.||sapula in Batta.||sapulu in Malay.|
|dap in Cambodia.||sapulu in Lubu.||kep in Angami.|
|tovo in Japanese.||sepulu in Ulu.||kip in Kirata.|
|toverah in Moor.||sapulu in Susak.||kep in Mikir.|
|sip in Laos.||sapulu in Sumbawa.||kyep in Mijhu.|
|sip in Siamese.||sabulai in Ende.||kippio in Chemmesyan.|
|sip in Ahom.||sapulu in Timur.|
In the Baniwa and Coretu dialects nap, the hand, is the base of
|nucopi, hand, Maipor.||nucabi, hand, Barree.||tchoapamau, hand, Juri.|
|nucapi " Isanna.||eri-kiape " Uaenambeu.|
This last is founded on the fingers, that is, on the bunch of five.
|tchoupei, fingers, Juri.||nu-capi, fingers, Uaenambeu.|
The Egyptian kep is a fist, a hand of five. And as the group of five the foot is found under the same name in Hebrew, where the hand and foot are both named kaph; the same word being applied to branches. This is a type-name for both hand and foot in the African languages. Also,
|tchouoti is the foot in Juri.||giapa-muetshu (literally foot-fingers), the toes, Coreto.|
|giapa " " Coretu.||tchoupomora, the toes, Jori.|
In Sanskrit the 5 appears as capata for the fifth note in music.
Professor Sayce takes the Assyrian name of number 1, istin or estin, to be derived from the root 'es,' to which the t was added, as in the case of the other numerals. M. Bertin compares it with the Hebrew 'aish,' for the personal one, each one, every one. But shâ is the first one in the hieroglyphics, and this is also the arm. Shâ is a reduced form of shef and kep, the arm or hand. Moreover, this shâ is repeated in a type-name for number 6, the one on the other hand. Shâ being the first, as arm or one hand, shâ-shâ in the duplicative stage of sounds denotes the second or other hand, the first [p.219] digit on which was the figure of six. Shâ-shâ is expressed by the Hebrew שׁשׁ, and shash represents.
|sas, no. 6 in Egyptian.||shesh, no, 6 in Duman.||szesc, no. 6 in Slavonic.|
|sisu " " Assyrian.||shash " " Persian.||sex " " Latin.|
|shash " " Sanskrit.||shash " " Biluch.||size " " Old English.|
|shash " " Brahui.||chisa " " Cochetimi.||se " " Irish.|
|shash " " Kashmir.||szeszi " " Lithuania.||sei " " Basque.|
|shesh " " Khurbat.|
Here also the root-word is inner African. Number 6 being
|eseses in Olotna.||aize in Dahome.||esa in Sobo.|
|sises in Kandin.||aize in Hwida.||esa in Egbele.|
|soos in Arkiko.||aize in Mahi.|
The name of number 7, which is
|sibitti in Assyrian,||subhat in Amharic,||shebata in Kaffa,|
|sibatta in Gafat,||sabata in Gonga,||seb-ti (5-2) in Egyptian,|
appears in the inner African languages as
|sumboat in N'goala.||zimbede in Nyamban.||tsamboadia in Nyom'oe.|
|sambat in Runda.||sambodia in Mimboma.||tsambodia in Basunde.|
|samboade in Kisama.||tsamboadi in Musentandu.|
The constellation of the seven great stars (Ursa Major) was probably the primordial figure of seven. Seven was often called the perfect number. Its name, as hept (Eg.) is also the name for plenty, a heap of food, and good luck. The seven were the great heap, or cluster of stars, an image of plenty, or a lot that revolved together.
The Hottentot hongu the grouped or confederated ones for the number 7, points to the Great Bear as the celestial figure. The Bear also supplied the pointer hand to the horologe of time in heaven. In fact, as Pythagoras says, the two Bears were the two hands of the Great Mother, who was Kep (the hand) or Kheb in Egypt, and who as Teb bears the name of the finger. The first star of this constellation, Dubhe, is teb (Eg.), the finger or pointer. Now with the Kaffirs, pointing with the forefinger of the right hand is synonymous with number 7. In answering the question, 'How much did your master give you?' they will say, 'U kombile,' he gave me seven, literally he pointed with his forefinger. And in describing seven horses they will say, 'the horses have pointed' (amahashi akombile) that is, there were seven of them. Such a mode of expression is based on finger-counting. The Zulu begins his reckoning with the little finger of his left hand and continues with the thumb on the second hand, so that the forefinger becomes a figure of seven. The verb komba, to point, which denotes the forefinger as the pointer, is founded on the name of the number seven, and the seven stars were the primordial pointers.
It is quite possible, too, that when the North American Indians make the sign of good with the thumb and forefinger of the rigid hand in front of the mouth the other fingers being closed, it is as the [p.220] sign of number 7, the figure of good, luck, plenty, lots of food, in the hieroglyphics.
There is nothing more common than the interchange of the numbers 7 and 10 under the one root-name in the African and other groups of languages. This is on account of the digital origin of numbers and the naming in the stage of gesture-signs. Both hands held up were the first sign of ten, and seven was indicated by one hand and two digits, or the second digit on the right hand.
Kepti or kabti in Egyptian denotes two arms, two fists, or two hands. From kepti we derive hepti and sebti, number 7. Kep-ti may be read 5-2, or twice 5, because the ti adds 2, or it may duplicate the hand. These were distinguished by the different gestures.
A perfect parallel to kepti (or seb-ti) for either 7 or 10, as hand (kep) and ti for two, or twice one hand, may be found in the Jower dialect of the Papuan group in which rebe is number 1, redoe is number 2; brai-a-rebe, or five-and-one make the number 6; but, brai-a-redoe, actually 5 and 2, is the name for number ten. To make the ten out of brai-a-redoe, or 5-2, the 2 must duplicate the 5 or the hand just as the ti in kepti would have to duplicate the hand to make the value of the number 10 out of a word otherwise signifying 5-2 or number 7.
The general Kamite or inner African mode of compounding the 7 is by 5 + 2. In the Vei, sumfela; Gbandi, ngofela; Mende, wo-fela, etc., for the number 7, the fela denotes two. Dsowe-didi, for number 7 in Goboru and Kano, is 5 + 2. Tan-na-beli, is 5 and 2 for 7 in Matatan, and tanu-na-beli in Kiriman. Hem-leso in Krebo is number 7 as 5 + 2. Here the sum, hem, and dsowe for 5 are identical with the Egyptian seb (5) and Assyrian hamsu.
The Egyptian number 7 as 'sefekh' is found to be written by 5 + 2 in the style of the goddess Sefekh with the seven rays or horns, and this can only be read as sef, 5, and kh, 2, from khi, the duplicate, the second or two, seven being the second digit on the second hand. The two hands of heaven were the two Bears. The Bear constellation is Kep, and the two are Kepti. Kep or keb is the earliest form of Seb (time, xaip in the Namaqua Hottentot), and she was the mother of all time, as goddess of the seven stars. Sebti becomes Sothis the manifestor of time, named from the two hands of time kep-ti, whence hepti and sebti for number 7. The two hands turned round and sebti (Sothis) struck the hour of the year. To this origin in the hand—2, or kepti—may be traced the type-name for number 7 as:—
|keopits, Witshita.||hepti, Egyptian.||heft, Duman.|
|chappo(t), Minetari.||hapt, Biluch.||saptan, Sanskrit.|
|sambag, Runda.||hapta, Zend.||septem, Latin.|
|shebata, Kaffa.||epta, Greek.||efta, Tater.|
|subhat, Amharic.||haft, Brahui.||avita, Koro.|
|sate, Hurrur.||haft, Persian.||fitu, Malagasy.|
|sabata, Gonga.||heft, Khurbat.||vitu, Fiji.|
|whitu, Maori.||fito, Mayorga.||pito, Tagala.|
|fitu, Batta.||fetto, Wahitaho.||pitu, Cayagan.|
|fitu, Malay.||pitu, Ceram.||petu, Sasak.|
|fiet, Salawatii.||pito, Bissayan.||petu, or Pedu, Savu.|
|fitu, Mangarei.||pito, Iloco.||pidu, Bima.|
Here it should be borne in mind that numbers 2 and 7 frequently have one name and were determined by the two hands.
Seven is sometimes reckoned as six extended, as in the Aponegicran itawūuna (from itawana), meaning number 6 drawn out. The Coptic sasef for seven, is from sas number 6. The British Druids also had a number 7 called mor seisor, the Great Six which was a mystical formula.
The Egyptian ses-sen for number 8, reads 6 + 2. The height was here attained in the octave, the sign being the third and longest finger (known in nursery language as 'Long Gracious,') on the right, the masculine hand. This was the height of attainment as the repeating number, the same as the first in the scale. In Hottentot, khaisi for number 8 signifies the 'turning number.' Eight (Manx hoght) and height are thus synonymous; and both were represented by the longest finger on the right hand.
The origin and naming of numbers are bound up with the seven stars of the Bear. These are dual in the two Bears; one of which represents the mother, the she-bear; the other her son or progeny. These were the two hands of Rhea the genetrix. Rhea is identified with Nupe the Lady of Heaven and consort of Seb-Kronus. But Typhon (i.e., Tep, Teb, Kheb, Kep, or Kefa) was the earlier form of the genetrix, and Sevekh or Khebekh, her son, was the earlier form of Seb. These two were the two hands of the earliest horologe, that made their circuit once a year, as Kep the mother and Kheb (ekh) the child (or the seven companions); kep is the hand and ti is two or twin; and kep-ti is both hands or the number 7. The two hands are feminine and masculine as left and right, lower and upper, in Kep and Khebekh (or Kebti, the later Sebti, who became Sut).
From kepti we derive hepti (number 7), and sebti, or suti. The two hands of Kep are a form of number 10 in language. The seven stars identify her name with number 7, and kep the hand with number 5. She is the figure of number 4, as the quadruped, and as apt (variant fut), the goddess with four aspects representative of the four corners. Number 2 is the same as number 10 in the two hands. As tep (Eg), she is one, the first, by name, in nature or in numbers; and as teb, she also has the name of the finger.
Another Egyptian name of the finger is tekar. The type-name of tek or dek, for number 10 is fixed for ever in the number and the name of the digits, the original figures used in reckoning. In Egyptian tek is to add, join, and multiply. The sign of this is [p.222] the tek cross, the Polynesian teka, a cross, and the Roman figure of decem or ten. Thus tek (Eg.) is to multiply in reckoning; tek is the cross-sign and a figure of ten; the reckoning is digital, and the digit is the tekar (Eg.) as means of reckoning.
One hieroglyphic of no. 10 is the pair of hands joined together and cut off (∩)—one meaning of tek being to amputate or dock. The two fingers stand for two hands, and these, when crossed, make the sign of tek or 10 (X). In following this Kamite type-name we find that
|tekar, is the digitus, in Egyptian.||tuka-bera, is the digitus, in Gbandi.|
|toko-jiwo, is the digitus, in Mende.|
The hand is
|takobero, Baga of Kalum.||takha, Hatigor.||tegi,Tarakai.|
|tukui, Gbandi.||dak, Namsang.||tag, Erroob.|
|dekunda, Songn.||degere, Gadsaga.||iteke, no.5, Eregba.|
|tekha, Nowgong.||dek, Aino of Kamkatka.||taklima, no. 5, Eskimo, etc.|
In the Maori language toko is the prefix to numerals from one (tahi) to nine (twa) and tekau or tokau is no. 10. In the Deoria Chutia language (one of the Naga tongues of India) the numerals are all named with this root as prefix to the word.
|dugsha, one.||dugumua, five.||duguche, eight.|
|dukuni, two.||duguchu, six.||duguchuba, nine.|
|dugda, three.||duguchi, seven.||dugshe, ten.|
The numerals of the Nsietshawus or Killamuk language of the Atna group point to the same digital origin by name.
|theike, one.||tsukhus, five.||tukatshi, eight.|
|tkhlasale, two.||tsulukhatshi, six.||tkshleio, nine.|
|tshanat, three.||tutshoos, seven.||tkhlauhantshs, ten.|
Teka (Eg.) to cross and clasp applies equally to the two hands and the ten fingers. Numbers 2 and to have the same root-name in the following languages.
The number 2 is
|tagi in Jani.||ticknee in Seneca.||dekanee in Nottaway.|
|tech in Kolush of Sitka.||tekinu in Onondsgu.||duke in Bagwan.|
|tulle in Choctaw.||tekni in Cayuga.||tkhaus in Piskaws.|
|teghia in Oneida.||tel-kinih in Mohawk.|
The number 10 is—
|atuk in Mobba.||deg in Welsh.||aduk in Sekumne.|
|dekue in Alege.||dek in Cornish.||atek in Unalaska.|
|dikui in Kisama.||dec in Breton.||tokke in Lap.|
|dokeme in Bagrmi.||delch in Irish.||tekau in Maori.|
|dohemy in Begharnai.||deig in Scotch.||tekau in Tongan.|
|degbo in N'ki.||jeih in Manks.||takakkh in Ugalents.|
|disi in Hottentot.||deka in Greek.||tkatz in Cochetimi.|
|tsue in Dsuku.||dziesiec in Slavonic.||tugr, set of ten, in Gothic.|
|tacha in Gonga.||decem in Latin.||dicker, ten hides, in English.|
|tegaun in Tarawan.||deszimtis in Lithuanian.||tegotha, tenth, in Frisian.|
|togaserama in Bishari.|
From this root, Taht as the reckoner, derives his name of Tekh, and the goddess of the months hers of Tekai. Tekh (Eg.) the name [p.223] of the moon-god and the calculator, also means the full; and in inner Africa the full moon is etako in Wun; etago in Bidsogo.
The two crossed hands or fingers depict the cross sign of tek that became the tau and the letter t which was not, as de Brosses thought, unconsciously used to designate fixity, for teku (Eg.) signifies to make fixed. Another cross, the tat, is a sign of fixity, and to establish for ever, whilst teta is the Eternal. Tat is also the hand-type. The tek cross X is one figure of 10, founded on the crossed tat (or hand) which first signified ten as the extreme limit, the Infinite or Impassable. It is probable that the origin of the gesture made by clasping the hands in the posture of prayer or beseeching, may be traced to the act of digital reckoning. The ten of both hands, that is the total, thus indicated the All. When the Zulus count a hundred the open fingers of both hands are crossed and clasped together at the completion of each 10, as the sign of totality.
So in the clasp of hands in prayer or propitiation, the sign would be one of tenfold and total submission to the superior power, and therefore the symbol of utter beseeching.
The Hebrew rabbis speak of the 'primitive existence contained in the letter yod,' which is 'unspeakable, incomprehensible, unapproachable,' because, in reality, it is related to the most primitive beginnings, the utter simplicity of which supplied the later ineffable mysteries of the mental twilight. The yod is the hand, and it has the numeral value of 10, or of two hands, and was therefore made a type of the biune one, applied to deity.
The two hands (kepti) clasped together and cut off at the wrists make the hieroglyphic sign of no. 10, ∩; and the most archaic Phoenician or Etruscan. form of the letter yod ∩ is evidently the hieroglyphic ten; hence the yod, called a hand, has the value of two hands, or no. 10.
According to Menasseh Ben Israel[28a] the name of Jah is not only that of the dual divine essence itself, but it also designated the Aziluthic World, or the World of Emanations which contained the ten sephiroth. Jah is the Hebrew form of the twin IU, AO, or IAU, and the two-one and ten are identical in the Kabbalist scheme, just as they are in the two hands. Hence the power of the mystical yod-sign of the two hands.
Ten was synonymous with the All, the Infinite or Impassable, as two had once been in neb (Eg.) for the All. Horapollo makes an uninterpreted allusion to the ten-sign of the clasped fingers. He says, 'Seven letters included within two fingers—έν δυσί δακτύλοις—symbolize a song or Infinite.' It has been suggested by De Pauw that he meant δακτύλοις, rings, or within a ring. But the reference is to the sign of the two curved hands which were determined by the two [p.224] tebu or fingers:
The figures are seven in number and ten times seven in value. The seven of the song belong to the musical scale. The two fingers denote the 10 of the two hands. Great mysteries lurk in simple signs like these which are the figures of very natural facts.
The sign of 70 is common on the funeral tablets, and is said to indicate the 70 days of mourning. Also, the Egyptians sang their lamentations. Seventy then was a sign of the infinite, reckoned by the seven notes as the all in music, and by the ten of the two hands as the total in reckoning. The Camacan Indians express many, or infinite, by holding out the ten fingers and saying 'Hi.' This, as Dr. Tylor points out, agrees with the Camé 'II,' and Cotoxo 'hie-hie,' 'euhiahia,' for many or infinite, in the primitive sense. These also agree with the Egyptian hihi, heh or hhu, for the infinite, who was of a dual nature, as Hu, the sphinx deity, or the IU and AO. Uwa, in Xhosa Kaffir, signifies an animal uniting both sexes, a hermaphrodite. IU (Eg.) is twofold, and the 2 and 10 both meet in the two hands and ten digits. Hence the Iu in Egyptian is number 10 (or io) in common figures. Number 10 is hyo by name in Nutka, and hyyu in the Aht language. The Egyptian u was inherent in the i, and thus we come back to the Hebrew i, or yod, as the figure of the Infinite. The Coptic letter-sign for number 70 is 0, the sign of the infinite, or hehu. Also the numeral value of the Hebrew ayin is 70, and the oldest form of this letter is ¡, the figure of infinity. The O was evolved from the unified Iu, with the infinite at the numeral value of seventy instead of ten, which was worshipped as the god 'O' in the Greek Mysteries; whose name is still expressed by the vocative O! of religious aspiration; the God who in Israel was the deity of the Ten Tribes and seventy divisions which preceded the twelve signs and the seventy-two duo-decans of the zodiac.
Reckoning and making figures with (and of) the hands of course preceded letters, and the ten digits is the number of the earliest signs known to the British Barddas as the ten Ystorrinau. It can be proved to the eye, even if the mind refuses to take in and utilize the fact that the Kamite hieroglyphics were extant in these islands, as Boece avers.
The Bobeloth letter, dabhoith, or d, signifying wisdom, is a serpent; and one hieroglyphic t, or tet, is a snake, the type of wisdom. The Welsh sign of ng is #, and the Egyptian ankh is | or ¤. The round loop of the Egyptian is squared in the Welsh. Also, the Welsh dd sign r is the squared form of Û, an Egyptian hieroglyphic t, d, or tet, a female breast; the English teat, or titty.
Among the British signs copied by Ledwich, the r, named Rat, is [p.225] a squared reverse form of a hieroglyphic r called ret. Also, the British o is called Or, and the hieroglyphic Er is an oval c.
The Barddas tell us that their Abcedilros, or Alphabet of Ten Letters was derived from the creative name of Iau (later IO), called the Younger, or the Manifestor, who, as the Iu (Eg.), Manx IE, was the ever-coming One. This was the youthful manifestor of a dual being, who was also the threefold one, i.e., the Mother (Ked), Child (Prydhain or Aeddon), and Hu, the pubescent male; the dyad in sex, who were triadic in manifestation. Their symbol was the cyfriu sign /|\ called the 'Sacred Symbol of the Unutterable name of God,' corresponding to the Hebrew yod, and the name of Jah.
Now the Kabbalist ten sephiroth, which are derived from the creative name of Jah are likewise, as the word shows, a form of the ten letters. Hence they are placed at the head of the thirty letters, which are arranged in rows of ten letters each. The ten sephiroth are also traced to a triad dominating over all, corresponding to the letters aleph, beth, and gimmel, which, by analogy, comprise the whole world, or, as we have seen, the trinity of characters and bi-unity of sexes, in one compound being called Jah, Iu, or Iau, the tri-unity, which is tenfold in the Kabbalistic scheme of the ten sephiroth, just as it is in the British Abcedilros of ten letters, that were all derived from the tri-une I A U. This origin of ten letters in the divine name which constitutes the number 10, as IO, was the profound 'Secret from the Age of Ages among the Barddas of the Isle of Britain for the preservation of memorials of country and nation;' and this secret of the Barddas of the past, now penetrated by a bard of the present, is identical with the most hidden wisdom of the Kabbalah, when traced back to its phenomenal origin.
The origin is described as being in the 'Two Rays,' and the 'Three Shouts.' The Gwyddon, they tell us, looked straight before him along the line of the East. 'Dwyrain,' i.e., dwy rain, is the two rays—the ray of Eilir, and the ray of Elved—which represented the Two Truths of Iu or Iau, the triadic form of the bi-une One. Iau is also known as the Yoke. So the Maori Iho (Mangaian IO, the deity) is the name of the umbilical cord, the yoke of the mother and child. Now the Ogham characters consist of the stroke and circle, or an IO, the number 10 in figures. The ten are digital; ten branches to the Tree of Knowledge; and the Ogham is based on numerical reckoning of the strokes or digits. The ten letters were represented by ten cuttings of wood, and by ten cuttings in the wood of the Gwyddon. These ten cuttings remained a secret with the Barddas when Bell the Great converted or transliterated the ten into letters for all, and added six more, making the number sixteen. The ten originated in the three shouts or cyfriu sign, which became the [p.226] broad arrow or A I at Lloyd's. Thus our A I, broad arrow, twin rays, or cyfriu sign /|\ is identical at last with the Egyptian au (a calf of either sex) the AO of the Mexicans and Greeks; the IO of the Mangaians and Maori, and with the I, the one being, two hands and ten digits, which were the first forms of the two and the ten in figures, or in letters.
The Ogham marks are in sets of five—the single stroke, double stroke, three strokes, four strokes, and five strokes. The group of five is the aieme, Irish, or qv in Welsh. Both kef and aem in Egyptian denote the hand as a fist of five. The Ogham is based on hand-reckoning and on the straight and oblique strokes which turn to either hand; the one that becomes twain in the two rays or two hands. Thus the Ogham is the circle of hand-reckoning, the earliest form of that by which time is still reckoned on the face of the clock. It is from this concrete base that the more abstract ghuaim, guaim, or wisdom, through which the Barddas were able to compose, was derived not vice versa. Finally, as before said, the Cornish dek, Breton dec, and Welsh deg, for number 10, repeat the hieroglyphic tek, the sign of which is Í, the figure of 10 or ten (tekari) fingers represented by the double stroke.
The Chinese 'Three Lights' are likewise identical in origin and significance with the 'Three Shouts' of the British. The radical 'ki' or 'shi' is the sign of the Three Lights, according to Chinese etymologists, and this figure includes the triadic form of the biune one. It is also employed to indicate the supernatural or revelation, as was the cyfriu sign of the Barddas. Moreover, in the Amoy dialect IU signifies origin, the son and the masculine soul.
This will show that the Kabbalists and Athanasius Kircher, who claimed a most ancient origin for these figures and types of the Kabbalah were right, and the modernisers of the Kabbalah are in a great measure wrong.
The worshippers of Iau (or Hu) were the Iaus or Jews by name, whether in Cornwall, Palestine, China, Egypt, or Mangaia. They must have gone out of Africa when the number 10 was reckoned on two hands; the two named IU in Egyptian, which as two hands are the hieroglyphic 10, the digital sign of the deity.
The following summaries will show at a glance the relationship of the hand to numbers and naming, and how the 1 and 5, the 2 and 10, may have the same name, for reasons already explained. As numbers and their names originated in the phase of gesture-language it was by gesture-signs that the different values of the same word were determined.
|achup is no. 1 in Panos.||k'abti is two arms in Egyptian.||kep is the hand in Egyptian.|
|acap is A (one) in Irish.||kabdo is a pair in Galla.||kepu is no. 10 in Landoro.|
|kafto is no. 2 in Mordvin.||k'if is no. 5 in Bulanda.|
|nge is no. 1 in Kakhyen.||onka is hand in Mandan.|
|ankh is to duplicate, also a pair of ears, in Egyptian.||onge-foula is no. 10 in Cocos Island.|
|tata is no. 1 in Joboka.||tut or tû is no. 5 in Egyptian.||tith or tythe is a 10th in English.|
|tit is no. 1 in Burmese.||tut is hand in Egyptian.|
Rem, lem, and lef are interchangeable, and
|alovi is one finger in Hwida.||rem (variant) is no. 5 in||lafa is no. 10 in Salawatti.|
|lof is one hand in Cornish.||Polynesia.|
|tep is the first in Egyptian.||tabi is no. 5 in Manyak.||table is a hand in Sunwar.|
|teb is a finger.||tup is no. 2 in Taraki.||tabu is no. 5 in Kalka.|
|taf is no. 1 in Agawmidr.||itabu is a hand in Vala.||tovo is no. 10 in Japanese.|
|fito is no. 1 in Japanese.||bhit is hand in Bramhu.||pati is two handfuls in Egyptian.|
|fitak is no. 2 in Japanese.||but is no. 5 in Bagwan.||padi is no. 10 in Telugu.|
|irme is no. 1 in Vehu.||lima is the finger in Port Praslin.||rima is no. 5 in Polynesia.|
|diem is no. 1 in Nyamban.||rima is the hand in Polynesia.||lima is no. 5 in Malagasi.|
|remn is the arm in Egyptian.||lum is no. 10 in Dsarawa.|
And these types are correlative under one name because of the digital origin in the limb. This base of beginning is well shown in the Celebes Ternati dialect where rimoi is number 1; romo-didi, number 2; roma-toha, number 5.
The African languages prove the paucity and the persistence of primitive words. One radical does duty for several parts of the body. Thus—
|keba is the hand in Kra.||gumen is the hand in Banyun.|
|kaffun " " Adirar.||kamba " " Tumbuktu.|
|kaf " " Egyptian.||t'koam " " Korana.|
|n'kepa " " Papiab.|
The arm is—
|gobo in Oloma.||nova in Koro.||kobeda, in Padsade.|
|gibo in Bayon.||kafe in Gadsaga.||sabu, in Mosnenya.|
|gubu in Boritsu.||gutuda in Biafada.|
The shoulder is—
|kape in Padsade.||gaba in Mandara.||n'gamana in Munio.|
|kaban in Filham.||kafada in Kandin.||n'gamene in Kanem.|
|gaban in Folnp.||gibar in Boritsu.||n'gamaee in N'gura.|
|geba in Mano.||gema in Gio.||kambo in Param.|
|gba in Gura.||gema in Musu.||kambo in Bayon.|
|igabo in Sobo.||komba in Pika.||kamba in Momenya.|
|gapta in N'godsin.|
The finger is—
|kobi-bui in Timbuktu.||n'gibo in Ekamtulufu.||saba in Adirar.|
|ozubo in Opanda.||osbe in Wadai.||saba in Beran.|
That is because the limb or branch of the body was named first, not the particular limb; and one limb or part of it may bear the type-name in one group of languages, and a different limb in another. This principle of dispersion can be followed under the type name of the limb. [p.228] The number 5 is—
|lime in Malagaai.||lima in Batta dialects.||lima in Sandwich Islands.|
|lima in Ende.||lema in Save.||lima in Rotuma.|
|lima in Sasak.||lema in Timur.||lima in Cocos Island.|
|lima in Bima.||lema in Manatoto.||lima in Fiji.|
|lima in Sumbawa.||lam in Tonquin.||rima in Mann.|
|lima in Mangarei.||lima in Ceram.|
|liman is the hand in Macassar.||lamh is the hand in Irish.|
|liman " " Kissa.||lamh " " Scotch.|
|liman " " Baba.||lave " " Manx.|
|liman " " Keh Doulan.||lof " " Cornish.|
|liman " " Butun.||alemade " " Dunagat.|
|liman " " Solor.||rima " " Favnnlang.|
|liman " " Satawal.||rima " " Sida.|
|lima " " Fakanfo.||rima " " Ende.|
|lima " " Malay.||rima " " Edna.|
|lima " " Wohan.||rimcosi " " Betoi.|
|lima " " Mandhar.||rimani " " Saparna.|
|lima " " Bugis.||rima " " Baum.|
This is an inner African type-name for the limb, as finger.
|lemi in N'tere.||malembo in Kanyilca.||nlembo in Mimboma.|
|olemi in Bumbete.||mulembu in Kisama.||nlembo in Masentandu.|
|elambue in Alege.||mulempu in Songu.||nlembo in Nyombe.|
|molem in Mutsaya.|
This radical of language had not only passed into the British Isles, but is also found as
|ramo, the finger, Sunda.||lima, the finger, Port Praslin.||limak, the arm, New Ireland.|
|lima, " " Bati.||oulima, " " New Ireland.|
The Carib name for 10, or the fingers of both hands, is chounoucaboraim; and for 20, or the fingers and toes, it is chounougouci-raim.
The hand leads us to the limb, as arm or shoulder. The Egyptian remen is an arm, the shoulder, to touch the shoulder, a measure, a span, an extent, as far as the limit, which shows the remn or arm in relation to measure by the limb; an early mode of determining the limit. The Bohemian rameno for the shoulder, arm, and branch retains the full form of ermennu (Eg.) which signifies the shoulder as well as the arm. The Russian ramo is the shoulder, the Latin ramus the branch or arm. Armus (Lat.) is the shoulder-joint, particularly of the animal, from which the arm is the branch. The English arm (earm) and limb represent the general type.
The rim, lim, or limb is various. In the Anfue (African) dialect the arm is the alome; in Takpa the lem is the foot. Remmu in the Galla languages is the type-name for number 2, answering to the two arms or reins. Baram is number 2 in Wolof; moa-lembo in Undaza. This name was also applied to the paddle or oar. The hands of Horus are designated his paddles, and the oar is the
|remi, Latin.||ramh, Gaelic.||leamh, Gaelic.|
|rem, French Romance.||riem, Dutch.|
Following the paddle we have the helm, from the same origin.
The African reman or lemen deposits both rem and ran (or len) hence the interchange, and the hand is—
|aranine in Mare.||lengye in Biajok.||lango in Tibetan.|
|renga in Kupuas.||lengan in Menadu.||lango in Serpa.|
|rongo in Murung.||ranka in Lithuania.||lang, no. 5, in Cochin China.|
The renn (Eg.) is the child, and the branch or shoot of the tree. Lam in Chinese Amoy, is the type-name for branches, as in renpu (Eg.) for the branch. So in the African Gadsaga the lemma is the boy, the branch. The child is the human branch of the mother (whose type was the tree) and in provincial English is often called a limb. With the Kamilaroi people the limbs of a tree include the arm, but the thick branch is a thigh, which points to the genetrix, as the Tree of Life. In Egypt she was Rennet by name, the mother of the renn or child.
In the North American sign-language the idea of offspring or human branches is portrayed by a peculiar gesture which is made by the two hands drawn downward from the loins or reins, at times with an added illustration of the mother bringing forth or branching in parturition.
Lastly, the rima or five branches of the hand, together with the reckoning of five thereon will explain why rim in Icelandic is a computation, a reckoning; the calendar; why riman, in old English is to number; riomh or riamh, in Irish, is numeration, reckoning; and the ream in English is a reckoning of twenty quires of paper.
Here the prototype was the tree and its limbs; and the limb and its branches, one body with two limbs, whether these are reckoned as arms or legs, and five branches to each limb; the tree being a primal figure of the mother. And the tree itself, as the African Cotton-Tree, is
|limi in Bagrmi.||limi in Boron.||limi in Kandin.|
|limi in Hansa.||limi in Mnnio.||eram in Papiah.|
|limi in Kadzina.||limi in Nguru.||aram in Param.|
This naming of the one that becomes twin is at the very bifurcation of all beginning. When the ear is called duas in Irish and Scotch, that is from its twinship. In Egyptian the ear is named ankh (as it is in many other languages), and ankh also means a pair. Kaf and kab are the hand and arm, and nab (Eg.) signifies double; kabel, in Kaffir, to part in two. The knee-pan is a kap in Egyptian and cap English. That also is a dual type. The mouth as the gab or chaps is another, and the twin-type in each case determines the name.
The chief hieroglyphic of the one who divided to produce the two is the hinder (feminine) thigh, the khepsht type of the genetrix Khep or Kheh; and in the inner African languages the thigh as type of her who divides and doubles is named—
|gba in Mann.||gbari in Gbandi.||kebel in Mutsaya.|
|gba in Mende.||kufu in Bode.||kebele in Ntere.|
|gbara in Toma.||kebei in Nso.||kèbele in Mbamba.|
|gbara in Landoro.|
The gba or khepsh thigh was the divider in parturition. And here we quote a specimen of the beginnings which are so simple as to make the explanation appear incredible, and the too-knowing will be sure to denounce me as over simple.
We read in the Ritual, 'I come forth as his child from his sword, accompanied by the Eye of Horus,' i.e., the feminine mirror. Such language is extant in other sacred writings, and has never been interpreted. But how can a child be born from a sword?
In Egyptian the sabre or scimitar is a khepsh, M a Sanskrit kubja (Greek xiphos), a crooked sword, a scimitar—and this has the same name as the hinder thigh, which is represented by the 7 hind leg of the hippopotamus, the genetrix of the Typhonians; the one khepsh being copied from the other. The hinder thigh is also a type called 'ur hekau,' the great magic power. This identifies the female sexual part as the great magic power of the primitive mind the typical power before a sword was manufactured to be called a 'khepsh,' as a weapon of power. The sword or khepsh being named from the hinder thigh, these equate, have one name and are equivalent as types. Next, the sword is identical with the dove (the yoneh), and both are blended in one image under one name, because of the origin in the great magic power or yoni. In the Hebrew the allusions to the oppressing sword serve to recall the Assyrian emblem of the sword and dove, which were figured in one image. Hence the sword with the divided tail of a bird that was continued in the Greek χελιδών, the sword ending in the bird's tail.
The same symbolism is found in Japan. One of the ancient weapons of the Stone Age is called the stone knife of the green dragon, because the conventional green dragon has a sword at the end of its tail. Thus the hinder-part is synonymous with the weapon as it is in the Egyptian khepsh. In accordance with this interchange, the Arabic name of the star Alpha in the dove (Columba) is Fakhz, the thigh.
But this is the important point. The khepsh sabre as the weapon used for cutting and dividing was named from the khepsh thigh because that was the primordial divider in the body and in giving birth. Numbers and their names are based on a oneness or a one that divides and duplicates, with the human body and its two arms as chief illustrators in gesture-language. But the same tale is told by every other type-name of this beginning.
The root tan, tin, or ten is another of the type-words of numbers. The Egyptian ten to cut off, divide, separate in two halves—ten being the half-moon—shows the reckoning by division. Ten also signifies the amount, each and every, that is cut off and reckoned as a total. Ten (Eg.) as 10 kat, is the equivalent of our ten for the [p.231] half score. The whole moon was tent cut in two (English tined) to make the fortnight.
The tennu (Eg.) are the lunar eclipses which measured time by cutting off the light. Ten, Chinese, is to cut in two; tanumi, Maari, to double; English twain to be double. Thus twain and ten are identifiable with the aid of the two hands or two legs. The Marquesans reckon their fruit and fish by the tauna, or two-one; they take one in each hand and count by the pair instead of the unit. Their one is twin as it was in the bifurcation of the beginning. Ten, in Egyptian, is a plural for 'ye,' and 'your;' tin is 'they' or 'them' in the Motor language. This is the most common name for the foot in the Australian dialects, which is—
|tona, Jervis Bay.||tina, Lake Macquarie.||dinang, Wiradurei.|
|tina, Peel River.||tinna-mook, Witouro.||dien, or tian, King George Sound.|
|tenna, Kit Philip.||dana, Muruya.||dana, Liverpool.|
|tinna, Adelaide.||dina, Bathurst.||zdna, Parnkalla.|
|tenna, Gulf St. Vincent.||dina, Meidji.||dtun, Aiawong.|
|tinna, Karaula.||dinna, Kamilaroi|
This is also found as—
|tin, Laos.||ten, W. Shan.||adin, Guaham.|
|tin, Siamese.||tin, E. Shan.||tangore, Malagaso.|
|tin, Ahom.||tin, Khamti.||eduon, Annatom.|
It is the type-name also for knee and thigh as—
|toon, knee, Diegunos.||dango, thigh, Fulah.||dengalou, thigh Buduma.|
|tungru, knees, Gindi.||dango, " Kano.||tanke, " Wolof.|
|tanga, thigh, Zulu Kaffir.||itena, " Ombay.||tangbo, " Bulanda.|
|tuttgei, " Musentandn.||dangala, " Mandara.|
In the Batta dialects tangan is the arm.
|tono, the hand, Kamkatkan.||tangan, the hand, Ulu.||tangan, the hand, Batta.|
|tango, " " Malagasi.||tangan, " " Ternati.||tangan, " " Malo.|
|donga, " " Furian.||tangan, " " Javanese.||tangan, " " Suntah.|
|danicra, " " Cheresite.||atheng, " " Borro.||tongan, " " Sow.|
|taintu, " " Timbora.||otun, " " Chutia.||tong, " " Juru Samang.|
|tanaraga, " " Mangarei.||tangan, " " Malay.||tangan, " " Rejang.|
Hand or foot is an equivalent of number 5 and
|thanu is no. 5 in the African Makua.||tanga is no. 5 in Mru.|
|tani " " Fan.||tonsa " " Tungus.|
|tano " " Swahili.||tonga " " Yakutsk.|
|atton " " Krepee.|
Tan is the type-name for the number 5 in at least forty of the inner African languages, and in several of these tan is the full extent of the reckoning. Tan is number 10 in Vei, Kono, Mandenga, Toronka, Kankanka, Bambarra, Kabunga, and other of the inner African dialects, in which the people could count thus far. Dan and ndon are 10 in Afudu. Tini in Fiji is number 10, and the end or finis. In Languedoc tanca means to stop. Tan in Zend and tena (Eg.) denote the extent. This extent may be one hand—five; or it may be two hands—ten. [p.232] Ten, however, has an earlier African form in tsen or dsen, that accounts for both ten and sen as variants of one word, under which name we have the thigh as—
|dsinya, in Kandin.||dsinya, in Kano.||tsinia, in Kadzina.|
The female bosom, which divides in two breasts, is—
|sin, in Dsalunha.||sin, in Bambarra.||sinn, in Mandenga.|
|sin, in Kankanka.||sin, in Tene.||sandso, in Kahunga.|
The teeth, that also divide in a double sense, are named—
|dzen, in Tumu.||dsina, in Ntere.||dison, in Baseke.|
|dsuna, in Nkete.||dseni, in Mutsaya.||tsino, in Marawz.|
|disonga, in Murundo.||edsin, in Afudu.||t'sunis, in Skwali (Aba).|
|dzino, in Babuma.|
This type-name, with its variants, is universal as noun and verb for that which divides, cuts open, and duplicates. The dividing river may be the ticino in Italy or the teign in England. That which divides is fundamental, and the radical tes (Eg.) for the stone and stone knife, whence tser or sila, tsen, sen and ten, may be followed throughout language in relation to the stone, the weapon (aitz, Basque), tooth, ivory, the cutter, and cutting; opener and opening, founder and founding. The same word was continued in the Old Algonquin, and other Indian languages of North America as their type-name for stone.
|assin is stone, Ojibwa.||assene is stone, Knistinaux.||ashenee is stone, Skoffi.|
|assin " " Old Algonquin.||ashenee " " Seshatapoosh.||asenneh " " Sauki.|
This radical dsen or tsen (whence sen and ten), supplies a type-name that runs through all language for things fundamental and foundational. Sunn, Assyrian, signifies foundation, or fulcrum, snnu (Eg) is to found, with various types and modes of founding. One is a stone statue, another an endless cord twisted into loops without any tie. The types of foundation are many; the prototype being one, with variants, and the name one. In Chinese, another type of sin is the heart; Latin, sinu; French, sein. The heart offers an important ideographic type. In Egyptian the heart as mat and hat is identical with another habitation, the womb. 'My heart is my mother,' says the Osirian in the Ritual. It was a figure of basis, foundation, beginning; abode of life.
In the Imperial Dictionary of Kang-hi, out of 44,500 words, 1,097 are founded on this radical sin, one type of which is the heart. Thus the heart may be an ideograph worth 1,097 words. This lands us in the domain of things, types, and ideographs as the earlier stratum of language. Other forms of foundation are seen in sende, Kaffir, a testicle; shin, Hebrew, a tooth; sunu (Gael), a wall; son, a beam or joist; son, Manchu Tartar, the rafters of the roof; sen, French Romance, a road; sanaa, Arabic, a water-dam; tseen, Chinese, a bank raised against the water. The founder as the bee is soni in Pika (African); and in Chinese, the foundry, or [p.233] furnace, is the shin. That which is founded, as iron, comes under this name in inner Africa, where
|isen is iron, in Eafen.||sengo is iron, in Nyombe.|
|zengua " " Mimboma.||zengo " " Basunde.|
Seng Chinese, is to come into being. Sono, Italian, signifies I am; sunt, Rhoetian, I am; and sunt in Latin. The latter is the abstract of sunt (Eg.), to be founded. Syn, Welsh, is sense, understanding. Sin, Chinese, mind, understanding, and 'understanding' shows the passage from the physical to the metaphysical.
Finally we get back to, or primarily we can commence with, the foundation of all in the opening of the Beginning. As foreshown, the word sunn.t (Eg.), to be founded, denotes the making of a foundation by opening the ground. Sunn is to pass; whence sunn.t, the passage, in English the sea-sound, also the snout, the passage for the breath. Now the ancient British name for Nottingham was Tyogofawy, the house of the cave-dwellers, or the men who made holes in the ground. The earlier name of Nottingham is Snotingham; and snot or sunt, in Egyptian, means to found or establish by opening the ground, which perfectly describes the beginnings of the troglodytes. Also the snood (Gaul) for the hair of the woman, was a sign of this foundation by opening, at the time of puberty.
The first foundation depended on opening and dividing for the one to become twain, in the way and ways described.
The one that first opened was the mother, who divided in producing the child, that opened her, and was then personified as the opener in mythology; the Sut-Horus or Ptah in Egypt; Chrysoros τόν ανοιγέα in Phoenicia; Samas the Assyrian Heaven-opener, or the god Pundjel of the Australian Blacks, whose name denotes the Opener, and of whom they, the natives, say he has a knife and a Ber-rang, with which he can open anything in such a way that no one can tell how or where the opening was made.
The body divides into arms, breasts, thighs, legs, and becomes twain; and as primitive man began with the body, limbs, members, and gestures, these were his primary means of putting or posing his sense of need, his feelings and thoughts, in visible and imitable attitudes; and it is natural that the most primitive types and type-names should commence with the human body, also that these should be universal. Gesture-signs preceded speech. These were continued in the representation of numbers and verbs. The origin of digital reckoning shows us a way to words by means of things; the things in this case being mainly limited to the limbs of the human body. This enables us to establish a principle of naming, and prove how a very few words could name many things. For, when language first began, there could have been but few sounds that were combined [p.234] to form a few words which became the archetypes of human speech. The evolutionist alone can comprehend the economy of nature in the commencement. These few archetypes were of necessity applied to various things, and the process evolved a larger number of homo-types, or variants in things which are found to be interchangeable equivalents under the same name.
The typology of the Two Truths has now been applied to numbers, and it has been demonstrated that number was a prime factor in naming, which constitutes a link between gesture-signs and the words of later language.
This page last updated: 20/02/2014